Indigenous Labour Force Research Articles

Condiciones laborales de las comunidades indígenas en la región metropolitana de Guadalajara, México

espanolEn este trabajo, desde la perspectiva de la sociologia del trabajo, pretendemos analizar las condiciones laborales que experimenta el universo de la fuerza de trabajo indigena, por autodescripcion, que conto, en 2015, con un empleo en la Region Metropolitana Guadalajara (RMG) [1]. Dicho analisis se establece con base en los microdatos de la Encuesta Intercensal de dicho ano. Ello, con la pretension de identificar los distintos niveles de precariedad y, de no precariedad salarial, asi como de distintas prestaciones laborales que registra la fuerza de trabajo indigena. Es decir, pretendemos ofrecer evidencia estadistica sobre las condiciones de desigualdad laboral y de la heterogeneidad que impera en la precariedad y no precariedad laboral que enfrenta la fuerza de trabajo indigena que labora en la RMG. EnglishIn this work, from the perspective of the sociology of work, we intend to analyze the working conditions experienced by the universe of the indigenous labor force, by self-description, which in 2015, had a job in the Guadalajara Metropolitan Region (RMG). Said analysis is established based on the microdata of the Intercensal Survey of said year. This, with the aim of identifying the different levels of precariousness and of non-wage precariousness, as well as different labor benefits registered by the indigenous labor force. That is, we intend to offer statistical evidence on the conditions of labor inequality and the heterogeneity that prevails in the precariousness and non-labor precariousness faced by the indigenous labor force that works in the RMG.

Политический кризис в Либерии 1979-2003 годов в воспоминаниях президента страны Эллен Джонсон-Сирлиф

The article describes political crises and the civil war in Liberia provided in the autobiography of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, first female President in this African country, in the period between the late 1960’s till her assent into power in 2006. Over this period Johnson-Sirleaf occupied high positions in various governments and had closely encountered with all Liberian Presidents starting with William Tolbert as well as the leaders of opposition and key figures of the civil war (1989 - 2003). Despite author’s biases and attempts to present the described material in the manner most favorable to herself, the memoire contains a large quantity of confidential information regarding the political processes and can serve as an important source covering Liberian civil war and the preceding political crisis. Significant attention is paid to ethnic tensions caused by socio-economic and political privileges of Americo-Liberians with respects to the indigenous population of Liberia. Another set of problems is tied to the features of the economic model that emerged in the country, primarily based on raw material exports and the use of cheap indigenous labor force. The information disclosed by Johnson-Sirleaf allows one to attain a more complete understanding of how the successive heads of state and leaders of opposition movements were looking for solutions to the crisis that loomed for decades and how they all failed at this task. In general, this autobiography is a very substantive source shedding light not only onto the situation in Liberia but also onto the key political processes in West Africa at the turn of the 21st century.

Imperialism in the Marxian conception of globalisation

The paper aims to reconstruct the Marxian vision of the place and role of capitalism in shaping worldwide, global relationships and interconnections, as well as in setting the historical limits of globality. It is shown that both globality as a product of capitalism itself and the worldwide expansion of capital are imperialist by nature. With regard to Marx’s viewpoint on how the law of value works on an international scale, non-equivalent exchange as a basis for imperialist domination can be attributed to the fact that the value created in peripheral countries of the global capitalist system is handed over to its industrially developed core — without receiving any value in return. This usually takes place in three ways. The first one involves direct exploitation of indigenous labour force by the capital of the core. The second one is related to the mechanism of the world market where backward countries sell the produced commodities at a price below their value to advanced countries which, in turn, sell their commodities at a price above their value (with respect to the average price for a particular commodity worldwide). The third way is a combination of both the above. Another aspect worth mentioning is that capitalism eliminates economic fragmentation of both the means of production and ownership, which prevailed at earlier stages of the evolution of private property. Furthermore, capitalism incorporates local, regional and national markets into a single global one, as well as concentrates productive forces of the entire humankind through global value chains and production networks. This entails socialisation of labour (which Marx referred to as ‘Vergesellschaftung der Arbeit’) on an unprecedented scale. This also enables the transition to social (in Marx’s terms, ‘gesellschaftliche’) production, which serves to overcome alienation and eradicate poverty. In Marx’s opinion, capitalism is historically justified because it creates the material basis for a new society. On the one hand, capitalism fosters new types of relations, which are global in character and based on interdependence among people; besides, it generates means for these relations. On the other hand, capitalism facilitates development of human productive forces and makes it possible, by means of science, to transform production of material goods into control of nature. Therefore, history turns into a truly global history, and this is a prerequisite for its transformation from prehistory into a real history. This process coincides with the transition to a communist economic system.

Mapping the genomic mosaic of two 'Afro-Bolivians' from the isolated Yungas valleys.

BackgroundUnraveling the ancestry of ‘Afro-American’ communities is hampered by the complex demographic processes that took place during the Transatlantic Slave Trade (TAST) and the (post-)colonization periods. ‘Afro-Bolivians’ from the subtropical Yungas valleys constitute small and isolated communities that live surrounded by the predominant Native American community of Bolivia. By genotyping >580,000 SNPs in two ‘Afro-Bolivians’, and comparing these genomic profiles with data compiled from more than 57 African groups and other reference ancestral populations (n = 1,161 in total), we aimed to disentangle the complex admixture processes undergone by ‘Afro-Bolivians’.ResultsThe data indicate that these two genomes constitute a complex mosaic of ancestries that is approximately 80 % of recent African origin; the remaining ~20 % being European and Native American. West-Central Africa contributed most of the African ancestry to ‘Afro-Bolivians’, and this component is related to populations living along the Atlantic coast (i.e. Senegal, Ghana, Nigeria). Using tract length distribution of genomic segments attributable to distinct ancestries, we could date the time of admixture in about 400 years ago. This time coincides with the maximum importation of slaves to Bolivia to compensate the diminishing indigenous labor force needed for the development of the National Mint of Potosí.ConclusionsOverall, the data indicate that the genome of ‘Afro-Bolivians’ was shaped by a complex process of admixture occurring in America among individuals originating in different West-Central African populations; their genomic mosaics received additional contributions of Europeans and local Native Americans (e.g. Aymaras).Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s12864-016-2520-x) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

Spatial Variability in the Distribution of Migrants and Indigenous Labour Force among Oil Companies in Ogba/Ndoni/Egbema Local Government Area of Rivers State

Labour migration is generally seen as a cross-border movement of people for the purpose of employment in another geographical area. It is a decision by individuals that impacts on the welfare of the household, the home community, and in the end the whole economy in various ways. The objective of this study was to determine the spatial variability in the distribution of labour migrants among oil companies in Ogba/Ndoni/Egbema Local Government Area of River State. There are a total of nine oil companies operating in the study area, out of which six were selected for study because of their accessibility to information. The locations of the oil companies are Obrikom (Agip), Obagi (Ponticelli Nig. Ltd), Ogbogu (Saipem), Idu (Agip), Obite (Total) and Omoku (Agip). Six hundred copies of questionnaire were distributed to the oil companies with each having one hundred copies. The content of the questionnaire bothers on demographic characteristics of the respondents, place of origin of migrants, employment structure and the distribution of migrants among the six oil companies. The study adopted both descriptive and inferential statistics for data analysis. Descriptive statistical method such as tables, charts, standard deviation, means frequencies and percentages were used whereas the inferential statistical tool i.e. the independent ‘t’ test was used to test for the variability in labour migration and the differences in population of indigenes and labour migrants in the oil companies. The result of the study generally indicated that 332 (68%) of the migrants come from Imo, Delta and Akwa Ibom State; 42% of the workforce in the oil companies are semi-skilled; 1415 of the total number of labour force of 2358 are migrants while 943 are indigenes. The result of the test statistics analysis indicated that the number of labour migrants in the study area was highly variable with the mean of 236 and the computed variance of 284.83. The standard deviation was 11.44. The result of the hypothesis, showed that the calculated value of 2.0 was greater than the table value of 1.96, which led to the rejection of the null hypothesis meaning that there is a significant difference between the number of indigenes and migrant workforce in the oil companies in Onelga. This study finally recommended for more employment of indigenes than migrants so as to avert certain conflicts by the indigenes arising from marginalization.

Escravidão indígena e trabalho compulsório no Rio de Janeiro colonial

This article emphasizes the importance of the indigenous labor force inthe captaincy of Rio de Janeiro until at least the mid-seventeenth century, focusingon indigenous slavery Indian compulsory labor). Although the slave trade was alreadydeveloping and the work of black slaves were already well used, the Indiansconstituted essential work force.

Influences on Indigenous Labour Market Outcomes

Key points: This paper uses data from the 2008 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey (NATSISS) to model the links between various personal characteristics and activities, and four Indigenous labour market outcomes. As causality may run in either direction, results are interpreted as associations. Results typically differ between men and women, in part because of different responsibilities in relation to child rearing, broader family responsibilities and other specialisation in unpaid work. Of these differences, the most notable were those for educational attainment. Results suggest that for women, attainment of year 10 or above is associated with a higher probability of employment and labour force participation, whereas this is less evident for men. Results confirm findings from previous research that other human capital factors, such as good health, are positively associated with Indigenous employment and labour force participation. Arrest and imprisonment were found to be negatively associated with Indigenous employment and labour force participation. A history of arrest was found to have a larger negative association with employment for women compared to men. Models that omit personal characteristics that might determine an individual’s labour supply (such as ability, motivation and preferences) are likely to produce biased estimates of the effect of the human capital factors that are included in the model (such as education, health and disability). One benefit of including variables in the model that represent cultural and social engagement is that they may act as proxies for unobserved personal characteristics, reducing the impact of this source of bias. The cultural and social engagement factors were found to have statistically significant associations with Indigenous labour market outcomes for women, but not for men. For women there were positive associations between employment and labour force participation, and engagement in social cultural events and the provision of support outside the household. A greater understanding of the links between social capital and labour market outcomes could be explored using alternative econometric models. However, there are limits to the indicators that can be derived from the data.

Revisiting the Relationship Between the Macroeconomy and Indigenous Labour Force Status

Almost 20 years ago, an article in Economic Papers by Altman and Daly asked “Do fluctuations in the macroeconomy influence Aboriginal employment status?” This paper revisits this question in view of recent evidence. Indigenous people are more likely than before to be employed in industries similar to that of other Australians, and hence are less insulated from the business cycle. The greater engagement in the Australian economy is not something to be feared as it means that Indigenous employment will eventually respond to sustained macroeconomic growth. Indeed, Indigenous employment in the private sector converged rather quickly to the Australian average over the ten years of buoyant economic conditions between 1996 and 2006. Economic slow‐downs do circumscribe the ability to improve Indigenous employment outcomes, but this simply means that educational and training investments become even more important in ensuring that Indigenous people are in a competitive position once economic growth picks up again.

Creating French Settlements Overseas: Pronatalism and Colonial Medicine in Madagascar

This article explores the reasons that pronatalists in the Third Republic aligned the resolution of the depopulation crisis with the fate of settler colonialism. Convinced that the French population grew more quickly when far away from the metropole, pronatalists presented colonial emigration and settlement as means by which to strengthen the French race. The demographic importance that pronatalists attached to imperialism also led them to study colonial initiatives in population growth, most notably those of Governor-General Joseph-Simon Gallieni in Madagascar. Gallieni's belief that a large indigenous labor force was essential to preparing the colony for more extensive French settlement led him to introduce a series of reforms intended to increase the colony's Merina population. Though Gallieni's reforms reflected racial and gender assumptions specific to Madagascar, pronatalists in France considered them applicable to their own efforts to address the gendered causes of French racial decline. Cet article examine la raison pour laquelle les natalistes soutenaient le peuplement colonial pendant la Troisième République. Croyant que la population française avait une natalité plus forte aux colonies qu'en France, les natalistes affirmaient que l'émigration coloniale pouvait répondre aux causes de la dépopulation et rendre plus forte la race française. Convaincus de l'importance démographique de l'empire colonial, les natalistes étudiaient les réformes natalistes introduites à Madagascar par le gouverneur-général Joseph Gallieni. Gallieni a conclu que le peuplement à Madagascar ne pouvait pas se développer sans l'existence d'une grande main-d'œuvre indigène. Pour cette raison, il a introduit plusieurs réformes pour favoriser l'accroissement de la population indigène de la colonie. Bien que ces réformes aient évoqué les suppositions basées sur les idées de race et du genre propres à Madagascar, les natalistes en France croyaient que de telles réformes aideraient leurs propres efforts tendant à rendre plus forte la race française.

THE SHADOW‐PRICE OF LABOUR AND EMPLOYMENT BENEFITS IN A DEVELOPING ECONOMY

The paper describes and analyses data obtained from a survey of the labour force of a tuna cannery in Papua New Guinea. Estimates of the value of employees’ work and travel time are obtained and used to calculate the shadow‐price of labour under alternative assumptions about the labour market and the economy. The shadow‐prices are used to calculate annual employment benefits to the indigenous labour force and to the economy as a whole. These benefits can amount to approximately half of the gross wage bill. Benefits by sex and skill category of worker are also reported. The results of the paper can be used to calculate employment benefits in other similar circumstances in other industries and countries.

Blacks, Indians, and Spaniards in the Eastern Andes: reclaiming the forgotten in colonial Mizque, 1550-1782

Blacks, Indians, and Spaniards in the Eastern Andes examines the little known province of Mizque and its colonial populations from 1550 to 1782. Mizque's sub-puna valleys, lowland plains, and tropical forests boasted multiple desirable ecological zones. It was inhabited by diverse Andean ethnic groups, some with Amazonian ties and some who were aggressive warriors. The Spanish conquest of the region, incomplete at best, reconfigured the land and labor systems and created a hinterland-to-highland colonial market system, fostering an economic boom in wine, sugar, coca, and livestock. African slaves brought in to supplement the rapidly declining indigenous labor force further contributed to demographic and economic change beyond the control of the Spanish imperial state. Lolita Gutierrez Brockington's work also analyzes how imperial control met with resistance and how Africans, Indians, and Spaniards, and their descendants interacted with one another. Her study uncovers an intersection and cross-fertilization of sociocultural measurements identifiable in the workplace, courts, church, and private lives. Brockington innovatively uses Spanish colonial documentary sources, including serial financial accounts of wealthy orphans, court cases, parish records, and census information of hacienda workers to elucidate race, ethnic, class, and gender issues within the colonial reality of contradiction and ambiguity.

O Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão na nova ordem política pombalina: a Companhia Geral do Grão-Pará e Maranhão e o Diretório dos Índios (1755-1757)

The present research focuses on the relations between the creation of the General Company of Grao-Para and Maranhao and the indigenist politics regarding the north part of Portuguese America in the decade of 1750, specially the Diretorio dos Indios (Directory of the Indians). It was verified that those guidelines were deeply related to each other, acting together on the colonial project of political and economical secularization of religious missions, the appropriation of the indigenous labor force and reversion of the preexisting economic dynamics in Grao-Para and Maranhao in benefit of the Portuguese traders, in order to transform in into an important part of the mercantile system of the South Atlantic.

Immigrants in a segmented and often undeclared labour market

This article develops a systematic analysis of available data on foreign workers in the Italian economy. Their presence reflects the fragmented character of Italian labour markets and the particular importance in Italy of the ‘hidden economy’. These factors alone explain why Italy experiences simultaneously a shortage of labour and high labour costs, from which the demand for foreign labour has resulted. The study uses both official data and the findings of a number of secondary studies in the field to show how foreign workers participate in all the lower branches of employment and in some sectors have become the predominant group. However, the presence of foreign workers varies considerably by sector and by region, in turn reflecting certain structural features of the Italian economy. The study concludes by arguing that the presence of these foreign workers in the Italian labour market serves to perpetuate its flexibility, in some cases by complementing and in others by substituting for the indigenous labour force.

Indigenous Small Enterprise Development: Implications For Policy

There are a number of important ways in which economic independence for Indigenous Australians can be enhanced and the economic development of their communities promoted. An important avenue will lie in the establishment of small business enterprises. The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody made valuable proposals about the means by which government policies and programs might be structured to maximise the opportunities for improving the economic situation of Indigenous people. This included the identification of a number of small business sectors seen to be important in promoting Indigenous economic development. Many of these proposals have remained dormant. Within this context an initial requirement is for a better understanding of the main determinants of Indigenous labour force behaviour at the local level. A main purpose of this paper therefore is to investigate, using Population Census data, the Indigenous labour force outcomes of a number of small, relatively remote regions within the Northern Territory of Australia.

Reliability of Indigenous Employment Estimates

Since 1971, the main vehicle for establishing a measure of the labour force status of Indigenous Australians has been the five-yearly Census. For the total population, census data are complemented by inter-censal estimates of labour force status derived from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Labour Force Survey (LFS) first instituted in 1964. This long-standing commitment to data gathering reflects the importance of employment, unemployment, and labour force participation rates as key national indicators of social and economic wellbeing. To the extent that Indigenous people have formed part of the sample for the LFS and have participated in the process, they have always been included in the ensuing statistical profile. However, it was not until 1994, in the March survey round, that a question was added to enable the separate identification of Indigenous people within the sample. This practice has subsequently been repeated annually in each February survey. Thus, for one month in each of the past six years, the ABS has gathered statistics that provide for the calculation of Indigenous labour force status, although they have only recently released these data as official, albeit experimental, estimates (ABS, 2000). From the perspective of policy evaluation, considerable interest surrounds these latest available official measures of Indigenous economic status. As annual estimates, they offer the possibility of establishing trends in labour force status that are more aligned — at least more so than are census data — with identifiable policy shifts and macroeconomic shocks. The time series charted from the sequence of survey results is also suggestive, at least at face value, of a sizeable decline in the Indigenous unemployment rate since the mid 1990s, and a current upward trend in employment levels. These apparently positive results are potentially significant indications for policy and raise a number of pertinent questions. They suggest, perhaps, that improvement is at long last emerging. They possibly reflect the success of the Indigenous Employment Policy. They may be a consequence of macroeconomic, or of microeconomic change. Previous research has found little if any link between macroeconomic change and Indigenous labour force status (Altman and Daly, 1993) — do the results of the LFS suggest otherwise? It appears that policy-makers are already responding to this new source of data. For example, in its final submission to the Commonwealth Grants

They Eat from Their Labor: Work and Social Change in Colonial Bolivia.

This study of the growth of an indigenous labour force in Upper Peru opens up areas of research in colonial history. It examines what kind of economic system resulted from the interaction between Spain's commercial exploitation of its colonies and traditional Andean patterns of social organization.

Pastoral Stations and Reserves in South and Central Australia, 1850s-1950s

The colonisation of South and Central Australia had a huge impact on the pre existing Aboriginal economy, with an inevitable movement from full Aboriginal involvement in their own economy to increasing participation in the non Aboriginal economy. These changes, which occurred in different parts of the region over more than a century, moved through three broad phases. First was the imposition of colonial control over Aboriginal lands and labour. Second was the utilisation of Aboriginal labour in the rural, and to a much lesser extent, urban economy. Finally, in the latter part of the twentieth century there was a movement from Aboriginal under-employment to high rates of unemployment.1 This chapter chiefly concerns the second of these phases. It is argued that while Aboriginal people participated in the Australian labour market, particularly the rural sector, they were generally treated as a labour reserve which could be drawn on for seasonal and casual work. When not employed, Aboriginal workers and their families were expected to return to segregated communities on pastoral stations or reserves. Before discussing the pastoral and reserve system, I will briefly put that period of Aboriginal employment into its historical context. Donald Denoon in his study Settler Capitalism suggests that regions such as Australia, which were sparsely populated by peoples without centralised, coercive polities in precolonial times, were subjected to new kinds of production by colonial powers. He contrasts these settler economies with colonies in the tropics where Europeans extracted trade goods produced by the labour of local indigenous peoples. Denoon argues that in settler societies farming could not co-exist with indigenous economic activities. European settlers did not build on or exploit pre-existing modes of production, but introduced new modes which responded to the needs of export production. These modes of production were largely rural-based stock production and agriculture. Settlers could not depend on an indigenous labour force for their main source of labour, so convicts, indentured, or other forms of 'unfree' labour were initially recruited. But by the mid-nineteenth century, labour had become a commodity to be bought with wages. Some indigenous peoples were absorbed into these new economies, but generally indigenous peoples in settler societies have been regarded as marginal to settler economies, or even an impediment to them.2 South and Central Australia, unlike many of the settler societies surveyed by Denoon, did not utilise convict or indentured non-indigenous labour. In the mid-nineteenth century, free, non-indigenous labour was plentiful enough to establish the urban centre of Adelaide and agriculture on the Adelaide Plains and beyond. Pastoralism was also established in the south-east, along the Murray

Employment, Income and Economic Identity in the U.S. Virgin Islands

The explosive tourism-led growth experienced by the U.S. Virgin Islands during the 1960s and early 1970s reflected the duality of the Virgin Islands’ socioeconomic identity. Although growth was dependent on the U.S. economy and U.S. policies, it also reaffirmed the links the Virgin Islands had developed with the Eastern Caribbean labor market in spite of their unique history as a Danish and then an American colony. Relatively large scale inflows of Eastern Caribbean labor caused both general and relative wage effects, compression of the wage and income structures, and redistribution of income away from labor. Increased labor market segmentation exacerbated the inherent ambivalence of the Virgin Islands’ Eastern Caribbean identity. The nature of the transformation of employment and income in the Virgin Islands undermined the benefits derived by the indigenous labor force and established the bases of subsequent socioeconomic conflict.

Brunei Darussalam in 1986: In Search of the Political Kingdom

Inscribed on the granite base of the statue of Winston Churchill overlooking the world's one and only Churchill Memorial in Bandar Seri Begawan, Churchill's remark aptly captures the mood of Brunei in 1986. If a modern day Pigafetta1 were to call at Brunei Bay today, he would find an abode of peace and seeming abundance. Brunei is truly blessed: the country is awash with money from its vast ooze of gas and oil which is expected to last at least another twenty-five years. The oil and gas sector continues to generate about 80 per cent of the income and an even higher proportion of government revenue.2 Yet it employs only a small fraction of the total work-force in Brunei. In striking contrast, the Civil Service accounts for more than two-thirds of the indigenous labour force. Outside the public sector, the Chinese community supplies most of the work-force. A 1984 study of private sector companies undertaken by Brunei's Economic Planning Unit showed that better pay and attractive fringe benefits offered by the government were posing staffing problems for private firms.3 The latter complained that Malay workers lacked expertise and dedication and usually remained in their jobs for short periods only, using private sector employment as a stepping stone to government jobs. Brunei's woes, consequently, are unique in this part of the world and they are problems shared more by countries in the Middle East, such as Oman, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Brought up in an affluent environment, better educated than their elders, and certainly more aware of the opportunities modernity brings, young Bruneians obviously expect that the state should take care of them from cradle to grave. However, the economy in which they must seek their employment is one which continues to be based on a very narrow employment fovindation ? an economy in which the dominant industry is also the most capital intensive. To date at least the situation has been ameliorated largely by their absorption into an ever-expanding public sector, but a key issue is whether this can go on indefinitely, especially with the population growing by three per cent annually. Already the first symptoms of the problems which employment and underemployment have led to in many other countries have begun to appear in Brunei in the form of drug abuse, alcoholism, and vandalism. This was highlighted in 1986 in a comment by the then Education and Health Minister, Pehin Abdul Aziz, that the number of people convicted

Accessibility Measurement by the Cumulative-Opportunity Method

An understanding of multi-dimensional regional structure is indispensable in regional planning. Accessibility is one of the most useful indices. Measures of accessibility are grouped according to method of calculation into three types, namely the network measure (formula 2), potential measure (the measure of population potential-type is formula 3, and measure of potential transportation cost-type is formula 4) and the cumulative-opportunity measure (formula 1). The cumulative-opportunity measure has merits differing from the other two measures because of its method of calculation. The purpose of this paper is to calculate accessibilities for employment opportunities in Fukuoka Prefecture by the cumulative-opportunity measure. The distribution of accessibilities was compared with ones calculated by the other two measures. Afterward, the practical applications of accessibility were examined. The data were obtained from the 1980 Population Census of Japan and the time-distance between each district. The main findings are summarized as follows:1. The distribution of accessibility calculated by the cumulative-opportunity measure expresses clearly regional differences and the effect of complicated traffic routes. Districts with high accessibility are located not only along the Kagoshima-line, Nishitetsu-line and Chikuho-line, but also along the Sasaguri-line, Nippo-line, Chikuhi-line and Kyudai-line. These districts correspond well with the districts in which the indigenous labor force is presently increasing or is expected to increase in the near future. Accordingly, this measure is maybe said to be a tool useful for regional planning.2. The distribution of accessibility calculated by the network measure reflects the traffic network. However, the distribution of accessibility cannot express the effect of the detailed traffic route and the evaluation for regional differences of accessibility becomes insufficient. Accordingly, detailed analysis is impossible with this measure. The distribution of accessibility calculated by the potential measure of potential transportation cost-type is similar to the one calculated with the network measure. The distribution of accessibility calculated with the other type of potential measure, which is the measure of population potential-type, reflects strongly the distribution of employment opportunities. Highly accessible districts correspond to high hierarchical centers and not to the districts in which the local labor force is presently increasing or expected to increase in the near future.3. Accessibility for population distribution of labor force was calculated by substituting the population of the indigenous labor force as an attractor variable. As a result it was concluded that accessible districts are suitable for the construction of new industrial areas and the relocation of businesses from the city centre. To measure the discrepancy between accessibility for employment opportunities and that for the local labor force suggests which important districts are important for regional planning.4. Further, this indicates that accessibility for employment opportunities and population distribution of the labor force by separate occupations could be calculated by taking the population data of individual occupations as an attractor variable.