Independent Local Government Research Articles

Smoke and Mirrors: Fallacies in the NSW Government's Views on Local Government Financial Capacity

Under its “Fit for the Future” program, the Australian NSW Office of Local Government (OLG, 2014) requires local councils to demonstrate that they are adopting a local council structure that has scale, strategic capacity and is financially sustainable. This paper addresses the relationship between scale (population) and financial sustainability.In “Fit for the Future,” the Government defines a financially sustainable council as “one that, over the long term, is able to generate sufficient funds to provide the level and scope of service agreed with its community through the Integrated Planning and Reporting process”. However the Government has pre‐empted rational and informed analysis of the efficient financial scale of local councils with its arguments that councils are currently running financial deficits of $1 million a day and that this can be rectified only by councils adopting a scale of organisation in the order of 250,000 persons per mega council as asserted and recommended by the Independent Local Government Review Panel (ILGRP, 2013).

Debate: The case for local government amalgamations in Sydney: fact and Fiction

A recent paper in Public Money & Management by Drew and Dollery (2014, p. 281) claimed that: ‘The Australian [sic] Independent Local Government Review Panel (ILGRP) recently proposed amalgamating t...

Community Council Cooperation: The Lake Macquarie City Council Co-Governance Delegation Model

In its Better, Stronger Local Government, the Independent Local Government Review Panel (2012a, 2012b) advanced several claims regarding the performance of New South Wales (NSW) local government, including the supposed need for additional “sub-council” governance structures. This article argues that there is no need to “reinvent the wheel” in NSW local government by introducing additional “sub-council” structures since existing regulation already enables local authorities to engage in local co-governance. Using the example of the Lake Macquarie City Council (“LakeMac”) “delegation model,” the article shows that LakeMac has been successful in its endeavors to engage widespread community participation in co-governance to manage council facilities.

The impact of metropolitan amalgamations in Sydney on municipal financial sustainability

The Australian Independent Local Government Review Panel recently proposed amalgamating the majority of New South Wales (NSW) local councils in the Greater Sydney metropolitan region in order to increase municipal population size with the aim of engineering a more financially sustainable system. However, no attempt was made to determine whether there is a statistically significant association between larger population size and improved financial sustainability ratios, nor whether the proposed merged local authorities will be more financially viable. This paper addresses these critical omissions. The empirical analysis reported indicates that the proposed amalgamations will not secure enhanced financial sustainability in Greater Sydney local government.

Local Co‐Governance and Environmental Sustainability in New South Wales Local Government: The Lake Macquarie City Council Sustainable Neighbourhoods Program

New South Wales (NSW) local government is in the throes of a vigorous debate over the best methods of improving its operations through a comprehensive reform programme. An Independent Local Government Review Panel, set up by the NSW Government, has proposed addressing the “key challenge” of local environmental sustainability by forcibly amalgamating local councils, especially in the metropolitan regions of the state. Using the community participation model, local co‐governance structures established by Lake Macquarie City Council (LakeMac) in its Sustainable Neighbourhoods Program (SNAP) as a case study, this study argues that co‐governance programmes of this kind represent by far the most promising avenue for tackling the environmental challenges facing NSW local government. We seek to demonstrate that the ground‐breaking efforts being undertaken by LakeMac show that NSW local government already enjoys the necessary legislative foundations to initiate successful local co‐government initiatives through local community participation. Rather than divisive and expensive compulsory council mergers, we contend that the Panel should instead have recommended that the NSW Government focus on encouraging NSW local government to emulate LakeMac's example in discharging its environmental responsibilities.

PENGARUH PENYAJIAN LAPORAN KEUANGAN DAERAH DAN AKSESIBILITASNYA TERHADAP TRANSPARANSI DAN AKUNTABILITAS PENGELOLAAN KEUANGAN DAERAH DI PEMERINTAHAN KABUPATEN KEPULAUAN TALAUD

At the time of onset of regional autonomy in the hope that emerges is more independent local governments in the implementation of government activities and conduct development in their respective areas. Government Regulation Number 24 of 2005 Government Accounting Standards neighbor besides achieving good governance is also the answer to anticipation the financial reporting guidelines that can be generally accepted.The research was conducted at the head and the staff involved in the process of financial management in the Government District Talaud Islands. This study aimed to determine the effect of financial statement presentation and accessibility to transparency and accountability in government financial management goverment Talaud Islands.Data analysis method used is the method of multiple linear regression, descriptive statistics test, test validity and reliability testing, test assumptions of classical, hypothesis testing ( F test and t test ) , the coefficient of determination ( R ² ) . To complete the overall data analysis used SPSS 20.0 software.The results show the financial statement presentation and accessibility significantly affect the transparency and accountability of financial management. It can be seen from the equation Y = 5,425 + + 0.579X1 0.094X2. Of multiple linear regression equation shows that the financial statement presentation and accessibility positive effect on transparency and accountability in the management of the financial statements. The correlation coefficient ( R ) obtained for 65.3% and the coeffi cient of determination ( R ² ) of 42.7% and the remaining 57.3% or other variables not examined in this study. Results of hypothesis testing ( F test ) showed a significance value of 0.000 at the significant level α = 0.05 level test results mean F states H0 rejected Ha accepted. And ( t test ) showed for the variable X1 ( Regions Financial Statements ) significant value for 0000 with a significant level of α = 0.05 then H0 is rejected means-Ha is accepted, it means the area of financial statement presentation variables significantly affect the transparency and accountability of financial management. For the variable X2 ( Aksesibilitan Regional Financial Statements ) significant value of 0.526 with a significant level of α = 0.05 then H0 is accepted means Ha rejected, meaning that the variable with Regional Financial Statements do not significantly affect the Transparency and Accountability of Financial Management.

Designing appropriate valuation model for sustainable property tax system in developing countries

PurposeThis study seeks to contrive a sustainable valuation model for developing countries: a model that reasonably combines simplicity with equity, cost effectiveness, transparency, and the peculiarities of the local market place for improved revenue yields.Design/methodology/approachThe study draws from theory, experiences of other nations and international best practices to arrive at what should be the most appropriate tax base, valuation basis, valuation method, and the most expedient valuation approach for developing countries.FindingsUsing Lagos State, Nigeria to demonstrate the application of the contrived conceptual framework, the study, among others, recommended for her urban areas, a combination of modified mass appraisal technique, modified UK's “property banding” technique, and discrete valuation to reflect the diverse distribution of her property stock. Others include a ten‐yearly comprehensive revaluation and indexation for the annual or periodic adjustments during the intervening periods.Social implicationsProperty tax remains, among known local taxes today, the most viable, stable, predictable, progressive, and veritable source of own revenue for a truly independent local government administration. However, while developed countries have been able to tap these potentials to a good advantage for both fiscal and non‐fiscal goals; it is regrettable that the experience of most developing countries has not been equally satisfactory. Inappropriate valuation process, among others, remains a component of the tax system that is misguided and surrounded with much misgiving; hence a revisit.Originality/valueGiven the peculiar characteristics of the property valuation environment of developing countries, the highly simplified but pragmatic valuation model proposed is expected to birth a sustainable property tax system anchored on equity, cost effectiveness, ease of administration, and enhanced valuation ratio, with potentials for improved compliance and tax revenue yields.

Local Government System in Bangladesh: How Far is it Decentralised?

This paper aims to provide a better understanding of the power decentralisation process at the local level in Bangladesh. More specifically, this paper intends to explore whether or not the much needed autonomy has been built into the decentralisation process. The paper is basically based on the review of secondary materials. However, efforts have been made to consult all the available local government commission reports. The study findings suggest that, despite having Constitutional recognition of the establishment of a strong and independent local government system, the political leadership of Bangladesh has initiated different reforms to bring changes to the structure of the Local Government Institutions (LGIs) in the name of decentralisation. However, the main intentions behind most of the reforms have been to strengthen their political base in the particular area. As a result, these institutions could not be established as a focal point of development where people would have the power to monitor and control their constituencies.

Trust: an antecedent to employee extra‐role behaviour

PurposeThis study seeks to examine antecedents of perception of trust as a foundation for extra‐role behaviour in the public sector non‐profit organisations.Design/methodology/approachA total of 1,600 questionnaires were distributed and 329 questionnaires were returned from five different non‐profit local government authorities in Australia.FindingsIt was found that perceptions of trust in management, psychological support, management values and rewards were strong antecedents of employee perceptions, which in turn were positively correlated with employee extra‐role behaviour. Employee participation in decision making and contributions from autonomous employees were strong indicators of extra‐role behaviour, whereas intrinsic job motivation and the sharing of knowledge were found to be weaker indicators of discretionary extra‐role behaviour.Research limitations/implicationsThe study was based on the voluntary response of employees of five independent local government authorities in Australia. Thus findings in other geographical or cultural locations may be significantly different. Beyond the questionnaire findings, the relevance to private non‐profit organisations needs to be studied empirically.Practical implicationsThe research makes a significant contribution to management of governmental public sector non‐profit organisations which face continuous pressure to develop strategies and embrace management practices that ensure organisational effectiveness.Originality valueThe findings highlight the important factors that lead to employee perceptions about trust which can lead to discretionary employee efforts in public sector organisations that have great similarity to non‐profit organisations.

How America's fragmented approach to public safety wastes money and spectrum

Emergency responders such as firefighters, police, and paramedics depend on reliable and ubiquitous wireless communications. Failures in these communications systems can cost lives. Particularly since 9/11, there has been great concern in the US about the possibility of failures due to lack of interoperability, and failures due to a shortage of public safety spectrum. This paper shows how both of these and other serious problems are a logical consequence of America's fragmented approach to public safety, in which thousands of local agencies make independent decisions without a coherent strategy to unify or guide them. Because of this fragmented approach, public safety agencies build more infrastructure than they should, spend more tax-payer money than they should, and consume more scarce spectrum than they should, all for a system that is unnecessarily prone to interoperability failures. This paper also considers the most widely cited estimates of public safety's spectrum needs, which predict a serious shortage unless considerably more spectrum becomes available to public safety by 2010. This paper shows that estimates for the amount of spectrum needed in 2010 would be vastly lower if the US adopted an effective national strategy that included coordinated planning and modern technology. On the other hand, if the US retains today's fragmented approach, regions where coordination among local public safety agencies is particularly weak may need more spectrum than popular estimates would indicate, leading to an even greater shortage. Thus, the federal government should start playing a large role in setting the direction of public safety communications, rather than leaving this to many independent local governments.

Organized Labor in Postcommunist States: From Solidarity to Infirmity by Paul J. s> Kubicek (review)

380 SEER, 84, 2, 2006 five case studyregions,coming to the conclusionthat the growthof competent and independent local government has in fact been impeded where regional governmenthas proved competent. Brie uses the concept of 'machine'politics to analyse the dynamics of the Moscow City regime where Mayor Luzhkov successfullyutilized the power of the city government to fashion a winning voter coalition and construct alliances to prevent opposition from gaining power. The strength of this coalition and federal weakness enabled Moscow to pursue a privatizationprogramme significantlydifferentfrom that implemented at the federal level. While giving a useful insight into the dynamic of power in Russia's largest city, Moscow's special status as a subject of the RussianFederationmeans that it is partof the second tier of government,and it is debatablewhether it should be included in a book on local government. A more substantivecriticismof this book is not so much the content of its contributors'chapters, which are excellent, but the absence from the main body of the volume of work on the Putin era. While the editor's conclusion does go some way in correcting this omission, it seems probable that this volume will need updatingalmostimmediately.These criticismsnotwithstanding , ThePoliticsof LocalGovernment in Russiamakes a positive contribution to the understandingof this multi-dimensionalsubject and is necessaryreading for scholarsof Russian local government. Centre ofRussianandEastern European Studies W. T. WESTWATER University ofBirmingham Kubicek,PaulJ. Organized Labor inPostcommunist States: From Solidarity toInfirmi. Pitt Series in Russian and East European Studies. University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh,PA, 2004. xiv + 256 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $29.95 (paperback). WHERE the reform impetus was strong in the late Communist period, trades unions made great strides in their own internal democratizationand began rapidly to shift from their traditional role as 'transmissionbelts' between society and the Communist regime. Yet rather than becoming strongerand more influentialin the new democraticenvironment,unions became weaker, both as membershiporganizationsservingthe needs of their members and as pressuregroups capable of influencinggovernmentpolicy. The weakness of trades unions is unproblematic and unsurprising.It is a product interalia of the incapacity of union leaders to articulatetheir own positive vision or programme, internal divisions between and within sectors, the fragmentationof the labour movement with the rise of competing new unions, the lack of public trust,linked to an inabilityto maintain and attract members and consequent membershipdecline. Unions were ill preparedand uncomprehending of the implicationsof capitalism-building.They remained largelydefensive,tryingto maintain the rightsand benefitsenjoyed under the old regime. Union weaknessis also a product of the changing economic environment. The reorientation of industry to the profit motive, the closure of factories REVIEWS 38I producing shoddy goods with outdated technology, the shedding of labour, and the consequent emergence of unemployment created a climate of anxiety unsuited to labour mobilization. The decline of heavy industry, the shift to smallfirms,the developmentof the (hithertolargelyabsent)servicesectorand the resultantincreasingheterogeneityof the workforce alsoproved inimicalto union organization.Of course,weak unions made weak partnersin the formal tripartitestructuresdeveloped to provide unions with an institutionalizedrole in nationalpolicy processes.And in any case the IMF-definedorthodoxyconstrainedgovernmentpolicy (p. I90), leavingless space for responseto society's interests. Paul Kubicek charts not only these myriad interactingfactors(and more), he also elaboratesvarious theoreticalperspectivesthat have sought to understandthe weakenedpositionof unions and also to explain the relativepassivity of workerswho, given their generallydire position, might have been expected to engage in greatermobilizationand protest.Kubicek sees his own contribution as his 'concerted attention to the lasting effects of structuraleconomic change on organized labor' (p. 2I). There are separate chapters on Poland, Russia, Hungary and Ukraine which certainly bring out the distinctivefeaturesof the processof economic change. Not surprisinglythese are also rather repetitive,since the similaritiesare more markedthan the differences.Even in Poland where both Solidarity and the OPZZ pursued an electoral strategy, creatinga new political formation (Solidarity)orjoining one (the OPZZ), the results were not notably favourable to labour. Of course there were major differences;Poland and Hungary did not experience the acute Russian and Ukrainian problems of wage arrears, for example. More attention to the nature of structuralchange would have been useful,includingsuch indicators as the proportion of enterprisesremaining in state hands and their numbers of workers,the changingproportionsof manual and white-collarworkers,and the like. There is little such data...

The Politics of Local Government in Russia by Alfred B. Evans, Jr. , Vladimir Gel'man (review)

REVIEWS 379 Evans,AlfredB.Jr. and Gel'man,Vladimir(eds).7The Politics ofLocalGovernment in Russia.Rowman and Littlefield, Lanham, MD, Boulder, CO and Oxford, 2004. vii + 300 pp. Notes. Tables. Bibliography.Index. /57.oo. LocALgovernment in post-Soviet Russia has been a much neglected field of study,and it is this gap in the literaturethat this editedvolume aims to fill. In contrastto the Soviet period, where local self-governmentdid not exist, local autonomy was one of the fundamentalsof the 1993 Russian constitution.Yet, despitethis, local governmentand local democracyhave failed to take root in Russia. T7ePoliticsof LocalGovernment in Russiaexamines why this has happened . The volume is divided into three main sections.The firstsection looks at the historicalroots of local government in the zemstvo reformsof the late tsarist era. Successive authors grapple with the main issue underlying the developmentof local government,namely the balancebetween centralcontrol and local autonomy. Porterand Seregnynote the contradictionat the heartof the zemstvo movement, between the intention of centre to deconcentrate power in orderto retaincontrolover the localities,and the desireof society to pursue its own intereststhroughindependent activityand civic initiative.The balance between these opposing two forces in tsarist Russia was ultimately decided by the central authorities.Deason outlines how the conflicts within centralgovernmentand lack of ministerialconsensuson provincialreformleft local government in a no-man's land. Evans's contribution focuses on how scholars have re-evaluated the character of elected local government in the post-Soviet period. While Soviet scholars saw the emergence of zemstvos as part of the process of transforminga feudal monarchy into a bourgeois one, more recent studies have noted that the tsaristbodies of local government had a number of advantages, including greater independence and a higher degree of professionalism,over local government in both the Soviet period and in contemporary Russia. This has led to the revival of the myth of the 'democratic' zemstvo as an alternative path of development for local government. The second section looks at the politics of local reform from a national perspectivein post-Soviet Russia. Gel'man examines the influence of various groupingsat the federallevel on the institutionaldevelopmentof local government in the El'tsin era. He concludes that inconsistency in implementation has hinderedthe developmentof local governmentand has allowedindividual regional governments to diminish the status of government at the municipal and districtlevel. Young's chapter looks at the issue of the financing of local government, noting that, while post-Soviet reforms have concentrated on a societal mode of development, the federal government has failed to assign local government revenues sufficientto cover the responsibilitiesdelegated to it, leaving it dependent upon regionalgovernment.This fiscalsqueeze has left local governmentunable to operate properly. The thirdand final section is a more detailed analysisof local government. Slider looks at governor-mayorrelations in Russia and the means, legal or otherwise, used by regional governors to undermine an autonomously functioning local government and the ways in which mayors of larger towns and cities have attempted to fight back. Matsuzatobuilds on this analysis,proposing a typology of relationshipsbetween local and regional politics and using 380 SEER, 84, 2, 2006 five case studyregions,coming to the conclusionthat the growthof competent and independent local government has in fact been impeded where regional governmenthas proved competent. Brie uses the concept of 'machine'politics to analyse the dynamics of the Moscow City regime where Mayor Luzhkov successfullyutilized the power of the city government to fashion a winning voter coalition and construct alliances to prevent opposition from gaining power. The strength of this coalition and federal weakness enabled Moscow to pursue a privatizationprogramme significantlydifferentfrom that implemented at the federal level. While giving a useful insight into the dynamic of power in Russia's largest city, Moscow's special status as a subject of the RussianFederationmeans that it is partof the second tier of government,and it is debatablewhether it should be included in a book on local government. A more substantivecriticismof this book is not so much the content of its contributors'chapters, which are excellent, but the absence from the main body of the volume of work on the Putin era. While the editor's conclusion does go some way in correcting this omission, it seems probable that this volume will need updatingalmostimmediately.These criticismsnotwithstanding...

Zur staatlichen Förderung von Sport-Großveranstaltungen

Zusammenfassung In vielfältiger und unfassender Art gewährt der Staat monetäre und reale Transfers zur Förderung von Sport und seiner Großveranstaltungen. Eine staatliche Förderung letzterer läßt sich weder mit Hilfe der vermeintlichen Kollektivguteigenschaft noch sich etwaig ergebender Externalitäten rechtfertigen. So können Zuschauer durchaus von der Partizipation von Sport-Großveranstaltungen exkludiert werden. Ebenso sind die vermuteten externen technologischen Effekte zu vernachlässigen bzw. treten gar nicht auf. Einzig regional begrenzte Wachstumseffekte ergeben sich als Resultat der Durchführung von derartigen Großereignissen. Deshalb sollten unabhängige lokale Gebietskörperschaften autonom über die Förderung von Sport-Großveranstaltungen entscheiden können.

City Profile — Warsaw (Warszawa)

Abstract Warsaw is 700 years old and has been the capital of Poland since the end of 16th century. In 1939 it had 1 300 000 inhabitants but by the end of Second World War in 1945 the population numbered 160 000 and the city was nearly totally destroyed. At present its population is 1 630 000 and since 1989 the city has been involved in transition from decades (1945–89) of a centralized political, ideological and economic system to the present reality of a reinstated market economy, land ownership rights and independent local government. It is facing the challenge of performing the functions of a modern regional, national and international centre in 21st century Europe.

United States Leadership into the Next Millennium: A Question of Politics

Over the past few decades, the world has experienced considerable change. Most momentous was the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism throughout Eastern Europe. Will the twenty-first century witness the triumph of capitalism, democracy, and 'Westernization' throughout the world? Or will it see a clash of civilizations and coming anarchy? And what of the United States, the pre-eminent power at the turn of the century. What leadership role will it play in the twenty-first century? Many assume that it will, indeed that it should, assume a strong leadership role. Disagreement is usually about which goals an activist United States should pursue abroad and whether United States leadership should be unilateral or multilateral. The debate often revolves around the opportunities for and constraints on United States leadership posed by the international system. Questions have been raised about the extent to which the United States is capable of exercising global leadership, given the relative decline of American power in recent years. Some argue in favour of American renewal. Yet the dialogue largely ignores the role of internal politics in the making of United States foreign policy -- and herein lies the key to the future of American leadership in the post-Cold War world. Most Americans believe that foreign policy is the purview of the president. This perception is reinforced by the majority of commentators and analysts of global affairs, who tend to simplify the American political process by equating 'the president' with 'United States foreign policy,' and in the process understate and ignore the 'politics' of United States foreign policy. The key question for the twenty-first century may very well have to do with the extent to which the United States can occupy a leadership role. Or, more accurately, the extent to which a president can govern and lead United States foreign policy into the future. The answer is critical and more complex then most realize. It is embedded in politics and is the focus of this article. THE DOMESTIC POLITICAL LANDSCAPE The president is the most powerful political actor in the United States. He has many constitutional roles and holds many positions that contribute to his power. Among the most important of these are commander-in-chief, chief diplomat, chief administrator, chief-of-state, chief legislator, voice of the people, and chief judicial officer.(f.1) However, the president also faces many constraints and uncertainties that limit his power. In the constant struggle to exercise power successfully, the president is limited by time (too little) and information (too much and too little). Institutional constraints include an entrenched bureaucracy, an independent Congress, state and local governments, political parties, and interest groups and social movements. Other uncertain elements -- the courts, public opinion, the media, and the larger global environment -- at times may enhance his power and at other times may act to constrain it. Because of these constraints and uncertainties the president often finds that he has great difficulty in successfully implementing his policies. When all is said and done, presidents face a 'paradox of power': on the one hand, the president is an extremely powerful actor; on the other hand, relative to the rest of government, the society, and the environment, he faces many constraints on successfully exercising power.(f.2) Clearly, the president is not nearly as powerful as many people assume. President John F. Kennedy understood this when he said that the president 'is rightly described as a man of extraordinary powers. Yet it is also true that he must wield those powers under extraordinary limitations.'(f.3) It is also important to remember that the presidency usually has its own 'life cycle': presidents are strongest when they enter office and their power tends to decline over time.(f.4) Thus, although the president of the United States is powerful, his power is not so great as the popular stereotype would have it, even in the area of foreign policy. …

National recording of environmental incidents in Scotland.

One of the main problems in determining the environmental status of a territory is the common failure to accurately record the occurrence of environmental incidents. All too often control of pollution is the responsibility of various independent central and local government departments without overall cooperation and recording of incidents. If an official recording mechanism is not in place no determination of the number of environmental incidents that occur in a given period of time can be determined, no relation of connected incidents can be made, no lessons can be learned and passed on to all those working in the pollution control field, and no assessment of improved environmental standards can be achieved. In Scotland for the past 3 years a central system for recording environmental health incidents has been in place and many benefits from this administrative arrangement are already evident. The implementation, management benefits and results obtained from the programme are given and suggestions are made as to how this programme could be extended internationally.

Bureaucratic- or Self-Government: The Early Nineteenth Century Russian City

While the topic of local government in Russia before the reforms of the 1860s was popular in prerevolutionary historiography, it did not attract much attention from Soviet historians; historians in the west have shown greater interest in the problem. The necessity of using a narrow, class approach forced Soviet historians to interpret the problems of local government in a simplistic and one-sided fashion. The a priori assumption that an independent local government was impossible, especially under absolutism, and the importunate desire to interpret each reform, each action of the crown as a realization of class goals by an exploiting gentry have, in my opinion hampered investigation of the correlation between crown rule and estate self-government in the local government system.

Efficient Tax Exporting

In a multijurisdiction economy with free mobility of households between communities, some portion of any community's tax is incident upon nonresident landowners. It is shown that when the objective of a community is taken to be the level of satisfaction of its residents, a fully efficient allocation is a (Nash) equilibrium of the decentralized game. In general, no local tax structure that restricts a community's tax base to residents can attain the optimum; thus, tax exporting is necessary for independent local government behavior to be consistent with efficiency.

The port factor in the growth and decline of Warri and Sapele townships in the western Niger Delta region of Nigeria

Metropolitanization of either ‘traditional’ or ‘port’ cities have been found in previous studies in Nigeria to be multidimensional in scope. This study examines the impact of socioeconomic attributes of seaports on the growth and decline of Warri and Sapele townships in the western Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Changes in the relative status of Warri and Sapele ports in the maritime trade of the subregion have been found to be the major factor affecting the settlements attracted to these port cities. The relative ascendancy of Warri port in the maritime trade of the subregion has in turn been found in this study to be a direct product of the changing productivity of the metropolitan and primary hinterlands of both Warri and Sapele ports. Using break-point theory (a quantitative technique which utilizes a concept borrowed from the gravity model) the resultant indices show that the socioeconomic effects of the port city of Warri on the four geographically contiguous local government areas—Okpe (Sapele), Ughelli, Ethiope and Warri—are strongest. Consequently, there is a territorial fusion of these four geographically contiguous but administratively independent local government areas. The net result of this territorial fusion is a decline in the status of Sapele township and the emergence of the metropolitan region of Warri. It is suggested that the number of administrative divisions over which the port cty of Warri now sprawls should not be a major problem to policy-makers and should ensure the existence of a single planning authority to oversee the development of the whole metropolitan region.