Independence Of Guinea Research Articles

ИСТОРИЯ ФЛАГОВ МАДАНГА (ПАПУА – НОВАЯ ГВИНЕЯ)

The article tells about the history of the city and province through the history of flags of different countries flying over them, analyzes the impact on the life style of indigenous peoples, their socio-cultural and economic development, reveals the true goals of Europeans who came to the region from the first contact in 1871 to 1975. An overview and stages of Papua New Guinea's independence is presented, using the Madang region as an example, as well as the structure of governance organization in the region and the history of the flag of the new largest Pacific Island nation. The period also considered is the period from 2017 to 2023, the return of Russia's humanitarian influence in the region through the preservation of the memory of the first Russian friend of the indigenous people of the northeast of the island New Guinea Nikolai Miklouho-Maklay, who was the first to raise the flag over the Maklay coast, the modern territory of Madang.

My experience with Paulo Freire's literacy method

The author presents a reflection on her work experience with Paulo Freire and his team in Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau. Still as an economics student in Lisbon, she remembers her literacy work with the Cape Verdean diaspora. As a member of PAIGC - African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, she would participate in the teams coordinated by Paulo Freire, always bearing in mind the complexity of literacy in these two new countries, which inherited a high level of illiteracy from the colonial period and as this would affect future public policies for Education. Keyword: Literacy; Paulo Freire; Cape Green; Guinea-Bissau, PAIGC;

Amílcar Cabral’s modernist philosophy of culture and cultural liberation

ABSTRACT This article argues that Amílcar Cabral adhered to some of the essential elements of the philosophical discourse of modernity. This commitment led Cabral to endorse an anti-essentialist, historicized conception of culture, and this in turn led him to conceive of cultural liberation in terms of cultural autonomy as opposed to the preservation of indigenous culture(s). Cabral’s attitude towards languages is employed as a case study in order to demonstrate how emphasis on Cabral’s commitment to the philosophical discourse of modernity can help explain why he could denounce ‘colonialist culture’, while also defending the PAIGC’s (Partido Africano para a Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde / African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde) use of Portuguese as an official language. This essay argues that Cabral makes a significant distinction between foreign influences and foreign domination in the realm of culture. Cabral conceived of the anti-colonial struggle in the realm of culture as a struggle against the latter rather than the former.

Guinea-Bissau 2014 elections

Purpose – The West African Republic of Guinea-Bissau has been unstable since gaining its independence in 1974. The 2014 presidential and parliamentary elections are being closely analyzed to study how the United Nations and the Guinean people have reacted to the outcomes of these elections. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – Sociological methodologies and a comparative approach have been used in this paper to understand why the elections in 2014 were so important in this country. Findings – The author finds that stability is possible in Guinea-Bissau after years of political uncertainties. Originality/value – Particular focus has been paid to studying the responses of specific aspects of society, including the youth population, the political elite, the main political party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde, the opposition parties and the army and whether these different groups will be able to cooperate after electing a sustainable and relatively wide-ranging government.

Identidade em transição: Cabo Verde e a Taça Amílcar Cabral

Tendo em conta que é usual a mobilização da prática esportiva na construção de discursos identitários, este estudo tem por objetivo discutir as representações da imprensa de Cabo Verde sobre a participação da equipe nacional na Taça Amílcar Cabral, uma competição de futebol disputada, a partir de 1979, por seleções de países da chamada Zona 2 do Conselho Superior do Desporto da África. Trabalhou-se com o Voz di Povo, periódico dirigido pelo Partido Africano para Independência da Guiné e de Cabo Verde (PAIGC), que esteve à frente do governo entre os anos de 1975 e 1991. Sugerimos que as diferentes posições sobre o envolvimento do país com esse torneio nos permitem perceber as mudanças em curso na administração governamental, relacionadas, inclusive, aos trânsitos e negociações ligadas à identidade cabo-verdiana.

The Incorporated What Group: Ethnographic, Economic and Ideological Perspectives on Customary Land Ownership in Contemporary Papua New Guinea

Land law and economic development in Papua New Guinea, by David Lea and Timothy Curtin. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle, UK, 2011, 207pp. ISBN: 9-781443-826518. The incorporated land group (ILG), created by the Land Group Incorporation Act (1974) in Papua New Guinea, was one of a number of results of the 1971 Committee of Inquiry into Land Matters that convened in Papua New Guinea just before Papua New Guinea independence in 1975. It allowed for the legal incorporation of customary land-holding groups and was designed to promote business and cash-earning opportunities in rural Papua New Guinea in the post-independence period of nation- and citizen-building. In more recent times, the ILG however has been put under considerably more strain by being forced to acquire functions that were not envisioned by its architects in 1971—namely the receipt, distribution and investment of incomes from resource extraction projects. The ILGs set up by various resource projects (most significantly in the petroleum project areas of PNG) have all run into various and severe difficulties in meeting these requirements of resource income management and business development on a scale not ever anticipated in 1971. Using examples from Papua New Guinea's petroleum project area and elsewhere, I cast doubts on the capacities of contemporary indigenous landowning units to make incorporation work for them in the face of current organization and financial challenges.

Men Behaving Badly:

In the period immediately before Papua New Guinea's Independence in 1975, several cases of sodomy, ostensibly taking place between consenting adult men in private, came before the formal courts. The Criminal Code of the time criminalised sex between consenting males aged over 14 in private; both the perpetrator and the permitter were equally guilty. The law at the time took little account of customary beliefs and practices; it was administered and adjudicated by expatriate lawyers and judges who brought their own prejudices and assumptions to their work. Drawing upon several case files located in the Papua New Guinea National Archives, this paper examines how such incidents were treated by the colonial courts, to determine whether the law was in fact appropriate in the circumstances of the Territory, and whether or not it was appropriately applied.

COLD WAR IN GUINEA: THE RASSEMBLEMENT DÉMOCRATIQUE AFRICAIN AND THE STRUGGLE OVER COMMUNISM, 1950–1958

When the Cold War broke out in Western Europe at the end of the Second World War, France was a key battleground. Its Cold War choices played out in the empire as well as in the métropole. After communist party ministers were ousted from the tripartite government in 1947, repression against communists and their associates intensified – both in the Republic and overseas. In French sub-Saharan Africa, the primary victims of this repression were members of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA), an interterritorial alliance of political parties with affiliates in most of the 14 territories of French West and Equatorial Africa, and in the United Nations trusts of Togo and Cameroon. When, under duress, RDA parliamentarians severed their ties with the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) in 1950, grassroots activists in Guinea opposed the break. Their voices muted throughout most of the decade, Leftist militants regained preeminence in 1958, when trade unionists, students, the party's women's and youth wings, and other grassroots actors pushed the Guinean RDA to reject a constitution that would have relegated the country to junior partnership in the French Community, and to proclaim Guinea's independence instead. Guinea's vote for independence, and its break with the interterritorial RDA in this regard, were the culmination of a decade-long struggle between grassroots activists on the political Left and the party's territorial and interterritorial leadership for control of the political agenda.

Mohamed Saliou Camara. His Master's Voice: Mass Communication and Single Party Politics in Guinea Under Sékou Touré. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2005. xvi + 217 pp. Index. $24.95. Paper.

Mohamed Saliou Camara. His Master's Voice: Mass Communication and Single Party Politics in Guinea Under Sékou Touré. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 2005. xvi + 217 pp. Index. $24.95. Paper. - Volume 49 Issue 3

A Society Through Its Other

A Society Through Its Other Rupert Stasch Reed College Ira Bashkow, The Meaning of Whitemen: Race and Modernity in the Orokaiva Cultural World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, June 2006, 328 pp. It is an anthropological home-truth that communities construct their Others in their own images. At least since Durkheim posited that societies get the deviants they deserve, scholars have regularly read figures of alterity for the ways they invert, reflect, exaggerate, and thematize a collectivity's own core principles, values, and contradictions. Yet strangely, Ira Bashkow's new book is one of the first anthropological monographs ever to be entirely organized as an examination all sides of a major figure of alterity in one society's life. Thus, it is also one of the first monographs to stage an ethnographicallygrounded deep consideration of the theoretical implications of people's culture-internal imaginings of cultural otherness. The book's interest is all the greater given that the specific figure of alterity it examines is the whiteman as he circulates in the speech and other practices of Orokaiva people of Papua New Guinea. The Meaning of Whitemen is a nuanced account of a culturally-specific logic of racial categorization and racial evaluation, and of the sophisticated theodicy of white economic prosperity held by one southern-hemisphere, non-white, rural population. The ethnographic and theoretical seriousness of Bashkow's engagement with is unprecedented in Melanesian studies (despite that this field has racialization in its very name). Beyond setting a new standard for regional specialists, though, the book also challenges scholars of all times and places to address questions of with new theoretical complexity. The work does this in several ways: by describing a culturally-particular system of constructs, in which race itself is very different anything most Westerners are likely to expect it to be; by documenting how certain people experience global-scale inequality, economic development, and cultural modernity as intrinsically racial phenomena; and by arguing that people's most constant experiences of involve categorization of objects and types of actions, rather than persons. Orokaiva number about sixty thousand people. Their owned lands lie toward the eastern extreme of the New Guinea mainland, in lowland and hill country behind the north coast. All Orokaiva are intensely, if heterogeneously, involved with town spaces and with capitalist logics of commodified social relating, but most of them make their main livelihoods growing their own food in gardens. Bashkow emphasizes throughout his book that the whiteman figure he discusses is an Orokaiva cultural phenomenon, in the sense that the figure's attributes are dominantly shaped by Orokaiva people's own cultural principles and values, not by the characteristics of actual persons racialized as white. One of Bashkow's warrants for this approach is the distinctive colonial and postcolonial history that has led to a pronounced absence of whites as actual social actors in Orokaiva life. White colonization of Orokaiva social space dates to the 189Os. The 1960s and early 1970s saw the high-water mark of white expatriate presence and paternalistic development initiatives. By 1990, fifteen years after Papua New Guinea's independence, the number of Australians in the area had dropped from a high of 379 to a mere 32 (48). Other expatriates had left in similar proportions. Their flight, and Orokaiva people's decreased interaction with those still present, followed partly increase in violent crime, and general deterioration of the public sector as Papua New Guinea became a postcolonial weak state. Yet even in the absence of racial whites, at the time of Bashkow's main fieldwork in the mid-1990s Orokaiva in their relations with each other and with the extra-Orokaiva world constantly articulated a complex vernacular stereotypy of whiteman as a type of being. …

Singing about the Land among the Biangai

ABSTRACTThis paper examines Biangai (Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea) expressions and transformations of environmental imaginaries through women's mourning songs (yongo ingi) and the songs of string bands. Biangai personhood, once intimately connected to garden lands and trees, hunting and forest paths, is increasingly influenced by global capitalism. Through their songs, they betray an increased tension between acting as an individual person and acting in terms of kin based relationality. While yongo ingi still memorialize the social spaces and land rights of the deceased, they also express conflicts in Biangai engagement with gold mining. Biangai string bands emerged just prior to Papua New Guinea's Independence in 1975, with the first band recording and releasing a national cassette in 1982. Dominated by young men, they depict the intersection of local music with a Melanesian modernity composed of compensation payments, gold mining, love, travel, and marketing. Both yongo ingi and string bands inform each other and provide insight into how local music engages images of both global economy and global ecology. By examining the uses, meanings, and performative contexts of these songs, this paper contributes to our understanding of the role of such expressive forms in connecting persons and their environment.

Fore Narratives Through Time

Fore stories about bush spirits provide versions of historical experience not offered in everyday conversation. The main actor begins his adventures as a forestdwelling, capricious agemate who intrudes into village space where his activities are less benign. Moving closer to colonial settlements and now described as a wild man, he robs a tradestore, steals from a government office, and is exiled to Australia. With Papua New Guinea Independence, he reemerges as a unifying figure for the Eastern Highlands, appearing on the provincial flag, in public monuments, and in the productions of a new national theatre. At the same time, this beloved trickster of yesteryear continues to live in the South Fore, though in hiding. His public place is now occupied by a tiny garden thief who consumes cash crops and no longer speaks. The changing shape and behaviour of these beings, surrogate selves, address broad processes of political and economic transformation, as well as the contradictions of precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial times.

SELF‐REGULATION: AN INTERPRETATION OF PETER LAWRENCE'S WRITINGS ON SOCIAL CONTROL IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA

In his monograph on the Garia (1984), Peter Lawrence emphasised two issues over and again. One was the integration of the traditional cosmic order: the religious and sociopolitical realms complemented each other and were not to be thought of as different in kind. Second was the observation that 'man sees himself as the focal point of both' (1984:220): the networks and relationships in which a person is bound up are subject to that person's efforts, so that even where the expectation is greatest, as among close kin, any sense of moral indebtedness must be created. Two parallel themes emerge with equal emphasis from his writings on law and politics, found in a cluster of articles written in the years leading up to Papua New Guinea's Independence, and intended to have general applicability (1969, 1970, 1971a). The first was that in these stateless societies there was no separate body politic to take legal action for the maintenance of social order; the second was the importance he attached to 'self-regulation' as 'a vital part of social control in all New Guinea societies' (1969:30; 1970a: 19). It is on Lawrence's concept of self-regulation that I focus. What one might otherwise take as rather self-evident in his remarks about the integration of the social order will turn out to be rather less so.

Fighting Two Colonialisms: The Women's Struggle in Guinea-Bissau

The sixties will be remembered as the decade of independence for most of Africa, independence won for the most part at the negotiating table. All too frequently the parties negotiating on behalf of African countries were a carefully cultivated elite who simply replaced the colonial administrators and set the stage for the growth of neocolonialism, coups, and counter coups. Unlike Britain and France, Portugal, until its 1974 revolution, refused to relinquish its colonies in Africa–Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, and Angola. Guinea-Bissau, a small country on the west coast of Africa, had been a colony of Portugal for 500 years. For most of this period the relationship was one of trading. Portugal was not interested in political control so long as it had access to slaves and other goods. But with the “scramble for Africa” at the end of the nineteenth century, Portugal changed its attitude. Africa was being greedily divided up by the imperial powers and Portugal realized that unless it entrenched its presence and took political control, it might lose out altogether. With the coming to power of Salazar and a fascist dictatorship in Portugal in 1926, the control became both brutal and complete. In 1956 the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) was founded by Amilcar Cabral and a few country people. At first PAIGC's goal was to organize workers in the towns, hoping that through demonstrations and strikes they would convince the Portuguese to negotiate for independence. It soon became clear that this was not going to happen. Each demonstration was met with violence, until the 1959 massacre of fifty dockworkers holding a peaceful demonstration at Pidgiguiti. This was a turning point for PAIGC: they realized that independence could not be won without an armed struggle, one that had to be based on the mass participation of the people. They turned their focus to the countryside and to mobilizing the peasants, who represented 95 percent of the population.

Re Millo

States as international persons — State succession — Continuity of the law — Judgments of courts — Independence of Guinea — Claims against former French Administration — Whether French administrative courts competent after date of independence — The law of France.