The focus of this report should be clear from the title; it is to analyze strategic mechanisms used by U.S. food manufacturers in an evolving world of global rivalry among firms from many nations. Several sources of evidence point to a growing geographic scope of markets, along with growing interdependence in national food industries. First, transportation costs among countries continue to decline because of ongoing productivity growth in air and water transportation and communications (McFarland). Second, many U.S. industries faced dramatic increases in import competition in the last twenty years (Eichengreen), while foreign investment links into and out of the U.S. continue to expand (Lipsey). Finally, trade in processed foods among developed economies continues to expand (OECD). Growing interdependence presents new profit opportunities for food firms, especially those who can effectively transfer existing competitive advantages to new markets. Growing trade and increased investment links may also lead to increased competition in domestic product and capital markets and an erosion of existing competitive advantages held by domestic firms and employees. Because increasing interdependence creates losers as well as winners, and because government policies may affect the size of any net gains as well as the distribution of gains, analysts and policy makers require detailed information about the sources and effects of growing trade and investment links. With increasing interdependence among national food sectors, firms will find themselves competing in many countries. We concentrate on strategies by which firms effect sales in a foreign market: licensing of a foreign manufacturer, exports from the United States, direct investment in the foreign country, or investment in a third country with export sales to the foreign market. In many ways, U.S. food firms have made a distinctive set of choices among modes of foreign entry, especially when compared to other U.S. corporations. A company's choice among modes of foreign entry is not arbitrary; rather, a set of product, market, firm, and government characteristics typically drive those choices. We limit our focus to sales strategies and do not explicitly consider methods of initiating direct investment, such as the choice between acquisition of an existing firm and the construction of new facilities. Acquisitions account for almost all initial direct investment in the U.S. food industry (Pagoulatos), while Connor asserts that acquisitions account for about half of direct investment by U.S. food parents. We highlight the particular structures and strategies of U.S. food manufacturers through the use of secondary sources and two principal databases. One is the Benchmark Survey of U.S. direct investment abroad, as reported by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) of the Department of Commerce for 1966, 1977, and 1982 (1987 is forthcoming). That source provides great detail for comparisons across industries and countries and over the recent past, but provides little disaggregated detail for firms or industries within the food