Implications For Democracy Research Articles

Uninformed and Misinformed: Advancing a Theoretical Model for Social Media News Use and Political Knowledge

Scholarship has now recognized the potentially detrimental effects of social media on political knowledge. At the same time, a separate but similar line of work has raised concerns that these platforms are the primary vector of political misinformation. Despite the renewed focus on misinformation studies, the question as to whether political knowledge and susceptibility to misinformation are related remains open. If they are indeed related, we still know little about the underlying cognitive mechanisms that drive political learning when people rely on social media for news. Based on a two-wave panel survey collected during the 2020 U.S. presidential election, we found that social media news use fosters the news-finds-me perception (particularly among those who feel overwhelmed with the volume of information available on social media). This, in turn, leads people to be both uninformed and misinformed about politics and current affairs. Implications for democracy are discussed.

Who is afraid of emergency politics? Public opinion on European crisis management during Covid-19

After a decade of crisis management, the democratic implications of emergency modes of governance in the European Union (EU) are under the spotlight. The prevailing analysis is critical. Scholars point to an emergent, distinctly European trend of transnational crisis exploitation where elite appeals to exceptional pressures serve asymmetric power and influence, overriding democratic norms and potentially fuelling Eurosceptic backlash. However, the literature does not ask whether citizens consider themselves disempowered by the EU’s emergency politics, with its alleged emphasis on urgency and technocratic problem-solving. The relative symmetry and simultaneity of the Covid-19 crisis across Europe offers an opportunity for an empirical examination of public opinion on traits of emergency politics. We juxtapose the implications of emergency politics for public opinion with the transnational cleavages literature and use survey data from 15 member states on EU- and national-level pandemic responses to examine the competing hypotheses. Our findings indicate perceptions of crisis management are largely determined by prior views on EU integration and democracy. More generally, the results suggest that the transnational cleavage remains overall a key driver and delimiter of Euroscepticism in crisis times. Though there is some variance between emergency politics dimensions, we do not detect a widespread perception of disillusionment motivated by EU emergency rule.

Partisanship on Social Media: In-Party Love Among American Politicians, Greater Engagement with Out-Party Hate Among Ordinary Users

Americans view their in-party members positively and out-party members negatively. It remains unclear, however, whether in-party affinity (i.e., positive partisanship) or out-party animosity (i.e., negative partisanship) more strongly influences political attitudes and behaviors. Unlike past work, which relies on survey self-reports or experimental designs among ordinary citizens, this pre-registered project examines actual social media expressions of an exhaustive list of American politicians as well as citizens’ engagement with these posts. Relying on 1,195,844 tweets sent by 564 political elites (i.e., members of US House and Senate, Presidential and Vice-Presidential nominees from 2000 to 2020, and members of the Trump Cabinet) and machine learning to reliably classify the tone of the tweets, we show that elite expressions online are driven by positive partisanship more than negative partisanship. Although politicians post many tweets negative toward the out-party, they post more tweets positive toward their in-party. However, more ideologically extreme politicians and those in the opposition (i.e., the Democrats) are more negative toward the out-party than those ideologically moderate and whose party is in power. Furthermore, examining how Twitter users react to these posts, we find that negative partisanship plays a greater role in online engagement: users are more likely to like and share politicians’ tweets negative toward the out-party than tweets positive toward the in-party. This project has important theoretical and democratic implications, and extends the use of trace data and computational methods in political behavior.

Welfare Implications of Democratization in Content Creation

Welfare Implications of Democratization in Content Creation

Political Marketing: A Third Force in Political Campaign

Political Marketing is an off-shoot of traditional marketing theory. This study is on the social and democratic implications of using marketing in political campaign. Marketing strategies are used in politics by politicians to communicate with the voters and electoral community. It is evolving and the strategies, communications and campaigns rely on political marketing for success in elections. The outline of this study includes segments of political marketing which were discussed along- side with the model of political marketing and its components. Detailed in the study also are functionality of political marketing; political marketing and lobbying and its impact on election and democracy. Efforts were made to dovetail political marketing and the criticisms about it. General findings were discussed and conclusion drawn upon it.

Digital transparency and political communication

The academic debate on transparency has experienced a boom in recent decades. A review of the scientific literature allows us to identify two key moments in the discussion on digital transparency: the declaration of Barack Obama’s Memorandum on transparency and open government in 2009 and the Cambridge Analytica scandal in 2018. The first was linked to a groundswell of enthusiasm for the concept of government transparency, with the promise that it would boost accountability, eliminate corruption, and promote political efficiency in a crisis of institutional legitimacy. The second altered the digital transparency agenda and catalysed a discussion about the need for technology and social media companies (Facebook, Twitter, or Google) to make transparency commitments because of their role in generating a public conversation and the democratic implications. This paper reviews the idea of digital transparency in the scientific literature framed in the field of political communication and tries to reflect the need for more research on its political, social, and cultural implications.

Ross, Trevor. Writing in Public: Literature and the Liberty of the Press in Eighteenth-Century Britain

Ross, Trevor. <i>Writing in Public: Literature and the Liberty of the Press in Eighteenth-Century Britain</i>

"I feel it in my gut:" Epistemic Motivations, Political Beliefs, and Misperceptions of COVID-19 and the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election.

This project examines the intersection of political constructs and epistemic motivations as they relate to belief in misinformation. How we value the origins of knowledge - through feelings and intuition or evidence and data - has important implications for our susceptibility to misinformation. This project explores how these epistemic motivations correlate with political ideology, party identification, and favorability towards President Trump, and how epistemic and political constructs predict belief in misinformation about COVID and the 2020 election. Results from a US national survey from Nov-Dec 2020 illustrate that Republicans, conservatives, and those favorable towards President Trump held greater misperceptions about COVID and the 2020 election. Additionally, epistemic motivations were associated with political preferences; Republicans and conservatives were more likely to reject evidence, and Trump supporters more likely to value feelings and intuition. Mediation analyses support the proposition that Trump favorability, Republicanism, and conservatism may help account for the relationships between epistemic motivations and misperceptions. Results are discussed in terms of the messaging strategies of right-wing populist movements, and the implications for democracy and public health.

The colonization of Wikipedia: evidence from characteristic editing behaviors of warring camps

PurposeTo add new empirical knowledge to debates about social practices of peer production communities, and to conversations about bias and its implications for democracy. To help identify Wikipedia (WP) articles that are affected by systematic bias and hopefully help alleviate the impact of such bias on the general public, thus helping enhance both traditional (e.g. libraries) and online information services (e.g. Google) in ways that contribute to democracy. This paper aims to discuss the aforementioned objectives.Design/methodology/approachQuantitatively, the authors identify edit-warring camps across many conflict zones of the English language WP, and profile and compare success rates and typologies of camp edits in the corresponding topic areas. Qualitatively, the authors analyze the edit war between two senior WP editors that resulted in imbalanced and biased articles throughout a topic area for such editorial characteristics through a close critical reading.FindingsThrough a large-scale quantitative study, the authors find that winner-take-all camps exhibit biasing editing behaviors to a much larger extent than the camps they successfully edit-war against, confirming findings of prior small-scale qualitative studies. The authors also confirm the employment of these behaviors and identify other behaviors in the successful silencing of traditional medicinal knowledge on WP by a scientism-biased senior WP editor through close reading.Social implicationsWP sadly does, as previously claimed, appear to be a platform that represents the biased viewpoints of its most stridently opinionated Western white male editors, and routinely misrepresents scholarly work and scientific consensus, the authors find. WP is therefore in dire need of scholarly oversight and decolonization.Originality/valueThe authors independently verify findings from prior personal accounts of highly power-imbalanced fights of scholars against senior editors on WP through a third-party close reading of a much more power balanced edit war between senior WP editors. The authors confirm that these findings generalize well to edit wars across WP, through a large scale quantitative analysis of unbalanced edit wars across a wide range of zones of contention on WP.

Municipality size and political participation: evidence from Australia

ABSTRACT Structural reforms over the past several decades have seen the institution of local government in Australia become progressively less local. Primarily as a result of municipal amalgamation, the average population of Australia’s local governments has more than doubled since the early 1990s. The democratic implications of this de-localisation, however, have been severely understudied. This article addresses this gap by analysing the effect of municipality size on several modes of local political participation in the mainland capital city regions of Adelaide and Perth. Drawing on a quantitative analysis of primary survey and electoral data, this paper presents evidence of a negative relationship between municipality size and participation – as size increases, rates of voting, candidacy, contact with local representatives, and council meeting attendance decrease. The implications for local government’s input legitimacy and its role as a training ground for democracy – as well as options for ‘re-localising’ local politics – are discussed.

The EU and Third Countries: Consequences for Democracy and the Political Order

AbstractThis article discusses the democratic implications of third country incorporation for the EU and for third countries. The more the EU transforms sovereignty in an open and inclusive manner, the greater the scope for third country presence, participation and influence. For the EU, the greater the presence and influence of third countries, the more pressing the democratic incongruence. For third countries, the better included and the more they participate, the less incongruent their affiliation, and the more similar to members they become. These considerations depend on how the EU structures its relations with third countries and the nature of the EU's political order. It is in the EU's internal market and flanking areas that the pooling and sharing of sovereignty is the most pronounced. The conundrum facing third countries and the EU is that the internal market is central to the EU's constitution as a political system.

Politics as a transitory vocation: a case study of the post-parliamentary challenges experienced by former Victorian MPs

ABSTRACT A career in parliament is inherently a transitory vocation, and parliamentary turnover is critical for a healthy democracy. Yet many MPs fail to prepare for the time when they must leave parliament. This lack of preparedness exacerbates the challenges of post-parliamentary life. Drawing on research conducted with former members of the Parliament of Victoria, Australia, this article reports on the experiences of MPs leaving parliament. Former MPs, particularly those who leave the parliament involuntarily, experience serious challenges including a loss of identity, a fracturing of social relationships, and employment and financial stress. These outcomes may have democratic implications by discouraging highly capable candidates from diverse backgrounds from pursuing a career in parliament. Acknowledging that the role of modern parliaments is expanding well beyond their traditional purview, we offer practical recommendations to mitigate these issues.

“We can help and it doesn’t cost you a cracker”: the multidimensionality of service representation in Australia and New Zealand

ABSTRACT Service representation – the extent to which Members of Parliament (MPs) assist constituents with problems they have related to the government – is an increasingly important role of MPs in developed democracies. We explore the practice of service representation through comparison of the service orientations and activities of two MPs in different countries, New Zealand and Australia, observed during periods of participant observation with them in their electorates. Constructing service connections between MPs and their constituents is often a crucial aspect of MPs’ overall representational styles. Our comparisons in this research depict the multi-dimensionality of service representation with respect to MPs’ emphasis on service, the nature of their service activities, and in the factors that shape those activities. The democratic implications of our comparisons are also addressed. Deep exploration of only two cases is used in this research to develop theoretical understanding to inform future analysis of service representation and its increasing importance in the overall representational and democratic process.

A test of the “hybridity hypothesis:” support for celebrity political expression, political ideology, and need for cognitive closure

Abstract Are conservatives more likely than liberals to oppose celebrity political expression? And if so, is this attributable to the overwhelmingly liberal ideology of the actors, musicians, and athletes who speak out on political matters? The hybridity hypothesis suggests that opposition to celebrity political expression might also be grounded in individuals’ psychological predispositions and resulting aesthetic preferences. Using 2018 national CCES data (N = 1000), we test the relationships between political beliefs, psychological traits, and support for celebrity political expression. Results indicate that need for cognitive closure is significantly negatively associated with support for celebrity expression, and that this relationship functions independently of the political leanings of the audience and of the political nature of the expression being made. The notion that a psychological need for closure is associated with less approval of certain forms of political discourse has important democratic implications, especially given the documented link between need for cognitive closure and political conservatism.

Cynical Nonpartisans: The Role of Misinformation in Political Cynicism During the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election

The literature on misinformation has not provided sufficient empirical evidence concerning its political consequences. To amend this trend, this study examines how widespread misinformation on social media elevates political cynicism, which has peaked over the past decade in the United States. Using two-wave survey data collected both before and after the 2020 US presidential election, we present evidence that social media use triggers political cynicism, which is mediated through exposure to misinformation. In addition, the results reveal that the mediating relationship only holds among nonpartisans. Implications for democracy are also discussed.

Pandemic consulting. How private consultants leverage public crisis management

ABSTRACT This forum article discusses how the Covid19-pandemic as a major public crisis is transforming the relationship between governments and management consultants, contributing to the deepening presence of consulting firms in policy-making and governance. It shows how the crisis has entrenched private advice in public policymaking as governments are spending millions of dollars on transnational professional service firms like McKinsey, KPMG, Deloitte and Accenture to coordinate their pandemic responses. Drawing from comparative research of India, Australia, UK, Germany and Canada, we outline how interests have been aligned through both the state’s demand for quick advice and the readily available supply of expertise provided by firms seeking to expand their markets. In this context, we note that professional services firms have been able to leverage their scope, scale, speed and networks in deepening their role in governance, moving beyond simply advising governments to providing core administrative functions. We conclude by discussing the implications for democracy and the possibilities for contestation.

Citizen participation matters. Bureaucratic discretion matters more

AbstractNew Public Governance theory increases citizen participation and expands bureaucrats' roles in the work of government. Citizen participation creates new mechanisms for citizens to influence the policy process. Bureaucrats' expanded roles allow for broader bureaucratic discretion over policy implementation. When citizens' and bureaucrats' views on public management decisions collide, whose views prevail? Do citizen volunteers or bureaucrats have greater influence over public decisions? We answer this question by studying the U.S. Department of Energy's initiative to engage citizens in environmental clean‐up decisions. We assess 10 years of meeting records and administrative decisions using a three‐step, mixed‐method analysis to identify, weigh, and test the influence of citizen participation and bureaucratic discretion. The results indicate that while citizen participation matters, bureaucratic discretion has a more significant influence over administrative decision‐making. The findings expose holes in New Public Governance theory, which has implications for democracy and demands deeper thought into structuring citizen participation.

Impacts of joint municipal agencification on the democratic governance of waste management

PurposeThe study examines how introducing joint municipal arm's length bodies (ALBs) into municipal waste management has influenced the preconditions of democratic governance.Design/methodology/approachThe authors describe and explain the democratic implications of joint municipal agencification by reviewing the perspectives of representative and participative democracy. Through this approach, the authors apply the exit–voice framework developed by Albert Hirschman to highlight the potential roles and rights of citizens. This research includes country case studies of Finland and Norway. The authors analyse and systematize Finnish and Norwegian waste and organizational policies by reviewing national regulatory documents, commentaries and guidance materials to identify the fundamental missions and institutional traditions of the alternative organizational forms of joint ALBs.FindingsThe study findings highlight that joint agencification has an adverse effect on the democratic governance of waste management policy and services even though these are public monopoly services. They also demonstrate that all joint municipal ALBs limit the classic elements of representative democracy in general, and that private-law ALBs limit residents' rights to influence and participate.Originality/valueThis study contributes to local public management studies by applying Hirschman's theory to comparative reviews of joint agencification and ALBs. It revealed the similarities and differences between the different organizational forms of joint ALBs applied in Finland and Norway. It also demonstrated how the democratic rights of residents depend on how municipalities collaborate.

On Freedom and Responsibility in an Extra-Moral Sense: Nietzsche and Non-Sovereign Responsibility

AbstractInterpreting Nietzsche’s writings on agency and responsibility through the lens of non-sovereignty generates interpretive and political-theoretical contributions. More specifically, I advance three arguments. First, Nietzsche’s genealogical critique of moral responsibility denaturalizes modernity’s conception of individual sovereignty and responsibility, by providing a naturalistic account of agency. Agency and responsibility are neither Kantian presuppositions of practical reason nor pieces of folk psychology to be abolished, but are normative, social, and historical achievements, and thus non-sovereign. Second, this implies a theory of responsibility that is simultaneously more and less demanding than moralistic accounts: while, because agents are not autonomous, they do not bear sole responsibility for their lives, they are called upon to be responsible to and for the world, by maintaining the conditions of possible agency and flourishing. Third, Nietzsche provides both generative resources and cautionary tales for political theories of non-sovereign agency. While non-sovereign responsibility holds emancipatory and potentially democratic implications, Nietzsche’s explicit political writings demonstrate the risk that, rather than tempering existential resentment, this account could generate and intensify a resentful anti-political authoritarianism. Just as non-sovereignty provides a useful framework for making sense of tensions within Nietzsche’s thought, Nietzsche’s post-moral theory of agency and responsibility brings forward tensions, provocations, and paradoxes that must be engaged by theorists of non-sovereignty.

Understanding the democratic role of perceived online political micro-targeting: longitudinal effects on trust in democracy and political interest

ABSTRACT With the increasing availability of big digital voter data, there are rising concerns that online political micro-targeting (PMT) may be harmful for democratic societies. However, PMT may also be beneficial to democracy because it targets voters with content that matches with their predispositions, potentially increasing political interest. For both, harmful and beneficial outcomes of PMT, we lack empirical evidence on the side of citizens. In a two-wave panel survey study, we tested the reciprocal relationships over time between perceived online PMT, trust in democracy, and political interest. We found that perceived online PMT leads to a decrease of trust in democracy, but also to an increase in political interest. The effect on political interest was independent from age. No reciprocal effects of trust in democracy and political interest on perceived PMT were observed. Overall, the results suggest that the democratic implications of PMT are more nuanced than previously assumed.