Independence Movement Research Articles

DIGITAL THREADS: ANALYZING THE EFFECTS OF TECHNOLOGICAL INTERVENTIONS ON INDIA'S IKAT ARTISAN ECONOMIES

Historically, the Indian handloom sector has experienced a curious trajectory, from a tradition dating back thousands of years to a craft that severely suffered under British rule. Despite the importance attributed to hand-spun swadeshi cloth during the Indian independence movement, many weavers are barely able to make ends meet today. This has been compounded further by the advent of the digital age and internet technologies. Recognizing this, several technological interventions have been deployed in India's ikat artisan economies during the 21st century. This spans from the Digital Empowerment Foundation (DEF), its flagship program Digital Cluster Development Programme (DCDP), alongside other notable organizations like Microsoft and Tata Trusts. Hence, this paper analyzes the effects of these interventions on India’s primary ikat hubs. Examining qualitative and quantitative data surrounding the impact of digital interventions on these communities, it will shed light on how digitalization can empower weavers within the handloom ecosystem, increase their wages, reduce the dominance of middlemen, and equip them with greater agency in the marketplace. This paper will also critically evaluate the approach taken by these interventions, its impact on the livelihood of weavers, and lastly, discuss the broader effects of digitalization within the context of a capitalist paradigm.

Thomas Paine and his Rights of Man

This paper examines the historical context, the content of Thomas Paine’s book, Rights of Man, and its impact on British working class. Paine, a British philosopher involved in the American independence movement, wrote Rights of Man in response to Edmund Burke’s criticisms of the French Revolution. The book defended the principles of the French Revolution and inspired workers to fight for their rights. Paine’s ideas on innate rights, representative democracy, and the roots of poverty resonated with the underclass workers. The conclusion highlights Paine’s contributions to democratic revolutions and his influence on the establishment of the American republic. Paine’s ideas continue to shape modern society and inspire ongoing democratic movements.

Contribution of education in freedom moment of India

Education was essential to the success of the independence movement in India because it acted as a driving force behind social transformation and a wellspring of individual agency. Education, at its foundation, produced a feeling of national awareness and togetherness among a variety of groups, overcoming boundaries of geographical distinction and language barrier. Education's ability to cultivate moral and ethical values, which were essential for a successful struggle for independence, was recognised by visionaries such as Mahatma Gandhi, who recognised the power of education in mobilising the masses. Gandhi emphasised the role that education played in cultivating these values. Universities and other more traditional educational institutions, such schools and schools, have evolved into hubs of intellectual conversation and political action. They made it possible for influential people like Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose to communicate their aspirations for a free India and rally popular support by providing forums on which they could do so. Education also educated citizens with critical thinking abilities, which enabled them to challenge oppressive colonial laws and argue for their rights. Education also enabled individuals to advocate for their rights. Women, who had been marginalised for a long time, were given the power via education to participate in the independence struggle in important ways. Leaders such as Sarojini Naidu and Annie Besant were not only educated in their own right, but they also advocated for the education of women and encouraged other women to play an active part in the fight for independence.

«Democratic Tsunami» as an online stage of the Catalan independence movement

Introduction. Catalan independence is an issue that has shaken Spanish politics not even for years, but for centuries. In 2012, an overwhelming majority in parliament was received by MPs who announced the Declaration of Sovereignty. In 2017, the Catalan Parliament declared independence from Spain. In turn, the Spanish authorities arrested the initiators of this decision. Protesters took to the streets against the jailing of Catalan separatist leaders. Thus, it led to the emergence of a new protest group “Democratic Tsunami” that left a significant imprint in the struggle for the independence of the region. Research aims. To describe the “Democratic Tsunami” from the points of origins, its members, organizational structure, strategies and tactics, published content, symbols, ideology, impact and state response. Methodology. The main methods are secondary data analysis (two stages) and qualitative content analysis (649 tweets). The research period is from August 2019 to February 2020. The necessary data were collected from mass media websites and social media platforms. Results. The available data allow us to single out the communication strategies of the “Democratic Tsunami” and present their examples. The scientific article describes the operation of various online communication tools (social media, mobile application) that were used by the movement to achieve its goals. It is important to note that the Spanish authorities were not ready to confront new technologies. The studied practices can be borrowed and used in any country of the world for similar purposes and processes. Conclusions. Although the “Democratic Tsunami” lasted only six months, it was able to take the pro-independence movement to a new level of development. The main feature was the work with social media platforms and the mobile application. These movement’s tools simplified the process of mobilization and coordination between leaders and protesters. They created the mechanism to transform the Catalan independence movement into a more private and highly protected protest community.

Khadi: A proud choice of Indian youth

Khadi is a hand-spun and hand-woven fabric that has a rich cultural history in India. The history of Khadi dates back to pre-colonial India, where it was used as a symbol of resistance against British rule and as a tool to promote self-reliance. During the Indian independence movement, Mahatma Gandhi encouraged the use of Khadi as a way to break the monopoly of British textiles and promote the idea of self-sufficiency. Today, Khadi continues to be a symbol of Indian heritage, but it is also becoming increasingly popular among young people who are seeking eco-friendly and culturally conscious fashion choices. This paper explores Khadi not only as a textile but also as a fabric of historical significance, a fabric that provides employment to the rural population and a fabric that is sustainable and eco-friendly fashion option for youth.

긍석 김진만의 항일독립운동

Kim Jin-man has been one of the representative literary painters of the 20th century who has established his art world through Sagunja painting and Gimyeongjeolji painting and influenced the flower bed for a long time since he had academic ability. In order to restore the independence of the Japanese colonial eran people and achieve national independence, he started the Reconstruction Achievement Friendship Association and the “Daegu Pistol Incident”. He was a representative anti-Japanese independence activist in Daegu in the 1910s who promoted the anti-Japanese independence movement. His anti-Japanese independence movement was inherited over three generations. Soon, he continued to his grandson Kim Il-sik, following his sons Kim Young-jo and Kim Young-ki. Through this, the Kim Jin-man family established the overall image of the three major independence movements. In addition, the three major independence movements of the Kim Jin-man family were consistent with the chang e in the route of the anti-Japanese independence movement in Japanese colonial era. The three major independence movements of the Kim Jin-man family have great implications for the direction that our society should view and predict even today in the 21st century.

『越南遺書』를 통해 본 申光㤠의 생애와 독립운동

The Wolnam Yuseo(『越南遺書』) is a suicide note written by Shin Kwang-ryul after he defected to South Korea shortly after liberation. It contains not only his life but also the contents related to the Korean independence movement, so it is worth using it as a historical material for the independence movement. In particular, this is significant in that Shin Kwang-ryeol himself and his uncle Shin hong-gyun played a decisive role in being selected as a person of merit for independence by the Korean government. Therefore, based on this, this paper attempted to shed light on the activities of the independence movement along with Shin Kwang-ryeol's life. He was born in 1903 in Bukcheong, Hamgyongnam-do, and moved to Wanga-dong, 17th district of Jangbaekhyeon, Guilin Province, China in 1911, shortly after the national death. Later, as he grew up, he developed a sense of nationalism from his uncle, Shin Hong-gyun, and after entering Dongheung Middle School in Bukgando, he accepted socialist ideas and actively responded to colonial reality. After graduation, he worked as a teacher at Jeil Jeongmong School, came to Korea in his mid-20s, and briefly worked as secretary of Hyesanjin, Gapsan-gun, Hambuk-do. After that, he tried to succeed the traditional Korean medicine industry, which was his family business, but was rejected by the Japanese colonial g overnment and crossed over to Bukgando again. At this time, he entered the antiJapanese movement while interacting with the communists who were active there. At that time, the Gwangju Student Movement spread to Bukg ando, and with this opportunity, the communist g roup tried to convert it into a national independence protest movement, but was arrested by the Japanese police. Since then, he has been imprisoned for three months at Seodaemun Prison.

일본의 총력전 체제와 조선에 대한 방공(防共)정책

This research examines Japan's total war system during the war from the aspect of anti-communist policy. Among them, Japan judged that the threat of the Communist Party was more serious in Korea than in Japan, and analyzed that it implemented an anti-communist policy in Korea that combined the judicial Peace Preservation Law and the cultural Korean Anti-Communist Association. The Soviet Revolution of 1917 had a great impact on the Western nations, and in 1920, it became a fashion in Europe and the United States to enact security legislation in order to prevent forces that would cooperate with the Soviet Union and promote domestic revolutionary movements. Japan enacted the Radical Social Movement Control Law in the early 1920s, and in 1925 it enacted the Peace Preservation Law. And Japan tried to deal with communism not only with the Soviet-Japanese Basic Treaty. This Peace Preservation Law was applied to suppress nationalist and socialist-affiliated independence movements in Korea. In Korea, not only communism, but also national and independence movements had to be suppressed and cracked down, so the Peace Preservation Law was applied to all cases.
 Also, in the 1930s, Japan began to feel the effects of the Great Depression, and as a result, the labor movement and the peasant movement grew to an unprecedented scale. Then, in 1936, he submitted a bill to revise the Peace Preservation Law and passed the ‘Thought Criminal Probation Law’. In 1938, Japan began to advocate the need for a complete revision of the Peace Preservation Law, mainly through on-site ideological examinations. This is because Japan recognized that maintaining security in the rear was the most important issue in the process of developing a total war system following the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. Such demands resulted in a complete revision of the Peace Preservation Law in 1941. At that time, Japan had an overwhelming number of cases of applying the Peace Preservation Law in Korea compared to other colonies. This was due to the perception of the Japanese authorities that the geographical and social conditions of Korea were more influenced by communism than Japan. In addition to this, on August 15, 1938, the Korean Anti-Communist Association was established to thoroughly eradicate communist ideology, and carried out anti-communist education through various projects. In this way, Japan tried to prevent the spread of communism to Korea under the total war system during the war through the Peace Preservation Law and the Korean Anti-Communist Association.

김중건의 원종(元宗)과 한의사 신홍균의 항일 독립운동

Japanese colonial rule ultimately aimed at destroying Korean history, culture, and its national spirit. Korean traditional medicine is a precious national asset containing the spirit and philosophy of the Korean people that has been preserved for 5,000 years. Based on Japan’s policy guidelines of assimilation, the Government-General of the Japanese Empire attempted to root out Korean traditional medicine, which had accumulated a national tradition and spirit. With the beginning of Japanese colonial rule, the alien rulers in Korea launched a program of subjugating the medical system of Joseon to Western medical science under the name of modernization. This article is a historiographic and biographic study on the life of Shin Hong-gyun, a Korean Independence Army (military surgeon) member, who bravely joined the battle of Daejeonjaryeong (大甸子嶺). It was Kim Jung-geon who led Shin Honggyun to join the difficult path of the anti-Japanese struggle. Kim Jung-geon founded Wonjong (元宗), which aimed to renovate Korean society to present a new ideal world called Daegonghwamukuk (大共和無國). He developed his strategy of the anti-Japanese independence movement through implementing a social reform, Ubokchon (魚腹村), which embodied his philosophy and experience. The relationship between Shin and Kim lasted for 17 years through their collaborative works in the anti-Japanese independence movement and social reform. This article introduced the trajectory of how Kim Junggeon’s philosophy influenced Shin Hong-gyun’s determination to join the independence army.

대한민국 임시정부 요인(要人)들의 복식 연구

This study divided the entire provisional government era into three periods and identified dress trends in each period. The type, characteristics, and wearing styles of costumes for each period were analyzed and the role of the outfits was reviewed. Unlike the general government, the Korean Provisional Government was a form of government with a unique characteristic. The era of the provisional government can be divided into three periods (the Shanghai period(1919-1932), the Wandering period(1932-1940), and the Chongqing period(1940-1945)), with the overall circumstances and main activities of the government varying between each period. The men were leading figures and staff of the provisional government, most of whom wore western clothing. Notably, the leaders of the March 1 Movement in 1919 wore western suits, helping to spread western styles among the general public. Photos show that members of the provisional government wore different styles of suits that were popular in each period. Some of them wore Chinese clothing such as Jangsam and Magua. Jangsam and Magua were often worn during the Wandering period when Japanese suppression was at its peak. Later, during the Chongqing period, some wore the Zhongshan suit (Mao suit). The women captured in photos were either warriors of the independence movement or family members and staff of the provisional government. They dressed in western costumes, Qipao, Jangsam, or Hanbok. Women wore Hanbok more often than men, and women residing in North America and Russia donned western clothings that were popular at the time. The costumes worn by leading figures and members of the Korean Provisional Government reflected the struggle for independence. They provide clues to the challenges that were facing the country during those periods.

신규식 동제사 그룹과 파리강화회의 - 중국내 청원운동을 중심으로 -

The dispatch of representatives to the Paris Peace Conference, which has been generally recognized as the starting point of the March First Movement, and domestic and foreign support activities have focused on the role of Yeo Un-hyung and Shinhan Youth Party. In fact, Yeo Un-hyung and the Shinhan Youth Party’s activities played a decisive role as triggers for the March First Movement, such as writing and delivering petitions to President Wilson after contact with Charles Crane, selecting and sending Kim Kyusik as dispatched representatives, and linking them. However, this article demonstrates Shin Kyu-sik and Dongjesa group also played an important role after the dispatch of Kim Kyu-sik. In particular, it should be emphasized that the petition campaign for the South and North Chinese government and the U.S. Embassy in Beijing by Shin Kyu-sik and Dongjesa group contributed significantly to creating international and general Chinese support for Korean independence, even though the Chinese government could not give practical helps due to its internal situation. The connection between Shin Kyu-sik and the independence movement forces in Korea, Japan, the U.S., and Russia and the March First Movement should be further clarified, but based on the petition movement in China and the response of Chinese people, it should be evaluated as or more than the activities of Yeo Un-hyung and Shinhan Youth Party.

조선총독부의 민족종교 탄압과 제주도 무극대도 사건

The Mugeuk Daedokyo Incident on Jeju Island was a significant incident that occurred on Jeju Island in 1937 when Japan was moving toward militarism. According to the verdict, 20 people were convicted in this case. The most common crimes they were charged with were “impiety to the Japanese Emperor” and “National security law.” ‘Impiety to the Japanese Emperor” consisted in the fact that they foresaw that the Japanese Emperor would soon be dethroned, and “National security law” was invoked as they said that Japan’s imperialism would soon collapse and Joseon would become independent. Additionally, Military penal law and Navy penal law were involved as Japan said that it would lose in the Sino-Japanese War. This incident was part of an independence movement that desired the defeat of Japan and Korea's independence. To block the support of the general public for the religious leader Kang Seung-tae, the Japanese government played on social issues such as “fraud,” “rape,” and “violation of doctors’ rules.” charged with immorality.
 The Imperial Japanese divided the religions of colonial Korea into two types. Japan’s state religions, “Shinto” and “Buddhism,” and “Christianity,” were classified as religions and administered by the Religious Division of the Academic Affairs Bureau of the Japanese Government-General of Korea. Ethnic religions that desired human liberation, national liberation, and national independence were classified as “similar religions,” and were controlled by the Government-General’s Police Bureau, which suppressed independence activists. Religions classified as pseudo-religions were all ethnic religions that dreamed of national liberation.
 Even after the liberation of Korea, this religious classification made by the Japanese was accepted as it was, and those involved in the Mugeukdaedo incident were excluded from the national conferment of a decoration. Kang Seung-tae, the leader of the Mugeuk Daedokyo, was treated as a person of interest to the point that even after serving his six-year sentence, the Japanese Empire would not release him, because the view of the Japanese Government- General, who treated him as a pseudo religious leader, was maintained even after liberation.
 Now is the time to frame the Mugeukdaedo incident on Jeju Island as one of the fiercest national liberation movements of the 1930s.

Allegorizing Nation Building in Fiction: An Analysis of Mumtaz Shahnawaz’s The Heart Divided

The present paper is a New Historicist analysis of Mumtaz Shahnawaz's novel The Heart Divided (1957). Keeping in view the theoretical postulates of Stephen Greenblatt, the paper analyzes the literary text in conjunction with the author's life and time to evaluate how the different prevailing political discourses impacted the text. During the turbulent times of the Partition of the Subcontinent, the significance of the social and political forces that prompted the author to write the novel cannot be denied. Shahnawaz herself was a political activist during the Independence Movement so she closely witnessed the process of nation building and the emergence of the concept of Two Nation Theory so she incorporates these details in her fictional work. As a New Historicist study, this paper assumes that the selected fictional text has been shaped by the time and place in which it was produced and that it reflects the time and place it is set so the study explores the cultural forces surrounding the text and infusing meaning to it.

„Ciche bohaterki”? Kobiety w powstaniu styczniowym w historiografii i edukacji historycznej PRL

In 2023, we will celebrate the 160 th anniversary of the January Uprising outbreak. It provokes further reflection on this event and its main protagonists. Among them were also women, which encourages further research on this form of their involvement in the independence movement. The aspect of the place of women in the historiography of the January Uprising (up to 1918), taken up, albeit very randomly, has prompted the author to conduct further research in this field. The review of scientific and popular literature presented in the article, although it certainly does not cover the entire subject, has reminded the names of women – heroines, actively involved in the January Uprising. Certainly, the historiography of the People’s Republic of Poland contributed to the fact that women – passive and active participants of the events of 1860–1863/64 – were noticed and valued not only as “silent heroines of the uprising”. Many of them paid for their bravery with their lives, with deportation or imprisonment, therefore the memory of their heroism should not be overlooked, both in historiography and in historical education.

Democratic Welfare State as Visualised by the Quaid-i-Azam

Quaid-i-Azam as a Socio-economic Thinker The Quaid-i-Azam, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, is known more for his political achievements than for his socio-economic thought. Last two decades, however, have seen a continuous flow of books containing his speeches, statements, messages, interviews, discussions in pre-independence legislative bodies and addresses in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. Even a cursory look at this vast literature shows that he was not only concerned with the political aspect of sub-continent’s independence movement but also consistently expressed his views regarding the socio-economic uplift of masses in general and Muslim society in particular. These views in their bare essentials reflect a remarkable continuity of approach from the earlier days of his political career to the period he occupied the position of Governor General of Pakistan. Actually, he became more and more expressive and forthright as the prospects of Pakistan coming into existence became bright. When Pakistan finally appeared as a sovereign nation on the map of the world, he openly rejected the prevailing economic system as having failed to do justice between man and man and to eradicate friction from the international field.

Imran Ali. The Punjab under Imperialism 1885 - 1947. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988. ix + 264 pp.$ 49.50 (Hardback).

The title of Ali's book needs to be clarified. The work does not cover what is currently the entire Punjab, East and West. It is an economic history of the development of the canal colonies in the Punjab. These canal colonies fell entirely into Pakistan's area when the subcontinent was partitioned in 1947. So the work has special significance for the canal colony region of the Punjab, Pakistan. As such, Ali's book fills a great need for two reasons. First, in Pakistan the green revolution has been based in the canal colonies. The rate and comprehensiveness of adoption of the package has been greater in the canal colonies compared to the other regions. If the canal colonies provided such a suitable environment for the adoption of agrarian technical change in the 1960s, then there is a need to assess their emergence and economic impact in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The question is: Did the emergence of the canal colonies result in an agrarian revolution at that time? This forms Ali's main problematic. And his answer is that the political and economic objectives of British imperial interests in the Punjab overrode their development interests, with the result that the canal colonies did not fulm their growth potential. The second need that Ali's work fills is to raise the question of the political behaviour of the Punjab. This question needs to be raised for two time periods, namely in the state of Pakistan since 1947, and earlier, during the independence movement in the first half of this century.

Nonwhites and Brazilian independence in comparative perspective

The independence movements in the Americas in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were all born of alliances between elites and the subaltern, most of whom were nonwhites. This article compares the roles of Brazilian nonwhites in the independence struggle to the activities of those in British and Spanish America. The focus is on three groups: slaves, free people of color, and indigenous people. Some members of these groups took the initiative to join revolutionary movements, but many were forcibly recruited. Each group had their own agendas, but few of their demands were reflected in the new constitutions that were adopted.

State-Building Discourse and the Failed Commemoration of the March First Independence Movement during the Liberation Period in Korea

State-Building Discourse and the Failed Commemoration of the March First Independence Movement during the Liberation Period in Korea

Lumumba in the Arts

Lumumba in the Arts

Exploring Sovereignty in Scotland

AbstractIt is often said that sovereignty is ever less meaningful in the modern world. Yet, sovereignty claims continue to proliferate. There are two elements: the subject of self‐determination (sovereignty) claims and the object. Scottish independence and Brexit are two examples, yet they differ in important ways. Brexit postulates that the British people are the subject and complete sovereignty is the object. The Scottish independence movement claims the Scottish people is the subject but now places the object (independence) in a European context of shared sovereignty. Analysis of questions placed in the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey (2021) shows that, in spite of Scottish politics being polarised around the issue of independence vs. union, voters show flexibility about what each of these actually means.