OHQ vol. 113, no. 4 reviews Sonny Montes and Mexican American Activism in Oregon by Glenn Anthony May Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2011. Illustrations, maps, notes, index. 314 pages. $24.00 paper. In a historical biography that resembles a climactic thriller,GlennAnthony May gives voice to the struggles and experiences of Mexican Americans in Oregon, filling a gap in socialmovement history. To readers, the revised images of Chicano resistance and empowerment correct the historical invisibility and recover the historical memory of the Chicano struggle for social justice. Above all, the book powerfullycapturesthehumanity,courage,and conviction of Sonny Montes, a tireless political and community activist for farmworkers and working-class Mexican Americans. It will increase our understanding of Chicanos in Oregon and influence the field of Chicano/a Studies regionally and more broadly. A historian trained at Yale University with a specialization in Chicano history, May tells three related stories: Montes’s activism, the Mexican American community in Oregon, and the development of a Chicano movement. Taking a linear focus, May deftly documents these stories with over thirty-three individual interviews conducted over an eight-year period, along with archival research in private collections and trial records. Using social movement theory, May privileges the experiences of Celedonio Montes, Jr., or “Sonny,” whose gradual ascent into political activism was shaped by his own racialized experiences. By age five, he was working as a migrant farmworker, moving from Weslaco to Fort Worth, Texas, and then to Oregon, with an interim stop in California. He experienced Jim Crow–era segregation in South Texas and institutional racism in schools,where his teachers and counselor told him he was“not college material.”May’s account makes room for feelingswithinsocial -movementtheory,discussing experiences of humiliation, dehumanization, and racial violence. In the chapter“Contexts,”May examines the history of colonization in Oregon, contrasting the land assets of white settlers with the mostly landless economic status of migrant farm laborers, including braceros, who comprised an internal colony a century later. Hypersegregation , intense political repression, and their status as members of internal colonies contributed to the deplorable working conditions of Mexican Americans. The story of the Valley Migrant League (VML), created to assist migrants who wanted to leave the migrant stream and settle in Oregon ,begins during Pres.Lyndon Johnson’sWar on Poverty during the 1960s.Farmworkers used the “Tio Tomás” (“Uncle Tom”) racial epithet to level accusations atVML’s political machination of token representation and control. May alludes to the internal and external colonization that Chicanos struggled with; however, Chicanos’ bicultural identity belies the simple monolithic binary that ignores heterogeneity and the tension of identity politics. Gradually, the VML’s paternalistic and individualistic ideology shifted to community development that examined power relations. Federal regulations and rifts between growers and workers hampered the work and autonomy of theVML. “The Revolution” chapter chronicles John Little’s tenure as director of the VML, relying heavily on organizational minutes and reports. At a study session with farmworker clubs, six resolutions to increase farmworker representation were adopted. The Office of Economic Opportunity’s (OEO) Migrant Division undercut their efforts,however,which prompted the first outreach to politicians. In a Reviews sequential move,theVML motioned to require “farmworker background” in all key positions and eliminated “educational requirements for VML employment,” thus challenging racial exclusion. Meetings with Little ignited in Montes the fire for racial justice and raised his ethnic consciousness and activist zeal. The “ethnic dimension” was a visible effect of an emerging Chicano movement in Oregon. The VML was portrayed as a collective action group that coalesced with such allies as Los Amigos — what May calls a Mexican American network. That concept, however, ignores the sexist oppression of Chicanas within the male-dominated movement that marginalized them. In the “Activist” chapter, May examines Montes’s personal challenges, in particular his marriage and intrafamily class tensions. May’s analysis conceals Montes’s first wife Librada’s emerging subjectivity and liberation by redefining her own family networks. In the next few chapters, May examines the historical context of Chicano/a Studies in colleges and universities. As the Ethnic Affairs Director for Mount Angel College, Montes recommitted the college to fulfill its mission to the...