Independent Foreign Policy Research Articles

Türkiye’s Relations with/within NATO: The Ontological Security Dilemmas of Türkiye’s Transatlantic Identity

Since 1952, Türkiye’s Transatlantic identity has been largely shaped by its NATO membership and interactions with the Allies. During the Cold War, Türkiye aligned its national interests and security concerns with NATO, making its membership a central element of its identity. However, starting in the 2000s, Türkiye shifted toward a more independent foreign policy, influenced by its new activism and regional ambitions, particularly in the Middle East. This shift has caused tensions with NATO, especially considering Türkiye’s military interventions in Syria, its purchase of the S-400 missile defense system from Russia, and its reactions to the latest enlargement of NATO. This paper examines Türkiye’s evolving Transatlantic identity through the lens of ontological security, according to which states act in order to provide continuity in their identities (Türkiye’s Transatlantic identity) and to prevent any instabilities to feel ontologically secure, which then might create security dilemmas between the protective security cocoons (Türkiye’s NATO membership) and the crises with other actors (Türkiye’s clashes with/within NATO). In other words, this paper aims to understand how Türkiye’s Transatlantic identity is still valued, desired, and reconstructed, despite the security dilemmas of Türkiye’s contentions with/within the NATO Alliance, from the ontological security perspective.

Language and Social Issue Relationship: Journal and Speeches on the South China Sea Dispute

The paper made use of and deconstructed some of the extracted salient texts and some speeches from published articles which can relate to the language’s relationship with social issues from correspondents criticizing former President Duterte about the South China Sea dispute; on his independent foreign policy and his alleged ruthless anti-criminality campaigns specifically on the war on drugs. The introduction details how the social issues of the Philippines-China dispute on the South China Sea began. In Section 2, some salient extracted texts in subsections 2.7 and 2.8 were deconstructed and analyzed using the combined analytical lenses of the Language of Peace, and Media Content theories. The analysis reveals that the language used in both published articles was predominantly integral to violence such that under the journal there were 83% violent social issues and 17% integral to peace, and under the speeches, 79% % violent social issues and 21% integral to peace with only 21%. On the other hand, as regards PH-China South China Sea disputes, as many as 36% of social issues favored Pro-peace Advocacy or preferred bilateral negotiation in contrast to 64% favoring Pro-Confrontational Advocacy, or legal offensive as with the Hague and with the UNCLOS.

Regions of Italy in Context of Italian-Chinese Relations in 21st Century

This study examines the development of transregional relations between the regions of Italy and those of China, including the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau. It highlights the interplay between centrifugal and centripetal tendencies within the framework of Italy’s ‘center — regions’ relationship system. The analysis provides insights into the normative foundations of international and foreign policy activities of Italy’s territorial communities, grounded in the national Constitution and relevant legislation. The findings demonstrate that Italian regions possess very limited capabilities for independent foreign and economic policy initiatives, a restriction stemming from the Italian Constitution, which permits regional cooperation only in the realms of economy and culture. In contrast, among the regions of China, only Hong Kong and Macau exhibit the capacity for autonomous external activities. Furthermore, it is revealed that Chinese migrants in Italy play a significant role in fostering Italian-Chinese interregional ties, maintaining connections with their homeland. The study concludes that Italian regions are notably less active internationally compared to regions in other EU countries.

The Power of Partnerships: Explaining Oman’s Independent Foreign Policy

How and why does Oman maintain an independent foreign policy that is neither allied, neutral, nor dependent? Previous arguments have emphasized the importance of Oman’s location and culture or the personality of Sultan Qaboos (reigned 1970‐2020). However, relying on geographical factors overlooks the Sultanate’s dependence on the United Kingdom under Sultan Sa‘id (r. 1932‐70), while focusing on the personality of the late Qaboos underassesses continuities in policy under his successor, Haitham (r. 2020‐). In this article I argue that Qaboos’s promotion and preservation of international partnerships in suppressing the Dhofar Rebellion in the 1970s shaped – and have sustained – Oman’s statecraft.

China's Impact on Sustainable Economic Growth in Central Asian Countries in the Context of the Silk Road Economic Belt

This paper examines how the economic relations between China and the Central Asian countries affect the economic development of the Central Asian countries in the context of the Belt and Road economy. China has come up with the global economic strategy initiative known as `"`One Belt, One Road" as a way of incorporating and expanding its economic activities around the world into this initiative. The article argues that China's economic activities in Central Asia are part of its global economic strategy. China's global "``Belt and Road Initiative" is aimed at realizing its political aspirations through economic dominance, which then leads to a virtuous cycle. Of course, we all know that every country in the world needs to develop its economy, and Central Asian countries are no exception. Central Asian countries have the need and desire to cooperate with China to develop their own economies, which is the basis of this article. The method of argumentation in the article is to analyze the development needs and relations of cooperation between the two sides in terms of economic indicators, trade cooperation, economic dependence, infrastructure investment, geopolitical pattern of energy, and transportation of goods of Central Asian countries, respectively, and at the same time, data from World Energy Statistics Yearbook, World Bank, China Statistical Yearbook, and China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment Statistical Bulletin are used as the basis. This provides a clear understanding of the patterns of economic cooperation between China and Central Asian countries, and how they interact with each other. Despite the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia remains a central element of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) security strategy, a strategic location that creates a continuum between China's internal and external security. The guiding principle of China's policy towards Central Asia is primarily stability, which is the main theme of current Chinese politics, with the goal of ensuring continuity from domestic stability to the stabilization of border regions and surrounding areas. Throughout their independent existence, the Central Asian states have had different perceptions of Russia, the United States, China, and European countries, which is one of the prerequisites for the formation of multidirectional foreign policies in Central Asian countries. The balance of interests among Russia, the United States, China, and European countries in the region is of vital importance for Central Asian countries, which ensures the independent foreign policy and development paths of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, as well as contributes to the stability of the region.

The AUKUS debate in New Zealand misses the big picture

ABSTRACT The topic of whether New Zealand should participate in AUKUS or not has emerged as a significant debate in popular political discourses in 2024. Thus far, clear pro-AUKUS and anti-AUKUS camps have developed. The pro-AUKUS camp emphasises the growing threat of China in the Indo-Pacific and New Zealand’s lacking technological capabilities that have it exposed if a conflict emerges. The anti-AUKUS camp emphasises New Zealand’s embedded independent foreign policy and staunch anti-nuclear stance which makes participating in AUKUS an ethically untenable option. However, neither side has considered the deeper, ontological questions on the table and how this affects New Zealand’s main foreign policy concern: the Pacific. New Zealand’s recent engagement with the Pacific and its experimentation with a Māori foreign policy led it to being a champion of the Blue Pacific narrative, an ontologically distinct approach that challenges the geopolitically-focussed Indo-Pacific concept. Yet, in the wake of New Zealand's flirtation with AUKUS, the Blue Pacific has been largely ignored in debates. Ultimately, the debate about AUKUS misses the big picture as it, so far, limits the focus on the true existential threat to New Zealand and the Pacific which is not China’s rise but rather climate change.

Динамика внешнеполитических ориентаций современной студенческой молодежи

Studies of foreign policy orientations of Russians are extremely significant for modern Russian society and require comprehensive analysis in the context of ongoing transformations of the world order. To carry out separate and independent foreign policy, it is necessary to support it from the population, to form of stable foreign policy orientations, and current ideas about the ongoing foreign policy of the Russian Federation on the part of the representatives of various social groups. The focus of research interest is the sociological analysis of foreign policy orientations of contemporary youth. Young people in the near future will come to key positions in the country’s leadership and will determine the main priorities and directions of our country’s foreign policy. The research of the dynamics of foreign policy orientations of contemporary youth can provide objective and reliable information that can serve as the basis for formation of positive image of Russia in the mass consciousness, understanding and acceptance of the country’s foreign policy course by contemporary young people. The study of attitude of various population groups to Russian foreign policy is carried out for the most part by all-Russian sociological centers, but there are practically no regional studies, including the studies among young people of different Russian regions on the presented issues in modern conditions of the unstable international environment. The analysis of structure and dynamics of foreign policy orientations of Russians and youth, based on the materials from the authors' own and all-Russian sociological research is carried out; their attitude to different directions of the country's foreign policy and individual international events is studied.

Role and importance of Egypt in regional geopolitics

The article analyzes the role and significance of the Arab Republic of Egypt in regional geopolitics at the present stage. The author pays special attention to the specific role of its armed forces, which not only perform tasks to protect the state from external threats and combat terrorism,but also take an active part in the internal political and economic life of the country. The peaceful nature of Egypt's foreign policy is emphasized, Cairo's desire to take part in the work of the UN, Arab League, AU, OIC, BRICS, EU, other international and regional organizations, and to maintain mutually beneficial relations with leading world powers, Israel, Arab, African and Asian countries on a bilateral basis. Diversifi cation of Egypt's foreign policy and foreign economic relations with foreign countries, maintaining a balance of interests of all countries interested in Egypt ensure stability and progressive development of the state in all areas. The author also points out the continuing objective diffi culties and even crisis phenomena in the Egyptian economy: infl ation, devaluation of the national currency, large external borrowings, youth unemployment, loss of income from the operation of the Suez Canal, the tourism industry, etc. The next serious test for the country was the tragic events in the Gaza Strip, when the Israel Defense Forces launched a large-scale military operation against the militants of the radical Islamist groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad (the latter is recognized as terrorist and is banned in Russia). The threat of an uncontrolled exodus of hundreds of thousands of refugees from this Palestinian exclave to the Sinai Peninsula requires vigilance and preventive measures from Egypt's security forces. Along with this, Egypt remains one of the leaders in the Middle East, Africa, and among Muslim countries. Cairo's emphatically independent foreign policy and neutrality in regional conflicts allows it to maintain strategic partnerships with the United States while simultaneously developing relations with Russia and China in all areas.

To what extent can a sovereign state pursue an independent foreign policy?

To what extent can a sovereign state pursue an independent foreign policy?

Standing tall like Caesar? Qatar’s unwavering voice for Palestine at the United Nations

This article examines the complexities of Qatar’s Palestine policy, emphasising Doha’s multifaceted role as a mediator, problem-solver, humanitarian aid provider, and representative of the Palestinian issue at the United Nations. The study employs a mixed-methods research approach. Firstly, it utilises qualitative data from official statements, key policymakers’ remarks, and literature on Qatar’s foreign policy and Palestinian engagement. Secondly, it introduces text analytic methods such as latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA) topic modelling, word clouds and network analysis to identify key themes, relationships and trends in Qatar’s speeches. The findings reveal that the Palestinian issue has been a prominent and consistent topic in Qatar’s United Nations General Assembly General Debate addresses over the past five decades. Qatar has consistently advocated for a resolution to the conflict, emphasising the importance of peace, justice and the two-state solution. Qatar’s support for Palestine remains steadfast, despite pressure from other regional actors to end its engagement with Hamas and divert its attention from the Palestinian issue. This commitment to the Palestinian cause aligns with Qatar’s broader state preferences for an independent foreign policy, its opposition to external interference, and its aspiration to restore its role as a trusted international partner on global platforms.

THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN’S PUBLIC DIPLOMACY: MAIN FEATURES AND PROSPECTS

The article aims to create a comprehensive view of Kazakhstan’s public diplomacy among the readership. It concludes that this phenomenon originated in the first decades of the existence of the Kazakh Khanate. At a time when the Kazakh lands were part of the Russian Empire and the USSR, the Kazakh people had no opportunity to pursue an independent foreign policy, the only element of which was public diplomacy. The revival of national public diplomacy became possible after Kazakhstan gained independence in 1991. For the last three decades, the main objective of Kazakhstan’s public diplomacy has been to create a positive international image of a newly independent Kazakhstani State and help its economy attract foreign investments. Such guidelines were designed to make favorable conditions for ensuring the socio-economic development of the country and the implementation of its foreign policy goals. Nowadays, Kazakhstan’s public diplomacy has three dimensions: political, economic and cultural, the main one of which is political. In the foreseeable future, Astana will remain interested in the active use of public diplomacy tools, in strengthening its status as one of the world’s best masters in this field.

Assessment of Nepal’s Foreign Policy and Diplomacy towards China and India

The present foreign policies of Nepal are based on the Charter of the United Nations, non-alignment, principles of Panchasheel (peaceful co-existence, mutual respect for territorial integrity, sovereignty, and independence; non–aggression; non–interference in each other’s internal affairs and Equality and mutual benefit), international law and the norms of world peace, taking into consideration of the overall interest of the nation while remaining active in safeguarding the sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence, and national interest. The foreign policy of Nepal has been changing over the years. After unofficial blockade of immediate neighbor India, the challenges and opportunities are seen in the sky of Nepalese foreign policy. The major emerging challenges of Nepalese foreign policy are to balance the foreign policy with India and China continuation of independent foreign policy, recognize and prioritize the national interest, modernization of foreign policy, political consensus, national unity, political consensus, and good leadership, successful conduction of economic diplomacy, etc. Diplomacy is one of the powerful means or instruments of achieving the goals of foreign policy. The goals of foreign policy are guided by the national interests of concerned states. Diplomats are the actors who plays role according to the foreign policy of the concern state. Diplomats have to perform different functions and discharge different duties with their different roles and capacities. In other words, it is the task for the diplomat to act in different capacities and to play different a role because diplomacy itself is a serious business which requires different capacities and role by the diplomats. The major responsibility of diplomat is the promotion and protection of the national interests of Nepal. Therefore, the proficient diplomat should require making diplomacy effective.

The Philippines in 2023

In 2023, the Philippines, led by Marcos Jr., confronted a pivotal period marked by intricate diplomatic maneuvers, economic recalibrations, governance reforms, and persistent human rights concerns. The return of the Marcos political dynasty is a significant change in the political landscape, while economic challenges persist despite mixed reports on growth. With a commitment to an independent foreign policy, the Philippines faces a delicate balancing act between the United States and China in a world characterized by shifting power dynamics and strategic complexities.

Senegal’s Political Character and its Connections with the Middle East

Abstract Senegal is a country that values diplomacy. It is a predominantly-Muslim populated, constitutionally secular, nonaligned state having relations with most countries in the world. Senegal has maintained a stable political system with peaceful transfers of power despite being located in a region of Africa witnessing unstable conditions in recent years. Its leadership is well regarded by countries with different political systems and through that reputation has been able to receive needed technical and economic assistance while maintaining an independent foreign policy. Senegal has exercised influence on the continent, and even beyond, greater than a number of African countries larger in size, since its independence from France in June 1960. Therefore, it has attracted the attention of outside powers, including those in the Middle East of middle size. Those countries, namely Saudi Arabia (together with Morocco and its allies in the Gulf), Türkiye, Iran and Israel, have regarded Senegal as a “gateway” to West Africa and the Sahel region. Yet while Senegal’s ties especially with France and its neighbors in Africa have received much scholarly attention, academics have only recently begun to investigate Senegal’s connections with the Middle East; it is indeed one important aspect for anyone wishing to study Senegal’s foreign relations in a more comprehensive fashion and to have a better understanding of how this country is quite successful in balancing those ties.

Analysis of the European Union's search for an independent foreign policy in the context of the Iraq crisis

Analysis of the European Union's search for an independent foreign policy in the context of the Iraq crisis

HOW DOES THE GEOPOLITICAL POSITION OF DJIBOUTI INFLUENCE ITS RELATIONS WITH GREAT POWERS?

Djibouti gained independence in 1977 after being ruled by France for nearly a century. However, Djibouti remained under French influence for a long time due to both the military agreement with France and the economic aid provided by this country. Moreover, it had to act more distant when establishing relations with other countries. However, under the leadership of Omar Guelleh, who came to power in 1999, a new process was entered in foreign policy with the adoption of the principle of multilateralism in diplomatic relations. Djibouti, which has become a center of attraction for great powers such as the USA, China and Russia, as well as France, has started to cooperate with these countries in different fields. This study points out that Djibouti’s geopolitical position is the main factor that determines its relations with these great powers and prompts these countries to cooperate with Djibouti. It is also observed that Djibouti has turned its geopolitical position into a tool of its development strategy.

Foreign Policy Issues of the Republic of Turkey and the United States in the Period after the End of the Cold War until the 2020

At the beginning of the 21st century, in 2002, a new political era began with the arrival of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Islam-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) at the head of the Republic of Turkey, which was gradually followed by changes in both foreign and domestic policy of the country.
 The main ideologist of modern Turkey’s foreign policy is one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party and Erdogan’s ally, former Foreign Minister and Prime Minister Professor Ahmet Davutoglu, who outlined the strategic priorities of Turkey’s foreign policy in his pioneering work Strategic Depth. In his doctrine, Ahmet Davutoglu argues that Turkey has “strategic depth” that allows it to pursue an independent foreign policy and claims to be the leading state in the region.
 As we know, the Republic of Turkey is located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. According to the doctrine, precisely because of its geographical position and historical ties, it has a desire to influence all these regions (the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, and the Black Sea), what is considered the core of neo-Ottoman ideology.
 Neo-Ottomanism implies a shift of the Turkish political vector from West to East. Since the beginning of the 21st century, neo-Ottomanism as an ideology has become a force responsible for the shape of political life of Turkey. According to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism, the Republic of Turkey must get rid of the subordination of the United States, which will allow it to put itself on a par with such states as Britain, France, Russia, and China.
 Neo-Ottomanism is the main ideological direction of the new foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. One of the arguments used by Erdogan and his party in moving from a parliamentary to a presidential model is the fact that the country needs a government that is almost as strong and centralized as the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, the president himself and his entourage constantly emphasize that the Turks are the “heirs of the Ottomans” and that the country must return to its former glory and strengthen its political, economic and cultural influence in the former territories of the Ottoman Empire.
 Thus, neo-Ottomanism is part of the official ideology of the Justice and Development Party and the basis of the country’s new identity, shaped by the political elite over the years. Although there is no direct indication of Turkish regional hegemony in the “strategic depth”, most analysts, especially in the West, believe that the expansion of spheres of influence mentioned in the doctrine is, in fact, nothing more than the restoration of Turkey’s monopoly hegemony in the region, but this times by means adapted to the modern era, in particular through the use of political, economic and cultural expansion and other “soft power” tools.

The Impact of Sino-Soviet Relations on the Evolution of China’s Foreign Policy (1945-1956)

“Sino-Soviet relations were pivotal in the diplomatic history of the PRC after its establishment. On one hand, the CCP received significant economic assistance and political support. However, like any alliance, it revealed conflicts between collective ideology and national interests. These tensions even drew the PRC into Korean wars that might have otherwise been avoided. Concurrently, the PRC developed a self-reliant and peaceful diplomatic policy soon after forming the Sino-Soviet alliance. The mutual relations between the CCP and CPSU closely influenced the emerging PRC’s foreign policy.This study aims to research how these ties between the CCP and CPSU impacted the evolution of the PRC’s foreign policy from 1945 to 1956. Such research is essential for understanding the formation of the PRC’s foreign policy through the lens of inter-party diplomacy, explaining the enduring principle of an independent foreign policy focused on peace. This study employs historical research methods and archive analysis, drawing from declassified historical archives and primary and secondary sources, while critically analysing international relations theories based on historical facts.The findings reveal that the USSR’s primary concern was its national interest, while the CPC idealized it as a revolutionary party. As a result, the CCP developed an independent and self-reliant diplomatic approach based on different foundations.

The Us – New Zealand Relations in The Post-Cold War Era and Recommendations for New Zealand’s Foreign Policy

New Zealand and the United States are close strategic partners. The two countries share a deep and longstanding friendship, united by a commitment to promote a free, democratic, secure and prosperous world. This article explores the relations between the two countries in the post-Cold War Era. The examination is critical and has implications for New Zealand to maintain an independent foreign policy to protect its own sovereign interests while balancing economic security and maintaining a productive and respectful relationship with a great power like the US.

Africa between East and West: Searching for its own path. Book review of ‘La Russie face aux occidentaux en Afrique centrale: Pour un arrimage des Africains aux enjeux de puissance post-bipolarité’ by F.X.N. Edzimbi

The book under review is a new research by Cameroonian scholar Francois Xavier Noah Edzimbi ‘Russia and the West in Central Africa: How African countries can adapt to the challenges of the post-bipolar era’ (‘La Russie face aux Occidentaux en Afrique centrale: Pour un arrimage des Africains aux enjeux de puissance post-bipolarite’), published in France in 2022. The reviewer emphasizes that in the context of a new exacerbation of great power rivalry on the African continent this research is particularly relevant since it shows how the situation is perceived directly in Africa, which in turn can help Russia better understand the worldviews of Central African partners and develop a more balanced policy in the region. The book under review synthesizes the elements of realist and constructivist approaches in order to provide a comprehensive view of interactions between African states and extra-regional powers, their respective interests and values. The research focuses on the reasons for Russia’s growing presence in Central Africa. It is in this context, and in order to illuminate the specifics of Russia’s foreign policy in the region that the author addresses the approaches of other actors (namely, the United States and France) towards the relations with African states in the post-bipolar era. According to N. Edzimbi, Russian foreign policy in Central Africa is rather ambiguous: on the one hand, Russia counterbalances the influence of the United States and France, but, on the other hand, it pursues its own pragmatic goals and in this sense differs little from other leading powers. The author argues that despite seemingly friendly rhetoric, all global actors regard Central Africa as yet another arena of interstate rivalry, and suggests that the African countries should develop an independent foreign policy strategy, including, among other things, a force component. At the same time, the Cameroonian researcher emphasizes that this issue can be addressed if African states overcome the ‘learned helplessness syndrome’ and abandon the subordinate role in favor of developing their own power policy. The reviewer concludes that this work may be of interest to a wide range of readers, but it will be especially useful for specialists in African studies and international relations experts who specialize on the challenges faced by Africa and on the Russian-African relations.