India Relations Research Articles

Salience of Buddhism as an Instrument of Soft Power in India’s Neighborhood

This research paper explores the salience of Buddhism as a potent instrument of soft power within India's neighborhood. Buddhism, with its profound historical and cultural roots in India, has transcended geographical boundaries to become an influential force that shapes diplomatic relationships and socio-cultural ties in the region. This study delves into the multifaceted dimensions of Buddhism's role in India's foreign policy and its impact on fostering closer relationships with neighboring countries. The paper begins by tracing the historical trajectory of Buddhism in India and its subsequent diffusion to neighboring nations. It examines how Buddhism has not only endured as a spiritual and philosophical tradition but has also evolved into a dynamic tool for international engagement. In this context, it delves into the significance of Buddhism as a cultural bridge that connects India with its neighboring countries, transcending linguistic and religious differences. The study also evaluates the geopolitical implications of Buddhism's resurgence in India's neighborhood. It assesses the impact of India's Buddhist diplomacy on regional stability, security, and economic cooperation. Special attention is given to India's relations with countries like China, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and Myanmar, where Buddhism holds particular significance. In conclusion, this research underscores the enduring relevance of Buddhism as an instrument of soft power in India's neighborhood. It emphasizes the need for India to harness its rich Buddhist heritage and promote intercultural dialogues as essential components of its foreign policy toolkit, furthering its diplomatic objectives and fostering enduring bonds with its neighbors.

India and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: In search of a middle ground

AbstractThe Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit (2023) in virtual format only exposed the growing disconnect between India and the members of this multilateral framework. Given the precarious state of India's relations with its immediate neighbors, China and Pakistan, and the growing camaraderie between Beijing and Moscow, this article examines the reasons behind New Delhi's continued need to engage with this multilateral framework. While India seeks to use the SCO as a “bridge” to improve its ties with Central Asian nations and act as a “check and balance” within the organization, Beijing's ascendancy as the “primary” external actor in the Af‐Pak and Central Asia region has meant that India's ability to gain advantages from its association with the SCO will be severely limited. As the protracted war in Ukraine continues unabated, India's attempts to find a “middle ground” between competing interests and principles will be put to the test.

Hostility vs. Reluctance: Implication of Nuclear Posture Adoption towards India's Bilateral Relations with Pakistan and China

This paper examines India's different nuclear posture adoption toward Pakistan and China. India has been developing its nuclear weapons to ensure its survival amidst ongoing tensions with Pakistan and China. However, India's relationship with China tends to be cooperative, while Pakistan tends to be conflictual. Theoretically, the mutual accumulation of nuclear power will increase tension and further deteriorate bilateral relations. Through posture optimization theory and Jervis' four worlds, this article qualitatively compares the two cases and its implication for their bilateral relations. The result shows that India's adoption of an assured retaliation posture that directly deters Pakistan affects their relationship to be hostile and leaves no possibilities for cooperation. On the contrary, the existence of the United States as India's strategic partner made China reluctant to be aggressive and opt for diplomatic settlements with India. India-Pakistani relations dynamics reflect Jervis's doubly dangerous world, while Sino-Indian relations reflect the second world unaffected by the accumulation of power, although there is an intense security dilemma. Keywords: India; Pakistan; China; Nuclear Posture; Nuclear Policy

Strategic Partnership between India and the United States: Examining Driving and Restraining Forces

This article aims to analyze the historical trajectory and current state of relations between India and the United States, spanning from India's independence in 1947 to the present, with a focus on identifying key stages of development, outcomes, and prospects. The establishment of a strategic partnership between the two countries has evolved through various phases, driven by economic, political, and ideological factors. However, certain limitations hinder the further deepening of this partnership, including disagreements on international political issues, India's pursuit of an independent foreign policy and reluctance to assume a subordinate role, inadequate US support on critical matters, and India's continued cooperation with Russia. Conversely, factors stimulating the growth of the strategic partnership encompass India's robust economic growth, its potential role as a counterbalance to China's expanding influence in Asia, shared interests in maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region, mutual concerns about regional security, recent progress in nuclear policy agreements, and expanding avenues for cooperation in diverse domains. The article further examines the unique characteristics of India's relationship with the United States, which shape the nature of their existing strategic partnership, such as the shifting focus from the political and strategic realm to economic interactions, India's commitment to maintaining "strategic autonomy" and non-alignment in its deepening cooperation, its ability to differentiate between political partnership and economic collaboration, and the preservation of a multi-vector foreign policy approach. Based on the analysis, the authors assert that while a strategic military and political alliance between the two powers is unlikely in the near future, their relationship will continue to evolve within the framework of a strategic partnership. The findings of this study will provide insights for policymakers in the South and Southeast Asia region to anticipate developments and adjust their policies accordingly.

Multi-alignment under "Uneven Multipolarity": India’s Relations with Russia in an Evolving World Order

The article explores the ongoing evolution of India's relationship with Russia, using the concept of "uneven multipolarity" and its specific distribution of capabilities. It argues that India's perception of the balance of threats has shifted with respect to China, particularly in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions, which are crucial to India's national security and future power projection ambitions. In the current context of uneven multipolarity, the capabilities of the US and China exceed those of weaker major powers, such as India, Russia, and Japan, without tipping the system into explicit bipolarity. This specific nature of current polarity and India's "China challenge" have led to shifting alignments in its foreign policy.When combined with changes in Russia's external relations, particularly the breakdown of its relations with the West and growing closeness with China, these factors have created particular constraints on New Delhi's partnership with Moscow. Multi-alignment for India represents a choice other than the formation of alliances as a balancing response, but it does introduce a hierarchy in its foreign relations. Under prevailing conditions, it emphasizes the importance of the relationship with the US while diminishing the significance of the relationship with Russia, even as the value of the bilateral partnership is retained in specific ways. These observations are instrumental in the assessment of the present and future trajectory of Indo-Russian ties presented in the article.

The Ukraine crisis and India: quandaries and implications

ABSTRACT Since the commencement of the conflict in Ukraine, New Delhi has maintained a constant position on the war, insisting that “dialogue” was the best way to resolve differences and disputes. This article seeks to answer the fundamental question of why New Delhi, in spite of its close relations with the West, continues to take a somewhat cautious stance toward Russia's “special military operation” in Ukraine. The article contends that New Delhi's ambivalence toward the war in Ukraine can be understood via the “lenses” of legacy, strategy, and “muscular” nationalism. This essay compares and contrasts India's relations with Russia and the West via these prisms in order to explain India's multifaceted response to the situation in Ukraine. New Delhi has relentlessly pushed to protect its national interest and sought to engage with the West on its own terms.

Impacts of Regional and Global Players on the Dynamics of Pak-Iran Relations: Post-US Withdrawal from Afghanistan Scenario

After the US pulled its troops out of Afghanistan, relations between Pakistan and Iran started to return to normal. Both countries have been at odds with each other for a long time because they backed different sides in the Afghan Civil War, and Iran and Saudi Arabia are rivals. However, since the US left, both countries have worked to improve their relationships with each other. Pakistan and Iran have signed several agreements and held joint military drills. Iran and Pakistan have also been having regular diplomatic talks to solve their problems and strengthen their relationships. In particular, the two countries have discussed making a free trade agreement to help their economies work together better. As part of a larger plan to increase its power in the area, Iran has also tried to expand its presence in Afghanistan and invest in infrastructure projects. Overall, the US leaving Afghanistan has improved the relationship between Pakistan and Iran; the two countries are working together and talking to each other more. This has been good for the area's stability because it has made it less likely that the two countries will fight. This thematic analysis-based study aimed to investigate the dynamics of relations between Pakistan and Iran. The internal situation in Afghanistan after the US left, the US's role and foreign policy in the region, and India's relations with Iran are all things that have had a significant impact on the political situation in the region.

Nuclear Stigma and Deviance in Global Governance: A New Research Agenda

AbstractIn contemporary times, scholars have increasingly turned to the research on norms to study behavior and identity transformation in international politics. This has led to understanding stigma as attached to global actors refusing to follow normatively shared expectations of social conduct. However, the field of nuclear politics has largely ignored this research in particularly identifying how noncompliant states manage their stigmatized identities, after engaging in acts of nuclear deviance against hegemonic norms. By combining and advancing the existing literature on international political sociology, constructivist approaches in international relations theory, and nuclear governance, this paper first argues that stigma should be understood as a position of relational power dynamics that recalcitrant states occupy in contesting dominant norms. Second, it conceptualizes a new category of stigma management as stigma redaction, whereby noncompliant nuclear states occasionally engage in corrective conduct to prevent their identities being permanently cemented as rogue by dominant powers. To contextualize both these arguments, this paper examines the empirical case of India's relationship with the United States, post India's nuclear test in 1974. In doing so, it furthers our understanding of sociological deviance in international politics through an interdisciplinary lens and contributes to the field of international security studies.

Strategic Engagement Amerika Serikat terhadap India 1984-2000

India's relationship with the United States can be said to be volatile from time to time. This is inseparable from the South Asian region which has a high level of conflict vulnerability such as war, nuclear tests, and so on. During the cold war, this area was also a contested area between the Soviet Union and the United States. Towards the end of the Cold War, the United States approached India amid the intimate relations between India and Russia. When the Soviet Union collapsed, India also seemed to accept the United States' approach, one of which was through defense diplomacy. This paper intends to analyze the defense diplomacy process carried out by the United States to India in the period 1984-2000. This research is qualitative research with data collection techniques of documentation studies, as well as the conceptual framework of strategic engagement from Cottey and Forster. The results of the study found that the United States' defense diplomacy process to India could bring the relations between the two countries closer and expand cooperation which is not limited to defense, but also cooperation in other fields.

TO STUDY THE EFFECT OF TALIBAN ON INDIA’S TRADE RELATIONS WITH AFGHANISTAN

India's relationship with Afghanistan varies in various fields ranging from Afghan students studying in India to India providing medical services, infrastructure-based services, and mainly trade services which is crucial to both the countries for which India has been working for decades to establish a route for enhanced connection of trade, energy, and transit from Central Asian region to South Asian region countries. But the invasion of the Taliban into Afghanistan has led to a situation of uncertainties regarding the relations of both the concerned countries, thus heavily impacting the trade, plans, investments, exports, and imports via Afghanistan. Although the Taliban has publicized their plans for the continuation of the earlier set plan, the changes in foreign policy, past relationships, and the current fragile state will affect the plan, and in order to set up Indian companies in the country, India has to set clear views on the same.

India and overseas Indians in Ceylon and Burma, 1946–1965: Experiments in post-imperial sovereignty

AbstractDespite the existence of a large Indian diaspora, there has been relatively little scholarly attention paid to India's relations with overseas Indians after its independence in 1947. The common narrative is that India abruptly cut ties with overseas Indians at independence, as it adhered to territorially based understandings of sovereignty and citizenship. Re-examining India's relations with Indian communities in Ceylon and Burma between the 1940s and the 1960s, this article demonstrates that, despite its rhetoric, independent India did not renounce responsibility for its diaspora. Instead, because of pre-existing social connections that spanned the former British empire, the Government of India faced regular demands to assist overseas Indians, and it responded on several fronts. To understand this continued engagement with overseas Indians, this article introduces the idea of ‘post-imperial sovereignty'. This type of sovereignty was layered, as imperial sovereignty had been, but was also concerned with advancing norms designed to protect minority communities across the world. India’s strategy to argue for these norms was simultaneously multilateral, regional, and bilateral. It sought to use the United Nations, the Commonwealth, and the 1947 Asian Relations Conference to secure rights for overseas Indians. As those attempts failed, India negotiated claims for citizenship with governments in Burma and Ceylon, and shaped the institutions and language through which Indians voiced demands for their rights in these countries. Indian expressions of sovereignty beyond the space of the nation-state, therefore, impacted on practices of citizenship, even during the process of de-recognition in Asia.

Introduction: India–East Asia Relations in the Post-COVID-19 Era

This article argues that India-East Asia relations are likely to enter a new phase in the post-COVID-19 era. The COVID-19 pandemic has hastened the decline of the post-Cold War liberal order that has so far promoted mutual trust and cooperation and underpinned peace and prosperity. This development has enormous implications for East Asia’s international relations. Indeed, significant changes appear to have occurred in the region during the pandemic. On the one hand, the pandemic has accelerated China's growing supremacy, but on the other hand, it has also enhanced its rivalry with all major liberal powers, including the US, India, Japan and Australia. Moreover, the geo-economic front has also witnessed drastic changes as pandemic-induced economic nationalism, economic retaliation, and supply chain restructuring have swept across the region. Hence, it is not premature to proclaim the post-pandemic East Asia will differ from the post-Cold War liberal era. That, in turn, raises important questions: How has the COVID-19 influenced India–East Asia relations? Will the post-COVID-19 era transform India's ties with East Asia? If so, how will this relationship change, and to what extent? This article, and this special issue more broadly, seek to answer these questions. In doing so, we first examine the major geopolitical and geo-economic issues between India and East Asia. Thereafter, we analyze India's relations with South Korea, China, Japan and ASEAN.

India is a Soft Power Diplomacy of Vaccination

Soft Power (application and collaboration power) is gaining significance in diplomacy at the moment. India's foreign policy has been established based on its policies and values. V. Narasimha Rao is a politician from India. India is now known as one of Asia's forces and an important player. India is one of the strategic focal points of South Asia. Neighbouring countries have the potential to play an important direct role. India's foreign policy has been established based on its policies and values. India is now known as one of Asia's forces and an essential player in the international arena. India is one of the strategic focal points of South Asia. Since taking office, India has sought to prioritize its neighbours in foreign policy. India does not want to be limited to a specific selection. Chin is ready to develop exclusive supremacy in this region. New Delhi will not hesitate to use muscle strength in response to anti-India activities. India wants to retain friendly ties with Russia as well as reconciliation with China. The relationship between India and China is currently very complex. Conservatism, nationalism, and the Post-truth doctrine are all on the rise. China's recent border incidents are the country's worst adverse action since 1962. Europe is embroiled in internal conflict after decades in charge. India must devise a new strategy for establishing ties with the European Union, writes Ravi Agrawal. The last two decades have seen an increase in turbulence and complexity in India's relations with the Middle East, he says. In India's foreign policy, the African continent is a critical topic, he writes. India's alliance with the African Union is now much better, according to the BRICS or IBSA. India has a lot to do with the pace at which the global system is changing. The solar alliance was established in November 2015 on Prime Minister Modi's initiative. The aim is to help the Paris Climate Agreement go into effect. As one of the world's leading forces, India must send a message to the world about its capability. The nation is demonstrating how to balance economic development.

Specific aspects of indian foreign policy: stagnation and changes

This article focuses on how India organized its foreign policy from the time of independence until the beginning of the 21st century and on the basis of which strategies it pursued. The paper also examines in detail the internal and external factors that have helped the country to achieve effective, positive results in foreign policy and, conversely, have had a significant negative impact. In addition, the article pays special attention to India's relations with the United States, China and Russia, which are currently striving for global hegemony, and the competition between these countries in India. At the same time, the successes, shortcomings and conflicts in India’s relations with its neighbors - Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan - are highlighted, as well as their specific reasons. Chronological approach, comparison and synthesis-analysis methods were used in writing the article. It consists of an abstract, keywords, introduction, main part, conclusion and bibliography.

The Future of India's Relations with ASEAN

The Future of India's Relations with ASEAN

The people next door: the curious history of India's relations with Pakistan

‘Neither the extent of goodwill nor the extent of hostility’ between India and Pakistan ‘can be underestimated’ (p. 303). This is the conclusion of T. C. A. Raghavan's remarkable account of the tortuous relations between the two nations since Partition in 1947. Unlike most writers on the subject, Raghavan focuses as much on the goodwill as the hostility, as he charts the almost endless succession of highs and lows in bilateral relations. Indeed, he quickly identifies the cyclical nature of the narrative, as each setback is followed, often with extraordinary speed, by a further attempt at dialogue. As he observes, ‘the traditional divides of hawks and doves fade in importance; at some stage … each camp will be proven right before it is proven wrong’ (p. 303). Raghavan's narrative of the past 70 years is remarkably balanced; indeed he takes the Indian government to task on a number of occasions,...

THE CHANGING NATURE OF THE PAKISTAN FACTOR IN INDIA-GULF RELATIONS: AN INDIAN PERSPECTIVE

India's relations with the Gulf countries started to flourish in the 1990s after India succeeded in de-hyphenating Pakistan from its policy toward the Gulf. Though Pakistan remained a factor as it continued to raise Kashmir and internal situation in India at multilateral forums such as OIC to evoke anti-India sentiments, it did not remain an underlying factor in as was the case during the Cold War era. In the contemporary dynamics, when India-Gulf relations are progressing toward strategic partnerships, Pakistan has re-emerged as a factor but its nature has changed. As highlighted in the joint statements issued during the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visits to the Gulf countries since May 2014, India can now put pressure on Pakistan by highlighting its policy of sponsoring terrorism. This was evident when the Arab Gulf countries condemned the Pathankot (January 2016) and Uri (September 2016) terrorist attacks. India's relations with the Arab Gulf and other Middle Eastern countries are independent of their engagements with Pakistan and India-Pakistan tension, but New Delhi has stepped up efforts to raise the issue of cross-border terrorism and use of religion to incite terror activities against India during its engagements with these countries. It underlines the growing convergence between India and Arab Gulf countries over regional issues and the ability of India to isolate Pakistan over issues related to terrorism.

India-Myanmar Relations: From Idealpolitik To Realpolitik

India's relations with Myanmar was generally cordial and close prior to 1960s. Myanmar Prime Minister U Nu believed it as 'firm Indo-Burmese friendship'. This excellent bilateral relationship between the two countries was generated by political and economic cooperation, plus good personal friendship between U Nu and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Although there were several hiccups along with the relationship of the two countries in the 1960s and 1970s, the bilateral relations were still good. However, after the failed 1988 major demonstration by the Burmese pro-democracy movement against the military rule, the bilateral relations between India and Myanmar was disrupted. India started to criticise strongly the new Burma's military junta - the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). India offered shelters for anti-SLORC dissidents and pro-democracy activists. India criticised strongly Myanmar's poor human rights record and advocated for Myanmar's return to democracy. India gave permission for Myanmar's opposition - the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) to open its office in New Delhi in 1992. During this time, it is clear that India's foreign policy towards Myanmar was to champion democratic ideals, urging and pushing Myanmar to return to democracy. Myanmar saw this as interference in its domestic affairs, but Myanmar lacked a trump card in forcing India to reconsider its stance, prompting Myanmar to turn to China for support. By 1993, India shifted its stances towards Myanmar from advocating democratic ideals to a more realistic policy based on namely the China factor, the economic and strategic interests, and Myanmar's image and international legitimacy, and India's ambition in Southeast Asia.

The Role of China and India in the G20 and BRICS: Commonalities or Competitive Behaviour?

This paper examines China and India's relationship within the ambit of the G20 process and the autonomous BRICS institutional architecture. The evolving relationship of each of these two emerging powers within these different institutional settings demonstrates a degree of agentic commonality and distinction. China's and India's approaches to both the G20 and the BRICS summit processes highlight a combination of status-seeking and hedging behaviour. While China's cautious approach is complemented by assertive leadership in matters of national interest, India's leadership has a very specific orientation towards developmental issues. Whereas China's approach focuses on the United States and the rest of the West, India's approach is increasingly positioned as a response to China.

INDIA'S MYANMAR POLICY AND THE ‘SINO-INDIAN GREAT GAME’

Recent literature has aimed to “deconstruct” the notion of a “Sino-Indian rivalry” in Myanmar. The argument is that China's leverage in Myanmar far outweighs India's, and that the Tatmadaw nevertheless prevents either country's manipulation of Myanmar. In contrast this article argues that the idea of a “Sino-Indian Great Game” still marks the Indian debate, thinking and policy on Myanmar. China's continued rise will remain a main driver behind India's Myanmar policy, and Myanmar will remain geostrategic relevant to India.The article describes the historical legacy of India's relationship with Myanmar, discusses the role of China in Indian Myanmar policies, and examines the effects of Myanmar's democratization process. While the Myanmar playing field has changed, Indian perceptions of a “Sino-Indian Great Game” are lasting.