Imperialism Research Articles

The concept of legal dualism and its overcoming in contemporary studies of the Russian Empire

The productive interdisciplinary exchange with legal anthropology and the “law and society” paradigm has significantly contributed to the formation of the “legal turn” in historical studies of empires. This “turn” has intensified the study of legal pluralism, the competition and mutual influence among various types of imperial jurisdictions (state, corporate, confessional, ethnic, estate-based, regional, communal, etc.), and the significance of law and judicial institutions in managing diversity and integrating imperial spaces. Additionally, it explores the role of judicial and legal institutions in reinforcing the status and identity of imperial communities and in shaping their interactions with the state. This article, in light of the new interdisciplinary synthesis, discusses one of the oldest and most enduring concepts in the legal-historical sphere of the Russian Empire — the model of “legal dualism”. Formed in the 19th century, this concept remains influential in historiography. It posits the coexistence and sharp distinction between two legal realms: on one hand, a unified realm of modern statutory law and corresponding institutions that regulate the lives of the empire's elite; and on the other hand, an ethnically and locally variable realm of particularistic “customary law” and associated conflict resolution practices prevalent among the heterogeneous population of the imperial center and periphery. According to this concept, the establishment of new courts modeled on European systems during the post-reform period exacerbated the legal and behavioral divide, disrupting pre-existing elements of pre-reform particularistic inclusion of ethnic and class communities. However, recent research has critiqued and revised the “legal dualism” concept in both the pre-reform and post-reform periods. Analyzing this historiographical dynamic has enabled the identification of the most promising avenues for further research on the legal-historical aspects of Russia from the 18th to the early 20th centuries, developing a more realistic depiction of the interaction between the state and various local, regional, class-based, ethnic, and confessional communities within the empire.

From Chinese to Global Humanism: Articulations and Decolonial Critiques of New Confucian Philosophy in Cold War Taiwan and Hong Kong

In scholarly discussions of Cold War humanism, writings by New Confucian philosophers who exiled themselves from China after 1949 have been largely overlooked due to assumptions about their anti-Communist position. This essay proposes to re-examine New Confucian writings on humanism in Taiwan and Hong Kong from the 1950s to the 1970s as a way to better understand the complexity of these two places in relation to humanistic genres of decolonization: while the New Confucian conception of Chinese humanism intervenes in the hegemony of Western humanism, it also represses other humanistic imaginations that do not derive from Han cultural nationalism. The first part of the essay closely analyses the connection between the French debates on humanism and several philosophical works of Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 (1909–1995) in Taiwan and Tang Chun-I 唐君毅 (1909–1978) in Hong Kong. Following a brief overview of their exilic context, it looks into Mou’s rejection of Sartre’s existentialist humanism in defence of Chinese subjective freedom, as well as Tang’s conception and ideological development of the “Chinese humanistic spirit” in opposition to “anti-humanism” (different from Althusser). The second part turns to repressed humanisms – the positive reception of existentialist humanism among liberal and nativist intellectuals in Taiwan and the search for Hong Kongers’ cultural identity between anti-humanism and Chinese humanism in Hong Kong, which complicates colonial and anti-colonial humanisms under European imperialism. Via a comparison with Sartre, Fanon, and the conception of a new/decolonial humanism, the essay concludes that a different shift from Chinese to global humanism is necessary for finding new approaches to decolonization in Taiwan and Hong Kong from the Cold War era to the present moment.

Idealized Past, Exclusivist Present: Right-wing Appropriation of the Decolonial Rhetoric in Malaysia

ABSTRACT Scholars have often assumed that a decolonial agenda would empower emancipatory and anti-racist movements. Nevertheless, there is also increasing recognition by scholars that the language of decolonization has been co-opted to support right-wing ideologies and majoritarian agendas, most prominently in India and Turkey. Similarly, in Malaysia, right-wing actors use decolonial rhetoric to criticize ethnic, religious, gender, and sexual minorities and silence their demands for equal rights. These actors have justified their intolerance by labelling any perceived threats to heteronormative Malay Muslim identity as examples of “Western imperialism” or “Chinese colonialism.” This article illustrates how decolonial vocabulary has been transformed into Sinophobia and homophobia by a right-wing Islamist group in Malaysia. It shows how revisionist nativist historiography, racism, and conspiracy theories can be integrated with moralistic calls for decolonization. Tracing developments over the past decade, the paper demonstrates how persistent dissemination, intellectual laundering, and innovative marketing strategies have helped mainstream a nativist Islamist decolonial agenda in Malaysia.

American imperial exceptionalism? Texas secondary World History depictions of American empire, 1925–2016

ABSTRACT This article explores the connection between American exceptionalism and empire denialism by examining high-school World History textbooks approved for use in the state of Texas from the 1920s to 2016. Scholarship suggests that the powerful ideology of American exceptionalism is deeply uneasy about the role of the United States as an imperial power in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But despite this widespread assumption, World History textbooks for the past century have routinely labelled the United States an empire, and directly compared US actions with those of European colonising powers. Some textbooks portrayed this as a unique and aberrant time in US history. But other textbook accounts over the past century have made the case that US imperialism brought about material and political benefits to colonised peoples. In other words, a common thread in World History textbooks suggests that America created an exceptional empire. American imperialism was linked to an underlying narrative of the spread of European or Western civilisation, viewed as a cornerstone of modern world history.

The quest for the ukrainian “Araucana”. The case for the humanization of the Orc

The decade-long armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine (2014-2024) has been characterized legally and politically in different ways, such as a war of self-defense against external aggression to uphold the rules-based international order, or a war of national liberation against occupation and full-scale invasion by an imperialist power. On a social level, the rhetoric or language used by the immediately affected parties reveals the need to construct the conflict also as an existential fight between good and evil whereby the enemy is dehumanized by referring to them as “orcs.” Yet, this rhetoric could prove counter-productive as both a matter of principle and expediency. As a matter of principle, the same rules-based international order for which this just war of self-defense is being fought requires the humane treatment of the enemy. As a matter of expediency, the demeaning label “orc” risks being reclaimed by the enemy as a source of national pride and cultural identity, thus bolstering their will to fight and making a return to peace more difficult. The humanization of the enemy as both the right thing to do and the more convenient course of action is the best approach not only to win the war, but to fight and win well. The methodology used consists of textual analysis and philosophical argument drawing on primary and secondary sources. The former include historical works from both Hispanic and Ukrainian literature, namely the epic poem “La Araucana” (1569-1578-1590) by Alonso de Ercilla, and “Eneida” (1798) by Ivan Kotlyarevsky, a parody of the epic poem written by Virgil. Secondary sources include works of history, sociology, philosophy, law and ethics, as well as epic fantasy, namely J.R.R. Tolkien’s “The Lord of the Rings” and Kirill Eskov’s “The Last Ringbearer”.

Competing narratives of the Russia–Ukraine war: Why the West hasn't convinced the rest

AbstractThis article examines the narratives surrounding Moscow's full‐scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and beyond. Since the start of the war, Western characterizations of Russia's foreign policy as revanchist and imperialist have been overshadowed by the more successful framing by Russia that its actions were driven by the need to push back on American unipolarity and Western imperialist tendencies. This article examines how the Kremlin's narrative on the war has been embraced by leaders in core BRICS countries, shaping their position vis‐à‐vis Russia and the war. Drawing on theories of strategic narratives, this article highlights how leaders in China, India, Brazil, and South Africa understand the war and create conditions in which Russia can prosecute its war against a neighbor with their support or acquiescence. The paper concludes with policy recommendations and a brief discussion of why theories of strategic narratives have been underappreciated relative to more standard power‐based and materialist explanations of the war's outbreak, scope, and trajectory by scholars of international relations.

Putting the ‘critical’ in heritage studies from non-Anglophone regions: China and beyond

ABSTRACT Mapping the future trajectory of critical heritage studies, this paper provides a non-Anglophone perspective on the concept of ‘critical’ within the contemporary framework of critical heritage studies in China. It emphasises that scholarship from non-Anglophone regions should not be marginalised as a mere footnote, stereotypically portrayed as ‘the other’ in relation to Western discourse. Instead, these perspectives actively contribute to the field, engaging with global challenges. The notion of being ‘critical’ in this context is not a simple translation or appropriation of Western concepts, nor a straightforward critique of prevailing political and value systems. Rather, it represents an approach that integrates historical, transcultural, and political perspectives deeply rooted in local society and culture. These insights empower scholarship from non-Anglophone regions to enrich critical heritage studies with diverse intellectual resources, avoiding new forms of Western imperialism. In doing so, they fulfill critical heritage studies’ foundational promise of reshaping power dynamics in the realm of heritage studies.

The ‘Green War’: Geopolitical Metabolism and Green Extractivisms

ABSTRACT Through ‘green transitions’ and ‘climate action’, geopolitical actors seem to be vying for dominance based on justifications that articulate geopolitical, economic, and ecological concerns. This ‘Green War’ geopolitical framing advances and consolidates imperial power through policies seeking to promote and secure ‘low carbon technology’ and ‘critical minerals’ supply chains, intensifying what we see as a novel ‘geopolitical metabolism’. Whereas geopolitical metabolisms used to notably focus on controlling the flow of fossil fuels, there is a growing emphasis on the ‘green extractivisms’ that underpin ‘green transition’ initiatives. This Green War framing and accompanying geopolitical metabolism enable states and corporations to advance and consolidate imperial power by capturing and perverting a much-needed geo-politics, or ‘politics of the Earth’. As such, we challenge the Green War geopolitical framing as part of the crucial effort to articulate an alternative geo-politics that promotes peace while reducing and redistributing energetic and material flows.

The Agony of British Gorkhas: Fighting for Equal Rights in Fearless Warriors by Kangmang Naresh Rai

The major focus of this paper is on the unpleasant war experiences of the British Gorkhas such as the agony of British Gorkha services and its impacts on them in the book Fearless Warriors by Kangmang Naresh Rai, an ex-British Gorkha soldier. This book compiles various British Gorkha soldiers’ experiences in battling for Britain in the several wars around the world. It is an autobiographical book on the British Gorkha soldiers. This paper argues that the Gorkhas sacrifice their lives just for Britain whose greed for imperial power spread over many countries in Asia, Middle East Asia, and Africa. Moreover, the British Gorkhas are treated as ‘others’ because they are paid far less salaries and pensions than the British soldiers. They also become the victim of ‘redundancy’ imposed by the British authority after almost all major wars including the two World Wars. This paper is based on the qualitative research method. Thus, the researcher has consulted several war narratives by the British Gorkhas and various critical reviews related to the British Gorkhas and wars. In addition, the researcher has also consulted different war veterans for the verification of the information about the British Gorkhas’ experiences. This study will be helpful for the future researchers in the same area.

A Comprehensive View of Subaltern ‘Consciousness’

In the academic and scholarly realm, the word ‘Subaltern Studies’ has attracted widespread interest for discourses on South Asian and the post-colonial world few decades ago. The major motif of subaltern studies has been to challenge the conventional metanarratives in history by hegemonic communities and goes hand in glove with post-colonial discussions of the empire writing ack to the imperial power centers. One comes across the dominance of the subaltern in the master- slave relationships of Hegel, the blacks’ rebellion in Frantz Fanon, the east-west polarities in Edward Said, and the duality of ‘otherness’ of Homi Bhabha, and the voiceless subaltern in Spivak. In this process, the rise of ‘new’ subaltern comes into play and means one who resists or revolts.

‘Natural’ disasters, ignorance, and the mirage of Italian settler colonialism in late nineteenth-century Africa

ABSTRACT This article places the origins of Italian settler colonialism and its defeat in the battle of Adwa (1896) in the global perspective of the environmental history of European imperialism. It argues that the Italian project to turn the highlands of the Horn of Africa into a settler colony was an “imperial mirage”: the perception that the momentarily depopulated landscape of Ethiopia, produced by “natural” disasters that were in fact the social products of colonial warfare, would be available to Italian settlers in the future. This mirage was based on a domino effect of environmental catastrophes connecting climate history, animal disease, and the politics of European imperialism. Italians’ introduction of rinderpest in Eritrea in the wake of an El Niño-related drought triggered “the Great African Rinderpest Panzootic” and the “Great Ethiopian Famine”. The mixture of willful ignorance and wishful self-deception that fueled Italian projects explains Italy’s defeat in the battle of Adwa. Building on the methodology of environmental historians and scholars in Science and Technology Studies, this article shifts focus from the power of the state to the techno-politics of colonialism in its impact on natural environments and African communities through the lens of the cultural production of ignorance.

Ukraine, the 2023 BRICS Summit and South Africa’s non-alignment crisis

ABSTRACT The African National Congress (ANC)’s historic links to the Soviet Union, its interpretation of non-alignment as being about resisting Western imperialism, and its contention that the abrogation by the West of its commitment not to expand further East, shaped the party’s initial response to the Russia-Ukraine war. Whereas certain factions within the ruling ANC interpreted non-alignment in ideological terms, others saw non-alignment rather as a strategy to enhance autonomy. For many South Africans and some government officials this version of non-alignment involved obtaining autonomy through neutrality as a strategy rather than an ideology. These differences of interpretation—coinciding with Pretoria’s role as host of the BRICS Summit where Putin was expected to appear—put South Africa between a rock and a hard place, triggering domestic opposition. However, this dilemma also enabled proponents of non-alignment as a strategy to prevail, culminating in South Africa adopting a more balanced position since June 2023.

Introducing geological wonder: Planetary thinking as a disruption of narcissism

Since its origin in 15th century European imperialism, the globe has been an object of conquest involving regimes of territorial exclusion and various forms of land abstraction now known as nationalism, colonialism, capitalism, and industrialism. Coming to think like the Earth system and generating politics grounded in it could pose a welcome disruption of these systematically controlling orders only if such planetary thinking is grounded in a nondominating orientation. We propose that this grounding be geological wonder, the open consideration of Earth as a system exceeding human narcissism. Following Dipesh Chakrabarty's distinction between the globe and the planet, we articulate planetarism in an emerging cosmology decentering human life while emphasizing human limits. Globality, by contrast, is a modern, narcissistic formation that geological wonder unsettles. We draw on Martha C. Nussbaum's politics of wonder to articulate a postglobal, disruptive virtue.

Imperial Powers and Humanitarian Interventions: The Zanzibar Sultanate, Britain, and France in the Indian Ocean, 1862–1905, by Raphaël Cheriau

<i>Imperial Powers and Humanitarian Interventions: The Zanzibar Sultanate, Britain, and France in the Indian Ocean, 1862–1905</i>, by Raphaël Cheriau

‘Subalterns’ in the Russian Imperial Service

The text examines one of the most important aspects of Russian imperialism, namely its multiculturalism. The practice of exiling politically uncertain people to the east of the Empire, as well as opening the possibilities for some privileged compradors to pursue careers, were only a tiny fraction of the strategies used by the Russian authorities to involve representatives of various national minorities in (co)building the Empire. It allowed the Russian Empire to use those people’s physical and intellectual potential to expand the state’s borders, including during warfare. The encounter of the Polish exile Bronisław Zaleski and the translator of Tatar origins, Iskander Batyrshyn, during the military campaign against the Khoqand fortress Aq Masjid will serve as an example. By comparing their diaries, which both of them kept throughout the entire expedition, we can gain insights into the intricate nature of their positions within the imperial structure, their reasons for participating in the venture, the impact the hostilities had on the local population, and their perception of this conflict. These documents also reveal patterns of relationship-building between imperial subjects and authorities as well as the role of imperial power in stimulating, restricting or regulating relations between different nations.

Civilizations at Odds: The Persistent Conflict Between Israel and Palestine

The question whether the issues in the Middle East stem from a clash of values or from Western imperialist intervention has long been a subject of scholarly discourse. This article posits around the discourse of ‘clash of civilizations’, which is an endeavor to uphold Western hegemony in the Middle East. Furthermore, it contends the narrative, that it functions as a self-fulfilling prophecy, exacerbating ongoing conflicts within the region. A complex interplay of factors encompassing ethnic, national, historical, and religious shapes the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The degree to which religion influences non-religious players, the identities of conflicting parties, the practical issues at hand, the relevant legislation, and their attitudes are not well acknowledged. This paper explains why West uses a distorted portrayal of conflicting civilizations as a powerful political tool and the risk of this narrative becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy that reshapes modern politics.

К вопросу о прошлом как основе регламентации настоящего и эталоне будущего: «мобилизация Средневековья» в современном российском общественном сознании

The article is a homage to the outstanding philosopher and political analyst V.P. Makarenko, timed to coincide with his two anniversaries – the “questionnaire” (eightieth birthday) and the creative one – the half-century anniversary of the hero of the day’s research in the field of “Weberian studies”. Nominated by V.P. Makarenko’s interpretation of the sociological concept of Max Weber as a “special case of pseudo-historicism” – a form of conscious (“ideological”) traditionalism that arises in a situation of total collapse of social foundations, the author proposes to use as an analytical framework for understanding such a modern (including Russian) phenomenon, as “retrotopia”, which most clearly appears in the form of “medievalism” – a utilitarian reception of the ideological heritage of the Middle Ages in relation to the needs of current politics, ideology and culture. From the author’s point of view, medievalism, in the Russian version of which Byzantine images and motifs clearly predominate, is by no means an invention of our time: in fact, it is a secondary form of reception of the ideological heritage of the Middle Ages, characteristic of the 19th century. Thus, modern Russian medievalism in a broader sense represents one of the manifestations of the basic cultural metaplot of the “lost paradise” – nostalgia for the century traditionally considered the “golden age of Russian culture” and the pinnacle of imperial power.

MUTUAL PERCEPTION OF THE GREAT POWERS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE GENESIS OF THE WORLD WAR II (THE CASE OF SOVIET-FRENCH RELATIONS)

Perception in international relations has long been studied in political science, but historians have not paid suffi cient attention to it so far. Meanwhile, looking at known events through its prism allows us to draw new conclusions about their origins. The prehistory of World War II and its key episode — the failure of attempts to deter Hitler’s aggression in Europe through the joint eff orts of France and the Soviet Union — can serve as a fruitful field for testing this approach. For the military and political elites of France, the USSR was dangerous due to its unpredictability, but an internally fragile. This presumption leveled all the successes of the Soviet leadership in modernizing the country and the armed forces in the eyes of the French. The increased military danger in Europe after 1933 prompted Paris merely to offer Moscow the role of an ordinary participant in the system of collective security, which was based on the experience of World War I and designed as a new model for the development of international relations and minimization of conflicts between countries. The Soviet government viewed France as a leading imperialist power that prioritized anti-Soviet goals, but had a situational interest in limiting German expansion. At the same time, Moscow believed that Soviet-French cooperation could be effective only as an equal strategic alliance aimed at deterring a potential aggressor. This approach was rejected by French diplomacy, which followed the policy of appeasement. It was a source of a deep crisis in bilateral relations at the time of the 1938 Munich agreements. The collapse of appeasement in early 1939 led to a sharp turn by the French government to strategic planning for a possible war and created a window of opportunity for an agreement with the USSR. However, the inertia of old prejudices deprived the tripartite Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations in the spring and summer of 1939 of their practical content and opened the way for a Soviet-German agreement

Fostering the All-Russian Civic Identity among Students While Teaching the History of the North Caucasus

This article focuses on the problems associated with shaping the civic identity among students in Russia as they study the history of the North Caucasian peoples. One of the powerful tools to overcome them is to develop a sense of historical consciousness in the younger generation of Russians. However, while the collective memory of the past can serve as a unifying force through shared national values, it can also ignite historical grievances, claims, and conflicts in the present. Here, the debates revolving around the conflicting interpretations of the events that took place in the North Caucasus during the 19th and early 20th centuries (the Caucasian War, the tactics and warfare methods of the Russian military commanders and mountain leaders, the Muhajir movement, and the actions of the imperial power structures) are considered. The questions are raised about how to effectively convey the history of the North Caucasus to the youth, as well as what approaches should be employed to explain the complex, contradictory, and sometimes tragic events of the region’s past so that it would contribute to the development of an all-Russian civic identity instead of fueling confrontations and divisions. Several approaches (recommendations) for teaching the history of the North Caucasus are outlined. They highlight the integrative tendencies in the history of the region, emphasizing the factors that unite its diverse peoples, cultures, and worldviews and define their common pathways for historical development.

The Afterlife of Energy

In the conclusion to her book The Birth of Energy: Fossil Fuels, Thermodynamics, and the Politics of Work, political scientist Cara Daggett considers “A Post-Work Energy Politics” in which she examines the historical coupling of energy and work—meaning human, waged work—in an invitation to disassociate their values and futures. The exponential power of fossil fuels animated the pipedream that powerful, inorganic slaves could substitute unfree human labor, ideas that have driven European imperialism. Fossil fuel systems did not lead, however, to a world beyond work. Rather, today’s “patriarchal slave states” continue to manage the project of putting the world to work through the maximization of productivity, and the subordination of racialized, immigrant, and gendered bodies—who would work for lower, or for no, wages. “The project of work,” Daggett argues, “is in tension with the project of life.” 1 And the rise of “work–life balance” is a mere tactic of governance in which the enemy is fatigue, exhaustion, and burn-out. She suggests, in turn, an alliance between post-carbon and feminist post-work politics and asks: what might it mean for energy politics to refer to the politics of ensuring public vitality? In order to advance a feminist revaluation of work, Daggett draws on Kathi Weeks’s The Problem with Work to outline a project that makes two utopian demands. One demand articulates a paradoxical relationship between the pragmatism of (present) demands and the speculative seeds of possibility; a second demand outlines a utopian form for such politics: partial, fragmented kin to the genre of the manifesto. Daggett concludes with an invitation that “a radical planet politics, if it seeks to contest ecomodernist claims, needs its own politics of pleasure.” 2 In an echo to Daggett’s invitation, the authors of this Educators’ Roundtable were invited to contribute a short text that picks up on the possibilities of a post-carbon, post-work politics.