Incorrect Grammar Research Articles

P01-213 - A girl with semantic-pragmatic language disorder

ObjectiveTo report a 9-year-old girl with semantic-pragmatic language disorder.MethodClinical manifestations and neuropsychological findings of the girl are presented.ResultThe difficulties have occurred in communication. The difficulties have interfered with peer communication since she was a toddler. She cannot find appropriate words to explain what she would like to do or what she had done. She has made vocabulary errors. It is sometimes to say incorrect grammar. She has had difficulty understanding words. Tasks involving memory (e.g., memorizing writing Kanji or Kanji compounds) has been excellent for her. Japanese children are made to study a lot of kanji. Kanji has a complex shape. Though she can read and write Kanji, she cannot understand the words. Qualitative impairment in social interaction or restricted, repetitive, and stereotyped patterns of behavior had not been found. She has also short attention span. She had been diagnosed with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder the Predominantly Inattentive Type when she was aged 5 years.The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-III) was administered to her (FIQ = 103, VIQ = 97 and PIQ = 108). The scores on Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities Japanese-version were substantially below those obtained from standardized measures of nonverbal intellectual capacity. There was a discrepancy between the abilities of verbal and non-verbal semantic comprehension.ConclusionAtomoxetin has been administered to her. Her mother and her teachers understood her manifestations. Using pictures or other concrete examples, she has been educated. Gradually, she became to be interested in the meaning of words.

Saying "Nothin'": Pachucas and the Languages of Resistance

Saying "Nothin'" Pachucas and the Languages of Resistance Catherine S. Ramírec On June 9 and 10, 1943, in the midst of the Zoot Suit Riots, Los Angeles newspapers announced the arrest of a "pachuco woman." According to the press, twenty-two-year-old Amelia Venegas, mother of a toddler and wife of a sailor, had incited violence by urging a gang of pachucos to attack sheriff's deputies in her East Los Angeles neighborhood. "I no like thees daputy sheriffs [sic.]," the Herald-Express quoted her. Additionally, newspapers reported that she attempted to smuggle a pair of brass knuckles to "zoot suit hoodlums" to assist them in their street brawls with sailors. Venegas was arrested and jailed for disturbing the peace.1 Click for larger view Figure 1 Amelia Venegas, "Pachuco woman." Los Angeles Her-ald-Examiner Collection. Los Angeles Public Library. [End Page 1] Although newspaper photographs do not show her wearing a "finger-tip" coat or short, full skirt—identifying features of the pachuca look in wartime Los Angeles—Venegas was nonetheless described as a "lady zoot suiter, or at least a sympathizer with the zoot suit fraternity."2 As various scholars have shown, the zoot suit, which generally consisted of a long coat and skirt or pair of billowing trousers, signified difference and defiance in the United States during World War II, a moment of heightened jingoism, xenophobia, and concern over shifting gender roles.3 Both the ensemble and, more often than not, its Mexican-American wearer were deemed unpatriotic and un-American and were even directly linked to the Axis. In Venegas's case, the incorrect grammar and caricature Mexican accent attributed to her emphasized that her transgression was two-fold: she was not only un-American but unladylike as well. Many studies of pachuquismo—the Mexican-American pachuca/o subculture—have stressed the symbolic economy of style: clothes, hair, and, to a lesser extent, makeup.4 This essay seeks to add to this exciting body of work by focusing on another important—albeit literally unspectacular—stylistic element of wartime pachuquismo: language and speech. Like their African-American counterparts who spoke jive, many pachucas and pachucos (that is, Mexican-American zooters) spoke pachuco slang (also known as caló). Additionally, many used pochismos (lexical borrowings) and a working-class-inflected form of American English. During the Chicano movement of the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s, these linguistic varieties, like zoot suits, became signs both of difference and of opposition for a number of Chicana and Chicano writers. They signified a refusal to conform to the status quo and a distinctly racialized, working-class, urban youth style. In short, many of the utterances of Mexican-American zooters came to signify resistance, style, and style as resistance. The concept of resistance has had an indelible effect on the study of popular culture in the United States as well as on Chicano studies (and cultural and ethnic studies more broadly). Drawing from James C. Scott's metaphor of the "hidden transcript," Robin D. G. Kelley, for example, argues that the "veiled social and cultural worlds of oppressed people frequently surface in everyday forms of resistance—theft, footdragging, the destruction of property."5 Within African-American and Chicano studies, the zoot subculture of the World War II period is often looked to as an example of a "hidden transcript." As Kelley notes, "The language and culture of zoot suiters represented a subversive refusal to be subservient."6 By focusing on women speakers of pachuco slang, this essay explores the relationship of resistance—what Kelley describes as the "subversive refusal to be subservient"—to gender and style, specifically coolness and hipness. "Coolness" refers to self-control; "hipness" to knowledge and sophistication. [End Page 2] Both terms connote style and, as I argue below, social marginalization. This essay examines the gendering of Chicano resistance and style and Chicano resistance as style. It asks, "What is the gender of Chicano resistance and does...

The syntactically dangerous all and plural in specifications

The items on the private check list are specific problems involving the correct use of the natural language in which the RS is written. It includes incorrect grammar, incorrect word placement, and all kinds of ambiguities. The lists of grammatical and word-placement problems are similar despite the difference in the natural languages involved. The syntactic problems are symptoms of ambiguities in meaning - a grammatical problem occurs when part of a sentence disagrees with another, and each choice in the disagreement corresponds to a different meaning. The use of plural to describe a property of elements of a set or of sets makes it difficult to determine whether the property is that of each element or of the whole set. A specification inspector can certainly search for plural constructions in a specification to examine each for its danger. Best of all is for a specification writer not to write plural statements when describing properties of each element of a set.

Teaching Spanish to emergency medicine residents.

To determine the effects of teaching medical Spanish to eight PGY1 emergency medicine residents on their subsequent interactions with Spanish-speaking patients. Eight PGY1 residents completed a 45-hour medical Spanish course administered during their first residency month. Thirty-four subsequent physician-patient interactions by these residents were audiotaped over a six-month period at a suburban teaching ED. The tapes were transcribed and analyzed for errors by a professional medical Spanish interpreter and a native Spanish speaker. Minor errors (e.g., technically incorrect grammar or vocabulary with generally appropriate patient understanding) were found in more than half of the interactions and major errors (e.g., misunderstanding duration of symptoms, misunderstanding of vocabulary) were found in 14% of the interactions. In addition, although the course was designed to supplement, not replace, professional interpreters, the residents called for an interpreter only 46% of the time. Although medical language courses may be a useful adjunct to interpreters, they are not designed to replace them. Significant errors may occur when participants in such courses assume their knowledge is sufficient to obtain a good history, give patient release instructions, and provide medical care in general without an interpreter present.