Indian Nations Research Articles

Colossal Ambitions: Confederate Planning for a Post–Civil War World

Adrian Brettle's book offers a topic new to the literature on the Confederacy: a comprehensive look at planning for the post-Confederate world. The book is well written, though aimed more at scholars than a lay audience. It is based on remarkably intensive research in a variety of sources, including military records, papers of politicians and civilians, and congressional hearings from both sides in the conflict. The simple and counterintuitive thesis of Colossal Ambitions is that an abundant number of Confederate politicians and other leaders, such as planters, engaged in extensive planning for the era after Confederate independence. Brettle quotes optimistic leaders hoping for hegemony over Latin America, industrialization, new cooperation with Indian nations, a reboot of relations with England based on trade, and interaction with the United States. Brettle examines Confederates who had ideas about the future. However, he often describes musing about the postwar world as planning. Dreams of change would matter more if the Confederacy had a process for planning a colossal future and making it happen. For the story to matter, he would need a way to turn ambitions into reality. Brettle depicts the Confederacy's most eloquent voice for progress, the political economist and publisher James D. B. De Bow, as a planner, and here he has a case. However, De Bow, a strong voice for economic reform before the war, is an interesting individual rather than a movement.

Life of the Indigenous Mind: Vine Deloria Jr. and the Birth of the Red Power Movement by David Martínez

Reviewed by: Life of the Indigenous Mind: Vine Deloria Jr. and the Birth of the Red Power Movement by David Martínez Gregory D. Smithers (bio) Life of the Indigenous Mind: Vine Deloria Jr. and the Birth of the Red Power Movement by David Martínez University of Nebraska Press, 2019 FOR MANY OF US working in the fields of Native American and Indigenous studies, the moment we first read Vine Deloria Jr.'s Custer Died for Your Sins was transformative. I first read Deloria's 1969 classic as a teenager in the late 1980s. Reading Custer proved exhilarating; it sparked new insights and fresh questions. Deloria's style had me hooked. Anthropologists did not write like he did; historians certainly didn't. Since my teenage encounter with Custer, I've returned to Deloria's work regularly. Each time I learn something new. David Martínez's brilliant Life of the Indigenous Mind taught me even more about Deloria. Written in clear prose and thoroughly researched, Martínez organizes his analysis around Custer; We Talk, You Listen (1970); God Is Red (1973); and Behind the Trail of Broken Treaties (1974)—four key books in Deloria's influential career. Over ten chapters, Martínez covers issues ranging from tribal self-determination to Indigenous epistemologies. Today, most humanists and social scientists incorporate these themes into their work as a matter of course. But when Deloria began writing about self-determination and Indigenous knowledge as vital to the well-being of Native people—first in his role as head of the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) and later in his books and essays—he blazed a trail that continues to provide intellectual and political clarity on issues that still resonate across Indian Country. Martínez explains that Deloria made no pretense to the phony objectivity that characterized white scholarship. He wrote as an Indigenous person, specifically as a member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, and directed his message to "us"—other Native Americans (5). As Martínez explains in chapter 1, Deloria urged Indigenous people to work from within to resist American colonialism by advocating for a tribal court system that would buttress the self-determination of Native nations. Indigenous self-determination, or what Deloria referred to as "tribalism," required bold leadership at the tribal level (65). As Martínez explains in chapters 2 and 3, this meant Indigenous [End Page 162] leaders needed to rise to the challenge of reconnecting communities to the land and throwing off the shackles of termination policy. Indeed, the United States government must fulfill its treaty obligations by recognizing the sovereignty of Indian nations and restoring the nation-to-nation relationship enshrined in hundreds of treaties. Deloria recognized that achieving this new political reality would require a radical shift in how Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) bureaucrats "managed" Indian affairs (105). It would also necessitate creative new thinking out of Indian Country. Overturning what Deloria called the "atrocity" of termination would not be easy (109). However, Martínez notes that Deloria was not alone in championing tribal government, with Indigenous leaders and writers like D'Arcy McNickle also devoting themselves to the cause of self-determination in the decades after World War II. As Martínez argues in chapters 5 and 6, Deloria understood that Indigenous self-determination meant changing how Native people saw themselves and how settlers saw Indigenous people. This is where Deloria offered what, for his time, were stunning insights about the importance of political and cultural self-determination. Native Americans were not individual "others," something that made liberal civil rights discourse ill-suited to Indigenous politics. By taking the term "tribalism" away from anthropologists, Indigenous people could begin to undo stereotypes imposed on them over centuries by Christian missionaries, anthropologists, and politicians. To do so, Deloria insisted that Native people must come together if they hoped to protect their own rights, advance the cause of sovereignty, and articulate their own stories. Martínez has produced a rich and rewarding book. He is balanced in his critiques of Deloria's writings and careful to contextualize Deloria's political motives for self-determination. For those hoping to read a biography of Deloria that...

Populism and the politicisation of foreign policy

Populists in power often resort to the politicisation of foreign policy to generate domestic support. This article explores this process. First, it conceptualises populist politicisation of foreign policy. Second, it develops expectations on how such politicisation will take place: the distinctive features of populism (the intensity of populist discourse, the relative weight of anti-elitism and people-centrism, and a transnational understanding of the ‘people’ or the ‘elite’) will have an impact on how foreign policy is politicised. The empirical analysis focuses on selected public speeches and tweets by two populist leaders from the Global South: Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Narendra Modi. The analysis reveals huge differences: the more populist Erdoğan emphasises anti-elitism and extensively resorts to the politicisation of Turkish foreign policy by constructing foreign threats. Modi is less populist and his discourse emphasises people-centrism; as expected, he only marginally politicises foreign policy, highlighting the greatness of the Indian nation.

The Dance of Ādi Śakti: The Goddess in the Songs of Bharati and Nazrul

C Subramania Bharati (1882-1921) and Kazi Nazrul Islam (1899-1976) were significant poet-songwriters of the Indian freedom struggle. Their works explore a wide range of themes – political, philosophical, romantic and devotional. Both poets were educated in rāga music, which is prominent in many of their songs. Bharati wrote in Tamil, while Nazrul wrote in Bangla. It is highly unlikely that they read or were influenced by each other’s works. However, one finds several similarities in their poetry, especially the importance given to the goddess Ādi Śakti in her various forms, Kālī in particular. The goddess plays a major role in their national consciousness; yet, they are not sectarian in their approach, and believe strongly in an inclusive Indian nation. Both of them criticize caste and patriarchy, and turn the worship of the goddess into a revolutionary act. Neither was confined to one religion or to the worship of only one deity, or to one genre of poetry. Bharati, a Tamil Brahmin, challenged the supremacy of his own caste. Nazrul, who was from a Muslim family, sang songs of Islamic and Hindu devotion alike. The goddess occupies a special place in both their hearts. Crucially, both poets used religious imagery propelled by music to convey their progressive and liberationist ideals to a large public. My work is a comparative exploration – the first, to my knowledge – of their songs on the goddess. I choose three broad aspects of the goddess: the beauty within the terrifying; the goddess as a child or daughter; and the goddess of the nation. Through these, I examine points of convergence in their poetry, the musical interpretations of their works, the influence of their contrasting cultural backgrounds, their views on women and caste, and how the goddess inspires them to contribute to the struggle for a free India.

Uditi Sen. Citizen Refugee: Forging the Indian Nation after Partition.

U<scp>diti</scp> S<scp>en</scp>. <i>Citizen Refugee: Forging the Indian Nation after Partition</i>.

Why the Aryans Still Matter? History, Historiography and Politics

This review article ponders over the debate on the river Sarasvati’s association with the Harappan civilization through a critical analysis of G. D. Bakshi’s book The Sarasvati Civilization: A Paradigm Shift in Ancient Indian History (2019, Gurugram: Garuda Prakashan). By identifying the Rigvedic river Sarasvati with the now dry Ghaggar-Hakra, scholars like G. D. Bakshi co-relate the Vedic-Aryan culture with the Harappans and, by doing this, they Aryanize the Harappan civilization. Since the Aryans are accepted as the ancestors of the modern Hindus, by locating the origin of the Aryans within India, right-leaning scholars put forth the exclusive claim of the Hindu community over the Indian nation. Contrary to them, the left-liberal scholars endorse the Aryan migration theory, and it allows them to explain the origin of the Indian civilization due to the contribution of different ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups that have had migrated into India from faraway lands. It is argued in this review paper that the Aryan debate is more about politics than academic endeavour, and its primarily focus is on the following question: Who has a righteous claim over the Indian nation?

A decade of travel-associated malaria at King Fahad Hospital of the University in the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia

Travel-associated malaria is a health hazard, even in non-malaria endemic regions. This is a hospital-based retrospective study of 12,931 febrile patients who presented at King Fahad Hospital of the University (KFHU) from January 2009 to December 2019. Patients either returning from malaria endemic countries and/or for whom malaria was suspected, had blood films microscopically screened for malaria parasites. Malaria prevalence was very low in febrile patients attending KFHU. Out of the 12,931 febrile patients, 0.63% (n = 81) were malaria positive, all travel-related, except for one case of transfusion malaria. Indian nationals were the most infected (29.6%, n = 24), followed by Sudanese nationals (24.7%, n = 20). P. falciparum (47%, n = 38) and P. vivax (42%, n = 24) were the predominant species. The majority of P. falciparum (64.5%, n = 20) cases were from African nationals and the majority of P. vivax (72.7%, n = 24) cases were from Asia. The highest percentage of malaria patients were adult (90%, n = 73), males (85.2%, n = 69), ages ranged from 6 to 65, with a mean of 34.6 years. Most of the malaria cases presented at the emergency room (ER), only 3 required critical care. Only sex, hospitalized in-patient (IP) and attendance at ER were statistically associated with malaria. In the presence of a potential vector, travel-associated malaria in non-malaria endemic areas should be monitored to guide control strategies.Author summary: Malaria is a neglected potentially fatal tropical mosquito-born disease. Travel-associated malaria is a health hazard, even in non-malaria endemic regions. In spite of previous efforts to estimate malaria prevalence, morbidity and mortality in Saudi Arabia in the last decade, there have been no studies that determine the prevalence of malaria in Al-Khobar, Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. Malaria prevalence was very low in febrile patients (81/12,931) attending King Fahad Hospital of the University over a decade. Cases were all travel-related, except for one case of transfusion malaria. Indian nationals were the most infected (29.6%), followed by Sudanese nationals (24.7%). P. falciparum (47%) and P. vivax (42%) were the predominant species. The majority of P. falciparum (64.5%) cases were from Africa and the majority of P. vivax (72.7%) cases were from Asia. No patient factors predicted malaria in febrile travelers. In non-malaria endemic areas, in the presence of a potential vector, patients with acute fever coming from endemic areas or having received blood transfusion, should be screened for travel-associated malaria to guide control strategies.

Perspectives on Native American Imagery from Students at a Premiere Tribal University

Haskell Indian Nations University is the sole 4-year intertribal university in America and their athletics department is called The Fightin’ Indians. Their logo and name seem to contradict most of the research describing the negative impacts of Native imagery. Interviews were conducted with current students at Haskell University to understand their feelings towards Native imagery overall. When exploring the usage of Native imagery by Haskell it was apparent the students felt as an all-Native institution there was a sense of ownership to utilize the imagery but were aware it misrepresented some Native people. The students also discussed how their imagery may influence outsiders’ perspectives. This study helps us understand a unique situation and should lead to future research around Native American imagery in sport.&#x0D;

Textualism and the Indian Canons of Statutory Construction

When interpreting statutes enacted for the benefit or regulation of Indians or construing treaties signed with Indian nations, courts are supposed to apply any of five specific canons of construction relating to Indian Affairs. Through examining the modern line of Supreme Court cases involving statutory or treaty interpretation relating to Indian nations, this Article demonstrates that the Court has generally been faithful in applying canons relating to treaty interpretation or abrogation. The Court has also respected the canon requiring unequivocal expression of congressional intent before finding an abrogation of tribal sovereign immunity. However, there are two other canons that the Court almost never applies. One, the tribal sovereignty canon, requires clear intent to interfere with tribal sovereign rights; the other, the Indian ambiguity canon, requires statutes to be construed liberally with ambiguities resolved to the benefit of Indians. After reviewing the possible reasons why textualist jurists might be opposed to the use of substantive canons, this Article makes two arguments to remedy any reluctance to using the tribal sovereignty and Indian ambiguity canons. First, these canons have constitutional roots, and as such, even textualists on the Court should not be reluctant to use them. Second, the more established canon concerning abrogation of tribal sovereign immunity should also extend to statutes interfering with tribal sovereign rights. There are no normative reasons to treat abrogation of sovereign immunity differently than other statutory interference with tribal sovereignty.

An Analysis of the Nature of Indian Tourism with Respect to Domestic and International Visitors

Tourism has been one of the thrust areas of the Government of India from time to time. The Governments at every level have made every effort to promote India as a tourist destination. This has been recognized as a part of the services sector. Every country in the world has attached great importance to tourism. International visitors have been thronging India due to the various facilities available for tourists. Events like tourist fairs and facilities like visa-on-arrival are certain measures in this direction. At the same time, many countries have recognized Indian nationals as potential tourists and have rolled out several attractive schemes specifically for Indian nationals. This study was performed to study the nature of tourism in India in terms of its performance based on both domestic and foreign tourist arrivals, and the larger revenue-generating potential this industry possesses. From the present study, it is evident that over the previous two decades, India's tourism industry has performed admirably.

Perception of Secular/Inclusive Nationalism in the Context of 2019–20 Anti-CAA Protests in India (Based on the Literary Material)

At the end of 2019 and in early 2020, there were large-scale protests in India against amendments to the Citizenship Act 1955. They touched upon an important issue for Indian society — the issue of religion. Many protest actions were characterized by appeals to various forms of art, including poetry. We analyze the perception of secular or inclusive nationalism in the context of the 2019–2020 protests through the prism of the most popular poetic works that were recited at various venues. We present an overview of the problem of secularism in modern India, which is necessary to understand the main motifs of the works. In addition, the political context of the anti-CAA protests, as well as some of its peculiarities that are directly related to the issues of the Indian nation and religion, are considered. We give a brief description of the works under consideration, among which are both classical examples of Urdu poetry and poems created directly in the context of events. We study the main motifs of the above-mentioned poetic works, among which special attention is paid to the motif of inclusiveness. It is noted that the structure of poetic works reflects the generalization of individual experience to the collective experience. We conclude that poetry in which the ideas of resistance are expressed remains a key element of political struggle in contemporary India.

Mahatma Gandhi about Jews and Jewish question

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the leader of Indian liberation struggle and nonviolence adept, paid a lot of attention to the status of the Jews and the Jewish Question. According to the author, Gandhi considered the Jews to be a part of the Indian nation, and their participation in civil disobedience campaigns together with the Hindus and the Muslims to lead to the achievement of Home Rule. Gandhi condemned the idea of making the Jewish National Home in Palestine as well as the idea of making the state of Israel due to the fact that Palestine belonged to the Arabs like England belonged to the English and France belonged to the French. Therefore, Gandhi thought that the migration of the Jews to their historical motherland depends on the Arabs’ good will. Gandhi offered his own way of solving the Jewish Question. He thought the Jews should stay in the countries they were born in and lived in and oppose to the discrimination and pursuit with nonviolence actions following the example of the Indians in South Africa. M.K. Gandhi tried to persuade the Jews that nonviolence was in their interests and it was able to lead to the realization of the Jews’ ambitions even in the Nazi Germany. The author concludes that the reasonable criticism of Gandhi’s naïve beliefs did not affect his trust in universal abilities of nonviolence. Gandhi’s position of condemning the partition of Palestine and the making of the Jewish State had a tremendous impact on the external policy of India in the Middle East. This position made the dialogue between India and Israel rather complicated. As a result India was the latest country among the leading non-Arab and non-Muslim ones to send its ambassador to Israel in 1992.

Widowhood and Motherhood in Cinematic Imagination in the Historical Context

This article engages with the question of how Hindi cinema sought to synergize and imagine the nation, community and land in independent India as the embodiment of widowhood. I suggest that this process of embodiment was the culmination of a long historical-political process. The focus of this chapter is a 1957 Hindi film by Mehboob Khan named Mother India. The film stands out as a powerful emotional drama. On the one hand, this film marked continuity with the Indian literature, painting, theatre and cinema of the colonial period,1 on the other, Mother India influenced the culture of a new Indian nation after 1947. Within a decade after India attained independence from Britain, the Indian cinema became an undisputed site where the cultural engineering of a new nation could be enacted.2

Key demographic and mental disorder diagnostic differences between Australian First Nations and non-First Nations clinic-referred children and adolescents assessed in a culturally appropriate and safe way.

Increased point prevalence rates of oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder have been reported in American Indian and Canadian First Nations children and adolescents. To date, in Australia, there has been no published examination of standardized Diagnostic and Statistical Manual mental disorder diagnoses in First Nations children and adolescents, determined after addressing key cultural methodological issues. In all, 113 First Nations children and adolescents and 217 non-First Nations young people, aged 6-16 years, age, gender, mental disorder symptom severity, symptom-linked distress and impairment matched were recruited in a case control study. Also, 112 typically developing non-First Nations participants, age and gender matched to the other two clinical groups as a second comparison group were recruited. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual mental disorder diagnoses via semi-structured clinical interview, social adversity status and full scale IQ were determined in all participants with cultural validity and reliability of the impairing patterns of symptoms in First Nations young people determined by First Nations mental health staff and Aboriginal Health Liaison Officers. Full scale IQ and social adversity status were appropriately controlled in the Logistic Regression analyses of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual mental disorder diagnoses between the two clinical groups. Oppositional defiant disorder was the only diagnostic and statistical manual mental disorder diagnosis that differed between the First Nations and non-First Nations clinical groups, adjusting for confounding by social adversity status and full scale IQ in the multivariable model. The point prevalence of oppositional defiant disorder was 2.94 times higher (95% confidence interval: 1.14-7.69) among the First Nations compared to the non-First Nations clinical group. Key known risk factors for oppositional defiant disorder can be identified early and holistically managed in First Nations young people. This will prevent oppositional defiant disorder decreasing their access to mental health services and increasing their involvement in the criminal justice system. In addition, the resilience building aspects of oppositional defiant disorder that may enhance self-respect need to be nurtured.

Within-race variations in sentencing outcomes: Nationality and punishment among Asians in United States federal courts

There is robust evidence that Asians are not treated differently from Whites and receive greater leniency than Blacks and Hispanics in criminal punishment. Some research findings even suggest that Asians receive the most favorable sentencing outcomes among all racial/ethnic groups. This line of research, however, has not paid attention to Asian nationality groups. Particularly, it is unclear whether there is within-race variation among offenders from different Asian countries. Using the data compiled by the United States Sentencing Commission to examine whether and how an Asian's nationality affects criminal punishment, this study focuses on sentences imposed on offenders who are Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Korean, Pakistani, and Vietnamese nationals. Results from logistic, ordinary least squares, and Tobit regression analyses indicate that with legal and extralegal factors held constant, Asians of different nationalities face varying odds of incarceration or downward departures, and they receive dissimilar sentence lengths.

Love Jihad and the Governance of Gender and Intimacy in Hindu Nationalist Statecraft

What role does the Islamophobic theory of “love jihad” play in the politics of Hindu nationalist statecraft—the legal codification of Hindu nationalist ideology—in India today? In this article, we address this question through a critical analysis of how the idea of “love jihad” relate to both (a) a conservative politics of governing gender and intimacy in which women are constituted as subjects of protection and (b) an authoritarian populism grounded in a foundational opposition between true Indians and their anti-national enemies within. The article begins by exploring how “love jihad” has transformed from an idea that was used to legitimize extra-legal violence by Hindu nationalist vigilantes to the status of law, with a particular focus on the BJP-ruled state of Uttar Pradesh. We then situate the “love jihad” laws in relation to a regime of gender governance that constitutes women as subjects of protection - and specifically protection by state and nation—and discuss how this resonates with a pervasive patriarchal common sense in Indian society. Finally, we show how “love jihad” laws and the wider conservative politics of gender and intimacy within which it is embedded feeds into the authoritarian politics of the Modi regime, in which Muslims are consistently portrayed as enemies of the Indian nation, and reflect on what this entails for the country’s secular political order.

Comparative analysis of the image of Kazakh in the Russian and Indian linguistic consciousness

National identity is an important means of intergroup relationships, and stereotypes contribute to the identification of a person and the perception of each other by representatives of different ethnic groups. The perception of Kazakhs by representatives of the other nations is of undoubted interest. The article presents the results of a psycholinguistic study, the purpose of which was to describe the ways of conceptualizing the image of a Kazakh by the representatives of the Russian and Indian nations. Modelling the associative field “Kazakh” in the Russian language and Hindi will contribute to understanding of culture stereotypes and successful intercultural communication. The research material complies of the data of an associative experiment conducted with the students and employees of higher educational institutions of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The respondents of the study included 41 people aged 17-60 years, of them 20 subjects are native speakers of the Russian language and 21 subjectsare native speakers of Hindi. The associative experiment was grounded on the questionnaire based on the method of constructing a “semantic gestalt”, with the allocation of semantic zones. The associative field of the word-stimulus “Kazakh” was analyzed, and as a result of which, the stereotypicity indicator was defined. The results of the study indicate largely positive conceptualizations of Kazakhs by representatives of the Russian and Indian nations. Negative characteristics of Kazakhs are stated by Russians, and include cunning, stubbornness, and secrecy. Both Russians and Indians state the Turkic origin of Kazakhs, associate them with Kazakhstan, and consider the Kazakhs as respecting elders and patriotic. Key words: linguistic consciousness, image, Kazakh, nationality, stereotype, Russians, Indians, associative experiment.&nbsp;

Modernity through Letter Writing: Cherokee and Seneca Political Representations in Response to Removal, 1830–1857 by Claudia B. Haake

Reviewed by: Modernity through Letter Writing: Cherokee and Seneca Political Representations in Response to Removal, 1830–1857 by Claudia B. Haake Rowena McClinton (bio) Modernity through Letter Writing: Cherokee and Seneca Political Representations in Response to Removal, 1830–1857. By Claudia B. Haake. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2020. Pp. xi, 282. $65.00 cloth; $65.00 paper; $65.00 ebook) Claudia Haake has uncovered numerous letters, petitions, and memoranda written by members of the Cherokee and Seneca nations. Leaders familiarized themselves with the English language for diplomatic means to undergird their political and cultural nationhood. Extensively mining primary sources from the National Archives and the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Haake contends that her work differs from previous interpretations that viewed Indigenous peoples as victims when confronted with forced displacement. Haake reveals that both Cherokee and Seneca nations confronted the vagaries of U.S. policymakers critically and creatively when negotiating their uncertain future. Adopting the English writing system allowed Indians to strategize and plan their own agendas when facing cataclysmic change. Throughout the nineteenth century, Cherokees and Senecas continued their literary expressions while preserving their Indigenous voices. Haake contextualizes writing samples in the time period she addresses. For example, in chapter 1, "Civilization and the Removal Policy," the U.S. Congress passed the 1830 Indian Removal Act to make room for the ever-expanding settler appetite in the South, freeing lands for the escalating slave-based cotton growing plantations. To stem their loss of land, some Cherokees and Senecas had by 1830 accepted Christianity and the English language taught in mission schools. In addressing the public, chiefs from the Cherokees and Senecas, writing fluent English, refrained from employing the "Great Spirit" to debunk any notions of traditionalism. Yet, in these missives, they sustained and incorporated their tribal identity. Literacy was key to reiterate their survival as Cherokees or Senecas. To enhance their status with U.S. officials, Cherokee writers wrote what government [End Page 77] agents wanted to hear. Haake argues that Cherokee missives did not necessarily circulate among all tribal members. In contrast, because of their long-standing tradition of "forest diplomacy" whereby all villagers had a voice in decision making, Seneca letter writers circulated their writings among literate and illiterate peoples. No doubt, western literacy enhanced their political capital. As the nineteenth century progressed, their multiple letters unveiled why land as a tribal unity played havoc with tribal politics. Pressure mounted to vacate their original lands. Every crisis led to more crises. Tribal governments suffered. Through analyzing these missives, Haake details how the Cherokees became factionalized between the Treaty Party advocating abandonment of ancestral lands and the Ross Party promoting preservation of lands in the East. Likewise, the Senecas diverged between those who wanted to retain ancient domains and those who accepted removal. Each faction had members fluent in oral letter writing. Cherokees and Senecas attracted sympathetic audiences to discern their contrasting points of view. Their literacy gave them access to the wider American community that now could understand Indigenous peoples from a non-monolithic lens. Besides her enriching primary sources, Haake's monograph is replete with historiography. In-depth and fastidious research, her text is complementary to literary scholar Maureen Konkle's Writing Indian Nations: Native Intellectuals and the Politics of Historiography, 1827–1863 (2005). Very poignantly, Modernity through Letter Writing unfolds how both tribes envisioned their modernity in the context of literacy leading to political sovereignty. This text is a must read for undergraduate and graduate classes. [End Page 78] Rowena McClinton ROWENA McCLINTON is professor emerita of history, Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville. Copyright © 2021 Kentucky Historical Society

Tamil Nadu Politics and Tamil Cinema: A Symbiotic Relationship?

From the second-half of the twentieth century, a nascent Tamil cinema became increasingly influential in Tamil society and more prominent in political life. The Dravidar Kazhagam, founded by Periyar E. V. Ramasamy in 1944, morphed into the DMK and AIADMK, two dominant state political parties in Tamil Nadu. Through the medium of film, some of its leading lights, C. N. Annadurai, M. Karunanidhi, M. G. Ramachandran and Jayalalitha, cultivated cinema audiences and the voting public in the political ideologies of the Dravidian movement and subsequently became Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu. The symbiotic relationship between politics and Tamil cinema has meant that political and social commentaries and the assertion of Tamil nationalistic ideas was commonplace in Tamil films. In recent years, Tamil cinema has become the vehicle for raising a wide range of concerns ranging from caste, class and gender and state/nation politics, marking a shift that focusses on everyday politics in the state. In this article, we present a critical survey of the role of Tamil cinema in disseminating particular realities and politics of identity that speak to an essentialised notion of Tamil cultural and linguistic identity, the concomitant disavowal of broader conceptions of Indian-ness or belonging to the Indian nation, as well as the use of cinema to address everyday politics in the State.

Poetry of Belonging: Muslim Imaginings of India, 1850–1950, by Ali Khan Mahmudabad

This book by Ali Khan Mahmudabad, which explores the spaces of Urdu poetry from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries, comes at a critical time in the history of the Indian nation state. This is a moment when the idea of India as a pluralistic nation and society, particularly in terms of the place of Muslims within it, is under severe threat. It is thus a timely reminder of how Muslims, but also Hindus, used Urdu poetry and its performance in the mushaira, to define India and express their belonging to it outside the narrow framework of the nation state. The vehicle of poetry allowed them to inflect India, as well as the Muslim community, with a local flavour that was at the same time located in a much broader transnational framework. While several scholars have made this particular argument before, few have focused so extensively on Urdu poetry...