Media Independence Research Articles

The Western Media and the Crisis in Zimbabwe

The crisis in Zimbabwe in the past decade has many dimensions. One of the underestimated dimensions is the impact of Western media reportage on the unfolding drama in the country. Biased reportage by some mainstream Western media channels on Zimbabwe has had a negative and damaging effect both on the Mugabe regime as well as the country’s economy. It has also highlighted the excesses of the Mugabe regime in its quest to ensure regime security. In response to these Western media blitz, the Mugabe regime has countered them by stifling media independence in the domestic arena in a calculated strategy aimed at cushioning itself from unfair and biased media attacks. While there is some truth in what is being reported about the Mugabe regime by the Western media, on balance, this paper argues that the role played by the Western media in the ensuing political crisis in Zimbabwe has done more harm than good. In a big way, the Western media has aggravated the political and socioeconomic crisis in Zimbabwe in the past decade.

TANTANGAN INDEPENDENSI MEDIA DALAM PEMILU: KASUS KOMPAS.COM

<p><em>The aim of this study is to describe media ideology and construct media independence in the 2019 political year. Ideology has a major influence on the determination of media content. It is as if the general election democracy party cannot be separated from the mass media, so that the reporting of events "attacking each other" by the candidate pair cannot be avoided in the general election contestation. The object of the study was Kompas.com reporting on time limitations during the 2019 presidential and vice presidential election campaign. The research method used was qualitative library research. Data collection techniques using documentation. The results showed that the challenge of media ideology in maintaining the independence of media coverage in the political year must use the principles of independence. They are the presence or absence of opinion, personalization, sensation, stereotype, linkage, and accuracy in reporting.</em></p>

Public Media Do Serve the State: A Field Experiment

A vital role of public media according to the theoretical literature is to enable consumers to cross-check the information provided by slanted private media. To check the neutrality of public media, we conducted a randomized field experiment in Japan in collaboration with the nation's public service broadcaster in which the capacity for viewing its programs was randomly increased. Contrary to our expectations, we find that the treatment increased the evaluation of certain policies by raising the viewing time of its programs. To study the mechanism, we use unsupervised machine learning to measure media slant using the semantic similarity between TV programs and the official statements. Using this metric, we find that the positive effect is driven by subjects’ exposure to information slanted in favor of the domestic government during the experiment. These findings highlight the importance of creating institutions that secure the independence of public media.

Komodi kasi Berita Pemerintahan pada Media Online di Riau

After the 2019 elections, various kinds of issues emerged, online media have a responsibility to present it through government news, bearing in mind that it concerns the interests of the people. The shift in news consumption behavior in online media actually demands the media industry in riau Goriau.com and riauonline.co.id to be ready to package the news so that it is feasible to be trusted. The research aims to determine the construction in the online media industry through ideology, the commodification of workers and audiences in government news. Norman Faircoulgh's discourse analysis approach method is used by collecting data through documentation, observation and interviews. At the end of the study, it was found that the affirmation of online media ideology in the performance of journalists became an important strategy in editorial management for the sustainability of the media. GoRiau.com instill clicks to monitor the existence of readers while riauonline.co.id always maintains the quality of editorial and media independence. For both of them the news of government leads to advertorial which becomes a financially profitable journalistic product but in the post-2019 news discourse both professionals become the mouthpiece of the government. Commodification of workers with superior planning is adjusted to the professionalism and mastery of information technology mastery in disseminating news so that work and tasks are carried out according to media needs. Commodification of the audience of both media always keeps the click of the reader / user, GoRiau.co maintains their goal to be recognized as an informative media by offering news through an automated system of keywords contained in the link # in increasing media pageview while riauonline.co assumes the reader is king, through the title game in the language of journalism, marketing news at a certain hour becomes a trick that is maintained by riauonline.co.id.

Potent executives: the electoral strength of prime ministers in Central Eastern Europe

ABSTRACTPrime ministers in Central Eastern Europe (CEE) are commonly perceived to be weaker and less “presidential” than their Western European colleagues. In contrast, I argue that the post-communist legacy of CEE provides a more favourable context for prime ministers to develop a central characteristic of “presidential” prime ministers: a strong personal influence on voting behaviour in parliamentary elections, which provides prime ministers with the opportunity to gain autonomy within their party and cabinet. I theorise that party system instability, as well as the comparatively lower media independence and freedom, gives greater electoral potential to prime ministers in CEE than to their Western European counterparts. Consequently, prime ministers in CEE have a stronger influence on vote choice than West European prime ministers. These hypotheses are investigated using survey data from several waves of the CSES project.

Sukces francusko-niemieckiej europejskiej telewizji kultury ARTE w kontekście budowania europejskiej sfery publicznej

W artykule zawarto analizę dotyczącą funkcjonowania francusko-niemieckiej stacji ARTE, wskazując źródła sukcesu tego unikatowego projektu na rynku europejskich mediów – francusko-niemieckiej, europejskiej telewizji kultury. Cel: Wykazanie zgodności warunków decydujących o sukcesie i rozwoju telewizji ARTE z modelem stabilnego funkcjonowania europejskiej sfery publicznej, wyznaczonym przez Jürgena Gerhardsa. Metody badań: Analiza strategicznej i programowej działalności ARTE na podstawie tekstów naukowych, dokumentów korporacyjnych i zwartości programowej stacji. Wyniki i wnioski: Warunki stabilnego rozwoju ARTE to: wola polityczna, stabilny rodzaj finansowania, rozwój technologiczny, wolność i niezależność medium, wysoka jakość programowa – te warunki są zgodne z założeniami modelu Jürgena Gerhardsa. Dodatkowymi czynnikami sukcesu są założenia polityki medialnej Unii Europejskiej i ścisła współpraca francusko-niemiecka. Wartość poznawcza: Artykuł odpowiada na pytanie dotyczące warunków, jakie muszą być spełnione, by tak ambitna, dwunarodowa telewizja kultury jak ARTE mogła zaistnieć i ugruntować swoją stabilną pozycję na audiowizualnej mapie Europy.

Legal Guarantees Of Media Independence In Ukraine And The European Union

The article is devoted to the analysis of legal guarantees of media independence in Ukraine and the European Union. The author believes that safeguards are a set of objective and subjective factors aimed at the practical protection of human rights and freedoms, to eliminate any obstacles to their full and proper implementation. The main purpose of the safeguards is to create the necessary conditions for the transformation of the rights and freedoms enshrined in the law from possibilities into reality.
 It has been established that press freedom should be regarded as a guaranteed right or a guaranteed opportunity to freely establish, publish, edit, read, distribute, publish, publish and publish print media of your choice.
 The author substantiates the division of guarantees of media independence into normative, institutional (organizational) and procedural immunity as a kind of guarantees of media activity. Legal safeguards include a set of legal norms that ensure the realization and protection of a set of rights that are included in the notion of media freedom. Constitutional guarantees of media freedom are an integral feature of a democratic media system. Guarantees of independence of the broadcasting regulatory bodies are provided first and foremost by the system of their formation.
 The author has determined that additional measures are necessary to eliminate the restrictions that impede the strengthening and development of the information industry, its infrastructure, providing real support to the activities of journalists and providing specific rules for their protection, expanding the possibilities for access of citizens through this network to information submitted in foreign printed media. media, etc. The guarantee of media independence is also the establishment of disciplinary, civil, administrative or criminal liability.

Expression of Journalist Political Support through Social Media

Social media as a new form of media opens up the individual’s display space in virtual life. Individual self-image is present in social media accounts so that it leads to a real identity. The expression of a journalist’s political support through social media has been considered part of his identity. The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) as a professional organization has issued an appeal in the form of the Statement of Independent Journalist Alliance on Presidential Election, Social Media & Journalist and Media Independence. The statement of attitude was conveyed on August 18, 2018, by Abdul Manan as General Chair of AJI and the Revolution of Riza Secretary General of AJI, No. 049 / AJI / P.S / VIII / 2018, calling for three points of appeal. This research reveals the opinion of journalists in Central Java regarding the appeal. Although it has been regulated in Law 40 of 1999 concerning the Pers and Journalistic Code of Ethics (KEJ) rules bind the work of journalists, there are still many expressions of journalists in Central Java in conveying support to participants in the General Election. Using qualitative methods by collecting data through purposive sampling, the journalists responded to the AJI’s appeal with various reactions. They stated that social media is a part of self-image that a journalist must guard. There are journalists who agree with AJI’s appeal. But there are also those who disagree with the appeal on the grounds that freedom of opinion is, and he is not a member of AJI. So, he felt no need to obey the appeal.

Political corruption and capture of the minority

AbstractThis article presents a model of political corruption in which a briber can choose either to bribe only the incumbent party or to capture also the opposition party to sterilize its monitoring role. The analysis also explores interparty collusion, media independence, and political contestability. The model suggests that policies aiming to strengthen the role of minorities can produce ambiguous effects as they may induce bribers' avoidance behavior. Reputational sanctions appear to be less effective than criminal ones, although political contestability increases their deterrence effect. Paradoxically, harsh criminal sanctions may induce tacit collusion because minorities highly regard their outcomes once in power.

A Vital Report on Trends in Media Freedom and Its Link with the Future of Democracy

UNESCO’s report World Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media Development is aimed at creating a heightened awareness about human development, media freedom and public access to information for which an enabling environment hinges on peoples’ awareness and participation. The report is like a tool for implementing UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which have a deadline of 2030. It reaffirms that an impartial and responsible media will thrive only in a just and sensible society with good governance, strong democratic institutions, and a healthy media landscape. It calls for media pluralism, diverse, transparent and non-monopolistic ownership, and a healthy communication environment. The report warns of authoritarianism of governments and goes on to show that the issue of media independence matters for both protecting freedom of speech and democracy.

ANALISIS BERITA POLITIK PADA SURAT KABAR HARIAN (SKH) KEDAULATAN RAKYAT TENTANG PEMBERANTASAN KORUPSI DI ERA PEMERINTAHAN JOKOWI-JK

This study examines the Political News Analysis of the Sovereignty of the People's Sovereignty on Eradicating Corruption as the Independence of the Mass Media in Proclaiming the Performance of the Jokowi-JK Government which focuses on 1 year of its administration (20 October 2014 October 20 2015). This research is based on two things, namely: first, how is the analysis of the political news regarding Corruption Eradication in the local mass media (Kedaulatan Rakyat) in reporting on the performance of the Jokowi-JK government; second, how the independence of the local mass media in reporting on the performance of the Jokowi-JK government in the area of ??corruption eradication. Media independence is seen from the method of Qualitative Approach with Critical Paradigm namely Critical Discourse Analysis; using Teun A. van Dijk's Model Analysis of text production involving aspects of cognition and social context. The production of text in the political news regarding the Eradication of Corruption in Judging the Performance of the Jokowi-JK Government presented by the Kedaulatan Rakyat SKH is a strong text structure. The Kedaulatan Rakyat Daily Newspaper is able to provide detailed Semantic Structure and more coherent relationships between words / sentences. In addition, the Kedaulatan Rakyat Daily Newspaper minimizes graphics and metaphor as rhetorical elements so as to be able to present more real and factual news. starting from text, social cognition and social context. The news on SKH Kedaulatan Rakyat is able to present the factual news objectivity in accordance with the truth and relevance. Not only that, the objectivity of the news about justice is able to be fulfilled by the People's Sovereignty SKH by presenting balanced news and explaining it more neutral without the support of the mass media.
 Keywords: Political News, Independence, Mass Media, Eradication of Corruption

Local versus non-local effects of Chinese media and post-earnings announcement drift

Abstract Taking advantage of the institutional difference in capture between local and non-local media in China, we examined the association between media capture and post-earnings announcement drift (PEAD). Using both portfolio and regression analyses, we found that, for the same firms, non-local media coverage is negatively associated with PEAD; however, there is no association between local media coverage and PEAD, except for non-state-owned firms. Given that in China, non-local media are less captured or more independent than local media, the negative association observed for non-local media coverage can be interpreted as an indication that media independence plays a role in reducing PEAD or improving informational efficiency in the stock market.

Принципи політичного й ідеологічного плюралізму: проблеми реалізації в Україні

Демократизація України, забезпечення політичної стабільності з метою недопущення дестабілізації суспільства зумовлена належною реалізацією таких засад конституційного ладу як політичний та ідеологічний плюралізм і вимагає належного впровадження пов’язаних між собою принципів політич-ного й ідеологічного плюралізму, закріплених на рівні міжнародного стандарту у Загальній декларації прав людини 1948 р., Конвенції про свободу асоціації та захист права на організацію 1948 р., Конвенції про захист прав людини і основоположних свобод 1950 р., Міжнародному пакті про громадянські і політичні права 1966 р., та у національному законодавстві, зокрема у ст.ст. 15, 37 Конституції України, ст.ст. 4, 12 Закону України «Про політичні партії в Україні». Сучасне українське суспільство потребує забезпечення стабільності держави, гідного рівня матеріального і духовного життя людей, що здатна забезпечити лише демократична система цінностей, яка ґрунтується на політичному плюралізмі, на вільній ринковій економіці, рівності громадян перед законом. Функціонування даної системи цінностей у високорозвинених країнах Європи та світу підтримується відповідною інфраструктурою політичної соціалізації, як засобу відтворення зрілої демократичної політичної культури. Складність політичної та економічної ситуації в країні, соціальне розшарування суспільства вимагають пошуку суспільного діалогу, компромісу і консенсусу між владою і народом. Захист національних інтересів в умовах формування української державності, пошук національної ідеї для формування громадянського суспільства вимагає вирішення гострих політичних проблем щодо визначення сутності і змісту патріотизму (з метою уникнення руйнівного псевдопатріотизму), визначення статусу мов у поліетнічній Україні, формування інформаційного простору, вільного від пропаганди, маніпуляцій свідомістю, незалежності й об’єктивності мас-медіа і найголовніше – підвищення рівня політичної і правової культури громадян, а також рівня захисту прав людини.

Causes of Democratization Failure in Pakistan: An Analysis

This study analyzes the causes of democratization failure in Pakistan. The data collected by questionnaire. The study's main objective is to investigate the problems closely concerned with the collapse of democracy and the prevalence in the country of democratic norms. The study finds that the Overall Quality of Democracy, Independence of Media, Belief in Political Parties, Presentation of an Independence Cabinet causes failure of Democracy in Pakistan. According to this, the State, supporting parties, civil society, and youth must perform their positive role in engaging in a recreation of democracy to generate liberty for institutional democratization in Pakistan confidently.

The Development of Teun Van Dijk Model: A Discourse Analysis Towards News Report of Jakarta Regional Election on Media Indonesia.com Published from November Until December 2016

The direct regional election of 2017 is one of the democracy parties celebrated by the people of Special Capital Region of Jakarta. As the capital of the country, this regional election brings special meaning for the people, communities, and parties participating in this election to become the highest sovereign of this region. Philosophically, it will be easier to win the next national election when a certain party becomes the sovereign of this Special Capital Region of Jakarta. In this case, news media has a very important role in providing good and useful information to the people and the community. The independence of media is expected to provide balanced, neutral information because it may greatly determine the quality of the ongoing regional election. As the opposite, there is also a possibility in which media is used as a tool to build political power. That is why there is a new phenomenon in which many media owners are involved and even actively participated in politics in Indonesia. The dynamics of the current communication technology development is started to be taken seriously by the media owners. They realize that it is not enough just to build media power that leads into conventional media only since it is no longer strategic. Therefore, they emphasize more on using online media to develop their media business. One of the advantages of using online media is that it can provide the new propaganda faster. In addition, as the media is having its power to build the public opinion, they got the power to directly lead the stakeholders to certain political interests. In this study, news report on Media Indonesia.com published in November and December was used as the object of study in order to identify the case of regional election in Jakarta. This study used a qualitative approach by developing a Critical Discourse Analysis Model of Teun A. Van Dijk Model. The objective of this study is to analyze and to describe the reporting scheme of political-related matter of regional direct election in Special Capital Region of Jakarta. The results of this study showed that in the scheme for the production of textual discourse, the cognition and the context are intervened by an ideology as its own dimension.

China’s soft power from the BRICS to the BRI

This article considers the opportunities and difficulties in extending China’s cultural influence, usually termed ‘soft power’, among those of its close neighbours through which it is envisaged the construction of the ‘New Silk Road’ will pass. The article considers three variables that can be argued to have an effect on the degree of cultural influence a nation can wield: the degree of media independence from the state, the overall size of the economy and the relative prosperity of the individual members of a society. It argues that in those countries that are near neighbours to China, it does have some resources that can promote its cultural influence but that it also faces local and global competitors who can deploy alternative resources.

FREEDOM OF THE MEDIA IN A DEMOCRATIC STATE

The aim of the article is to study what is media freedom; in particular, should the freedom of the media be undermined in the realities of independent states at all. In order to be able to take any consideration in the mentioned matter, we should first answer the question to what media freedom we refer to. We can understand it as the freedom of specific institutions or individuals involved in media activities. We can also understand it broadly as freedom to reject or accept any restrictions of a philosophical, ideological, moral or religious nature. The research methodology consists in using such methods as study, analysis and generalization with the purpose of discussion about media freedom should start with the realization that it is closely related to the general, philosophical discussion about the criteria of freedom and is exposed not only to limitations, but also to abuse. All mentioned areas are interrelated in a certain way – the freedom of the individual involved in the media depends on the principles of the freedom of the institution with which he is bound. Freedom of institutions leads to freedom of the media in general, freedom of artistic expression, and finally freedom of speech. It is impossible to talk about freedom, including freedom of the media, without considering the value systems adopted in a particular state, social environment or a specific structure. In many place sit differs significantly, what creates the need to formulate some general ethical principles that would allow to distinguish necessary from unauthorized interference in the independence of media.

Media Independence through Routine Press-State Relations: Immigration and Government Statistics in the British Press

When and how does press coverage maintain independence from governments’ preferred language? Leading scholarship argues that elites shape media content, especially in foreign affairs settings where journalists rely on official sources. But do media push back in domestic policy contexts? Focusing on immigration in Britain, we find press coverage exhibits signs of autonomy that rely on the state’s administrative branches. Our evidence comes from automated linguistic analysis of 190,000 items of migration coverage in nineteen national British newspapers from 2006 to 2015, and press releases published by the U.K. Home Office between 2010 and 2015. We show that the press increasingly portrayed immigration in terms of its scale. Then, by comparing the dynamics of a key government policy—lowering “net migration”—in press and Home Office rhetoric, we illustrate the limits of the government to insert its desired language into the press. Finally, we argue routine press interactions with the nonpolitical Office for National Statistics enabled coverage that diverged from politicians’ preferred lines. Our study contributes to press-state theory by providing evidence of media semiautonomy in a domestic policy arena, and highlighting the often-overlooked role of routine, bureaucratic procedure in supporting that autonomy.

Does Proclaimed Doubt in Media Spill Over to Doubt in Science? A Laboratory Experiment in the Context of Climate Change

Labeling news as fake is a recent phenomenon occurring predominantly online, and increasingly in political online environments. This paper investigates the influence of proclaimed doubt in media independence on trust in news- and scientific reports on climate change. Evidence from a preregistered laboratory experiment does not suggest that reading a media-critic statement affects perceived trust in the media-, or the scientific source. Bayesian analyses provide a practical interpretation of the null findings, and further analyses show that the proclamation decreases trust in the scientific source when subjects read the media article first. Findings add to the emerging literature on fake news, echo chambers and filter bubbles, suggesting that labeling stories or outlets as fake news may not affect public opinion. Further research is needed to substantiate this conclusion.

A Comparison of a New Index Based on the Media Pluralism Monitor with Some Other Indices Ranking Freedom of Expression

Raise your hand if you have never heard about countries’ rankings on freedom of expression, freedom of the media, media independence, which are produced every year by NGOs like Reporters without Borders or Freedom House. These organizations produce popular indices that rank countries worldwide according to different sets of indicators examining freedom of expression and of the media. These indices are influential and much quoted in policy documents and they also have some impact on international relations. The aim of this paper is twofold: a) to present, for the first time, a ranking of European Union Member States, Montenegro and Turkey, in terms of media pluralism, deriving it from the results of the Media Pluralism Monitor conducted by the CMPF at the EUI (the 2016 round, published in 2017); b) to compare this new MPM ranking with the scores and rankings provided by the indices of Reporters without Borders and Freedom House published in 2017 and relating to the same EU and accession countries. The MPM ranking is clearly different from the other two indices. These two indices, at least in the results, appear very similar, showing very strong correlations. A comparison exercise shows that the relatively mild correlation between the MPM and the other two indices may be explained by external factors, like a country’s population and GDP per capita, and it provides a preliminary interpretation of the differences.