Imperial Ideology Research Articles

Ukrainian Nationalism in the Propaganda of the bolshevik’s and modern Ideology of the russian Imperialism

The study compares how “Ukrainian nationalism” was interpreted in the Soviet press and the texts of contemporary ideologues of Russian imperialism. The way in which Ukrainian nationalism and its alleged followers were dehumanized during the trial of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine in 1930 (using the example of the texts of Andrii Khvylia, Mykola Skrypnyk and publications of the magazine “Bolshevik of Ukraine”) was examined. The image of Ukrainian nationalism presented in public statements that preceded and accompanied the full-scale war from 2022 was analyzed (texts of Timofey Sergeytsev, the address of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin). In the widely circulated texts, the authors accused the “nationalists” of espionage, treason, moral degeneration and the preparation of a coup d’état, which can be defined as hate speech. Communists and contemporary ideologues construct the image of the enemy, using accusations in a mirror that Ukrainian nationalists commit terror or genocide. They depict their victims as aggressors and themselves as victims, justifying violence against Ukrainians as preventive measures. Contemporary Russian ideologues, in particular Timofey Sergeytsev, claim that Ukrainians, hiding behind the rhetoric of independence, profess fascist, racist and Russophobic ideology. Putin and Sergeitsev rejected the Soviet style of hate speech according to which Ukrainian nationalism was bourgeois and therefore criminal. They repeat the pre-Bolshevik imperialist interpretation of the “Ukrainian question”, according to which Ukraine is an integral part of Russia. Therefore Ukrainian nationalism is criminal because it wants to destroy Russian-Ukrainian unity. For Sergeytsev, Ukrainian nationalists are criminals because they pursue a racial policy against Russians, introduced discriminatory laws, committed genocide in the Donbass, commit mass violence and murder of Russians, and established a dictatorship unrestricted by law. The accusations made at the SVU trial were repeated during the Holodomor in the party’s official documents and Joseph Stalin’s correspondence with his supporters, and were directed at Ukrainian peasants and members of the Communist Party (bolshevik) of Ukraine. These accusations can be considered evidence of the desire to eradicate Ukrainian nationalists through artificial hunger and terror, which was facilitated by the cultivation of the image of the enemy in the previous years. The texts of modern Russian ideologues not only construct the image of the enemy, but also outline a consistent program of murders and Russification of Ukrainians and, according to the assessments of jurists and historians, indicate the intention to commit genocide. Keywords: Bourgeois nationalism, Union for the Freedom of Ukraine trial, Andrii Khvylia, hate speech, image of the enemy, de-Nazification, Russophobia, Timofey Sergeytsev.

Drivers of Iran’s Africa Engagement: An Analysis of High-Level Leadership Visits

The nuanced dynamics of Iran’s engagement with Africa have captivated the attention of a broad spectrum of analysts and academicians. Endeavoring to elucidate the underpinnings of Tehran’s involvement on the continent, these scholars have posited a variety of determinants, yet the empirical validation of these factors remains largely unexplored. Leveraging a comprehensive dataset of Iran’s high-level diplomatic visits to African nations, this study seeks to critically assess the relevance and explanatory capacity of the determinants in the literature. Our findings indicate that ideological imperatives, market needs and access to strategic resources predominantly fuel Iran’s interests in Africa.

Iconic architecture as vessel for political and cultural expression-Victoria Theatre and Concert Hall changing with Singapore cultural icon

ABSTRACT Architecture embodies symbolic meanings evolving across shifting socio-political landscapes. This paper investigates the multivalent transformations of Singapore’s iconic colonial landmark – the Victoria Theatre and Concert Hall (VTCH). Tracing VTCH’s metamorphosing roles, functions, and identities through historical ruptures like British rule, Japanese occupation, decolonization, and nation-building, it illuminates how the complex underwent profound changes. The analysis underscores how regimes continually reimagined this architectural palimpsest to forge national narratives, consolidate collective memories, and materialize power relations. VTCH’s transition from colonial edifice to a symbolically imbued site mirrors the intricate interplay between built environments and Singapore’s spatial politics. Once symbols of colonial dominance, the buildings later embodied sovereign nationhood and nostalgic roots. Notably, VTCH recently assumed new roles driving cultural tourism and economic growth. Through a diachronic interrogation of this singular icon, the paper elucidates broader dialectics between decolonization, nation-building, and the semiotics of heritage in (re)constructing collective identities. It offers insights into how societies redefine spatial legacies to serve evolving ideological imperatives and identity discourses. Integrating the micro-architectural and macro-national enriches understandings of the mutually constitutive relationships between the built environment, political authority and national consciousness.

Diverse Attitudes of French Pacifists and Socialists Towards the ‘Yellow Peril’ in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries

This essay examines the various ways in which pacificists and socialists in France responded to the ‘yellow peril’ from the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) to the end of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). I identify and examine four different attitudes they developed towards the ‘yellow peril’. On the one hand, some pacificists and socialists perceived it as a reality and used it as a means of exposing the problems of expansionism but differed on their views of what Asia would become for the West: whereas pacifists like Paul d’Estournelles de Constant invoked Asia as a potential existential threat, certain socialists welcomed ‘yellow’ workers as future comrades. On the other hand, there were people who viewed the ‘yellow peril’ as a myth or some sort of ideological smokescreen. Roughly speaking, they fell into two groups: socialists who treated it as a set of false ideas created to justify Tsarist imperialism, which practically led them to embrace Japanese imperialism, and revolutionary syndicalists who, opposing capitalist exploitation and expansionism in general, dismissed it as part of bourgeois ideology. Thus, I ultimately argue that the ‘yellow peril’ was less of an imperialist ideology consisting of negative racial stereotypes about East Asians than a versatile concept that was used against as well as for racial stereotyping and expansionism.

Interweaving Ideologies of Early Modern Empires: A Morisco View

ABSTRACT This article argues that Ahmad al-Hajarî (ca. 1569–after 1640), a Morisco exile to North Africa, helped propagate and counter the imperial ideologies of the Habsburgs in the Arab-speaking world. Thanks to his intimate acquaintance with Spain in which he was raised as a Christian, and to his knowledge of Christian scripture, he could describe and explain the apocalyptic underpinnings of imperial views of the Spanish monarchy. He could also propose his own defense of the Muslim realms, especially the Ottoman Empire, to counter the Spanish and Christian pretensions to universal millenarian monarchy. He thus helped the interweaving of imperial ideologies across boundaries and extended the domain of what the late Cornell Fleischer termed a “Mediterranean Apocalypse.”

할리우드 SF 영화 속 반-아시아 인종주의 담론 비판

This article aims to highlight that the recent Hollywood SF film <The Creator>(2023), while seemingly a direct critique of American imperialist ideology towards Asia, still remains entrenched in typical Orientalist perspectives in its portrayal of the East and Asians. By adhering to the conventions of techno-Orientalism long observed in Hollywood SF movies, the film inadvertently perpetuates Western-centric ideologies. This study also examines how the immense cultural significance and power of the Hollywood signifier reinforce ideologies and solidify conventional perceptions. Through a socio-cultural and historical context, this paper explores the problematic and superficial attitudes of the film towards Asians and Asia as a whole.

Евразийство до евразийцев

The article examines the genesis of the Eurasian ideology of the 1920–1930s from the point of view of discourse analysis. Discourse is defi ned as a set of statements refl ecting different points of view on the same issue. In accordance with this defi nition, the author isolates the Eurasian discourse from two adjacent ones - the pre-revolutionary imperial and religious-philosophical. The problematics of pre-revolutionary imperial discourse were focused on justifying the right of Russian tsars to own lands and peoples within the existing borders of the empire, as well as the right to expand these borders. The religious and philosophical discourse about Russia was built around the question of its divine purpose in the history of mankind. In contrast, Eurasian discourse focuses on ethnocultural synthesis within the boundaries of a special geographical area, most of which is located within the Russian state. But before the revolution of 1917, this problem was not considered at all in this formulation. The predecessors of Eurasianism include only a few authors who recognized and positively assessed the Turkic-Mongol infl uence on the Russian mentality and statehood. However, by the beginning of the twentieth century, the prevailing tendency was to downplay or deny this infl uence altogether. The turn to the Eurasian issues is associated with the work of symbolist poets A. Blok and A. Bely. Being infl uenced by the religious and mystical prophecy of the philosopher V. Solovyov, they accepted the revolutionary upheavals of the early twentieth century, as the awakening of the “inner East” in the Russian people. Together with other representatives of the Russian intelligentsia, they were the creators of the Eurasian myth, born in the elements of revolution and civil war. The founders of the Eurasian movement rationalized this myth, reducing it to political ideology. This was a version of the new imperial ideology, which explained and justifi ed the preservation of a united and indivisible Russia within its former borders.

The Causes of the Russian-Ottoman War (1877-1878)

The Eastern Question had numerous regional aspects. Conflicts and crises on the southeastern periphery of the Ottoman Empire, which was already facing numerous internal problems and external pressures, were not particularly novel during the 19th century. These issues were usually resolved without endangering peace in Europe. Offensive realism views great powers as the most significant actors in the international system. The political geography of the Balkans was largely reshaped by their interests, regardless of their inadequate understanding of the complex situations and peoples in that volatile region, defined by the “architecture of roads and inns.” The Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1878), a dramatic stage in the prolonged resolution of the Eastern Question, began with the Serbian uprising in July 1875 in the Bosnia Eyalet. It continued with the Bulgarian uprising in April 1876 and the war between Serbia and Montenegro against the Ottoman Empire in July of the same year, initiated in support of Orthodox Christians in the Bosnian pashaluk, but “in truth to expand their territory and consolidate their still insecure independence.” European public opinion during the escalation of the crisis, when the Ottoman side had military superiority, was being prepared for harsh interventions against the Ottoman Empire. This sentiment was particularly pronounced in Russia. Russia did not reconcile with the provisions of the Treaty of Paris in 1856 and the previous failure in the Crimean War (1853-1856), which was a struggle for access to the straits - the Bosporus and the Dardanelles. It sought ways to free itself from the imposed provisions of that treaty. The entire “Russian 19th century” passed under the sign of the Slavophile dream of Constantinople - “which sooner or later must be ours,” as well as the “southern, warm seas.” Every Russian war with the Ottoman Empire in that century activated, on the Russian side, the armed participation of Orthodox peoples in the Balkans. Russia supported their movements, involving them in a “historical clash” with the Ottoman state. Pan-Slavism also served as a justification for Russian military-political interventions. Essentially, it represented the ideology of Great Russian imperialism. For the great powers, the key motive was interest, not imaginative “historical connections” and “brotherly emotions.” Benjamin von Kállay wrote that the “struggle of Russia against Turkey” was one of the “most interesting, most important facts of world history.” Religious motives were present in all Russo-Ottoman wars. These conflicts had, to a greater or lesser extent, political consequences in the Balkans. All peoples have separate stories and different dates in their memory. After the war of 1812, the Russo-Ottoman War of 1877-1878, an integral part of the Great Eastern Crisis and a continuation of the Crimean War, was the only foreign policy event that had a significant impact on all layers of Russian society. It became one of the “most ideologized” in Russian history, as the causes, course, and consequences of the war were directly related to public opinion. Numerous Slavophile associations constantly urged the tsar to liberate Christians in the Balkans from the “Turkish yoke.” According to numerous accounts, the war with the Ottoman Empire was invoked to a considerable extent by the press. It fueled the “Pan-Slavic fire” in Moscow and St. Petersburg, which forced the Russian government in 1877 to undertake diplomatic actions, following the Ottoman suppression of the Bulgarian uprising in 1876 and alarming reports of their mass suffering, while neglecting the significant Muslim losses on the other side, to start a war with that empire for which it already had plans and goals prepared. Russian intervention, amidst propaganda and the “Bulgarian horrors,” was expected, considering the broader ambitions of this imperial state.

The Rule of Law: A Slogan in Search of a Concept

Regularly invoked but rarely defined, ‘the rule of law’ has over the last few decades been converted from a legal term of art into one of the most ambiguous slogans of contemporary public policy. Political scientists claim it as a crucial test of a regime’s legitimacy. Economists maintain that it provides an essential foundation of a flourishing market economy. Philosophers suggest it captures the essence of the state as a moral association. Historians acknowledge that, even if they might distrust such an abstract notion, the imposition of effective inhibitions on power is an ‘unqualified human good’. And lawyers, of course, have treated it as the foundation of their discipline ever since the mid-thirteenth century when Bracton asserted that ‘there is no rex where will rules rather than lex’. Those who extend its usage beyond the confines of professional legal discourse commonly give it a positive valence. But the rule of law also has its detractors. These critics assert that it promotes purely formal, individualistic values at the expense of substantive justice, or that it is a smokescreen preventing us from seeing the impact of recent global developments that signal the rule of lawyers. Some anthropologists even denounce it as an imperial ideology that legitimates European conquest and the plunder of the rest of the world. But given the fact that almost every state in the world now claims to act in compliance with the rule of law, these critics seem to have done little to dent its appeal. Yet, the sheer range of views and perspectives that now exist about the meaning, purpose, and value of the rule of law considerably complicates any inquiry into its current standing. In this paper, I will try to bring some clarity to the issue by providing a sketch of the main varieties of ways in which the term is being invoked. The paper comprises five sections, which each address a specific aspect of the term’s usage: (1) its coinage in English law, (2) the adoption of a superficially similar terminology in the German concept of the Rechtsstaat, (3) the jurisprudential innovations that complicate its meaning, and finally its most recent invocation (4) first in development work and (5) secondly in constitutional rejuvenation.

Addressing imperial evasion: toward an anti-imperialist pedagogy in teacher education

ABSTRACT Despite the pervasive impact of US imperialism, it is often ignored in US schools and teacher preparation programs. This paper introduces the concept of imperial evasion, which refers to the process of ignoring and denying imperialism and its effects. The authors argue that it is imperative that educators work to interrogate imperialist ideologies through curricula, and prepare future educators to disrupt such ideologies, policies, and practices in schools. Using a collaborative scholarly personal narrative approach, the authors discuss their experiences and approach to designing and teaching a course on migration and education at a US university. Ultimately, this paper responds to calls to disrupt imperial ideologies in education by (1) providing a framework for identifying and naming imperial evasion and how it operates through schooling; and (2) describing and reflecting on curricular and pedagogical approaches to disrupting such evasions in a teacher education course.

“Authoritative Evidence” or Personal Ideology? Rev. Professor Timothy Corcoran and the Primary School Curriculum in Ireland in the 1920s

ABSTRACT By the time political independence was achieved in the 1920s in Ireland, its national education system over the previous century had been underpinned by imperial ideology and values. In the early 1920s, curriculum planning was influenced by the post-revolutionary and post-war context and, unsurprisingly, placed an emphasis on building nationhood and a distinct Irish identity for the Irish Free State. Central to this curriculum planning was Rev. Professor Timothy Corcoran who acted as an external advisor to the 1922 and 1926 conferences that developed primary curriculum policy. This article explores and assesses the influence, impact and legacy of Corcoran through an analysis of his prolific writings as they related to the primary school curriculum. The analysis reveals that Corcoran’s thinking, more than that of any other stakeholder in the era, was uniquely influential in determining the philosophy, content and pedagogies prevalent in primary schools in Ireland until the 1970s.

Активізація українського національного руху в 60-х рр. ХІХ ст.: учасники, вимоги, наслідки

The purpose of the article is to examine the development of the Ukrainian national movement in the 1860s, the formation of populist ideology in social and political thought, and the efforts of the imperial government to suppress this movement with all kinds of measures. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historical objectivity and systematic analysis, as well as on the use of methods: analysis and synthesis, historical-comparative, problem-chronological. The scientific novelty is the determination of the place of the Hrodavits in the Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 1860s, the disclosure of its significance in relation to the consolidation of the Ukrainian nation. It is emphasized that tsarism constantly persecuted the Ukrainian people in their desire for their native language and suppressed it with all kinds of methods. Conclusions. In the mid-60s of the 19th century. as a result of the Valuev decree and political persecution and repression by the imperial authorities, teaching in the national language in primary schools and the activities of Ukrainian communities temporarily stopped. The formation of populist ideology in socio-political thought falls on this time. Communities were the carrier of populist ideology. They were the social associations that represented the Ukrainian national movement in the second half of the 19th century. The majority of community members were apolitical, leaning towards educational and cultural activities. The scientific, educational and cultural activity of Hrodiv citizens in those conditions was of leading importance for the further development of the Ukrainian national movement. The activities of the communities could not remain unnoticed by the imperial government. Therefore, in the early and mid-1860s, a new period began in the attitude of tsarism to the Ukrainian national liberation movement. The activities of Ukrainian citizens constantly aroused suspicion on the part of the authorities. Administrative and police measures were taken against some of them. Tsarism constantly persecuted the Ukrainian people in their desire for their native language and suppressed it with all kinds of methods. The Valuev circular and the tsarism’s administrative persecution of the national intelligentsia were the product of imperial ideology in the fight against the Ukrainian national movement. They cherished the ideological task of neutralizing the Ukrainian national idea.

“Slippy with Rot”: The Irish Potato Famine and Neo-Victorianism’s Colonial Roots

Abstract In Paul Lynch’s neo-Victorian Famine novel Grace (2017), the protagonist’s encounter with the proverbial root of all evil marks a moment of Gothic horror. Much more threatening than a single dead body, the foul-smelling, rotten potato invokes the gigantic number of corpses the blight produced during the Irish Famine of the 1840 s. Rather than a natural disaster, this must be understood as a direct result of what is often broadly referred to as ‘ecological imperialism’. This article examines the ways in which Grace positions the Famine as both concrete reality and synecdoche of colonialism. The novel traces how the potato blight, caused by the pathogen oomycete Phytophthora infestans, transforms rural Ireland into an uninhabitable wasteland, populated by dehumanised creatures that are rendered disposable. In a second step, I consider the rotten potato as metaphorical of neo-Victorianism’s larger critical potential. As critics have argued, neo-Victorianism is well-suited to intervene in selective and largely nostalgic memorialisations of Britain’s imperial legacies. To do so, however, it must properly acknowledge that the soil on which it plants – the textualities, theoretical frameworks, and methodological tools upon which it draws – is saturated with imperialist ideology to an extent that precludes any critical re-readings of the past and its bearing on the present.

New dawn in Mughal India: longue durée Neoplatonism in the making of Akbar's sun project

AbstractIn this article, we explore the longue durée philosophical background of Mughal Emperor Akbar's sun worship. Although Akbar's sun project may have been triggered by contemporary Hindu and Zoroastrian ideas and practices, we argue that Akbar's Neoplatonic advisers reframed it as a universal cosmotheistic tradition that, at the start of the new millennium, served as the perfect all-inclusive imperial ideology of Akbar's new world order. The astonishing parallels with the much earlier Neoplatonic sun cult of Roman Emperor Julian demonstrate that, although having characteristic of its own, Akbar's sun project was not that unique and should be seen as a fascinating late example of a so-far completely forgotten ancient Neoplatonic legacy of seeing the philosopher king, via the Sun, via illumination, connected to the One.

Biblical discourses and the construction of genders and sexualities in contemporary South Africa: A decolonial analysis

The constructions of genders and sexualities in different global spaces continue to be influenced by Christian and imperial ideologies. In Africa, genders and sexualities were (mis)construed by colonial and missionary enterprises, and they continue to be defined according to Eurocentric terms and perceptions. This has produced ‘modern sexual repression’. The use of Biblical discourses to construct African genders and sexualities is one way that this repression is mirrored in South Africa. Because of this, African genders and sexualities are marginalised, treated as taboo and depicted as backward and uncivilised, thus, promoting hegemonic heteronormative and monogamous marriages. This article examined how Biblical discourses contributed to this narrative. It further advanced a call for transforming this dominant narrative by engaging theology, gender and sexuality studies and socio-political sciences from the premise of a multidisciplinary epoch. The decolonial motif, with a focus on delinking African genders and sexualities from the Western agenda of sexual repression, serves as the theoretical framework for this research. On the other hand, race, gender and sexuality serve as lenses used to better understand the phenomenon and to explore the use of biblical discourses in this context. Thus, the article makes use of a secondary research approach to carry out this task.Contribution: This article seeks to add to the body of knowledge that endeavours to change the way that biblical discourses are used in South Africa today to construct a narrative that represses non-normative genders and sexualities.

Racial Ideologies and Imperial Discourses: A New Historicist Reading of Kipling’s “The White Man’s Burden”

Set against the backdrop of the 19th-century apex of European colonial expansion and formation of New Imperialism, Rudyard Kipling's "The White Man's Burden", composed in 1899, emerges as a cultural artefact reflecting and actively participating in the racial and imperialistic discourses prevalent during this epoch. Generally criticized for perpetuating a one-sided narrative, the poem ignores the violence, exploitation, and cultural disruption wrought by colonial powers and presents an idealized vision of the colonizers' mission without acknowledging the harsh realities faced by the colonized. The present article offers a comprehensive New Historicist examination of Kipling's iconic poem by contextualizing it within the racial and exceptionalist socio-political and pseudoscientific milieu of the late 19th century United Kingdom and the complex web of imperial ideologies prevalent in the Victorian era. By engaging critically with Kipling's poem, this study aims to give insights into the intersections between literature, power, and historical context and offer a nuanced understanding of the legacies of imperialistic ideologies and their implications for our present-day understanding of empire and race.

The British Royals in Australia

The British Royals in Australia

Blood, obsidian, and the Teotihuacan cult of the mirror

Abstract Drawing upon iconological theory, this article argues that mirrors and blood were regarded as a conceptually linked pair within the imperial ideology of Teotihuacan, Mexico from the second century onward. The relationship between blood and mirrors is shown to have codified with the construction of the Pyramid of the Feathered Serpent, Teotihuacan's third largest edifice. This monument's facade was adorned with hundreds of monumental sculptures of oracular mirrors, some number of which incorporated actual mirrors formed of obsidian. I demonstrate that the Teotihuacan mirror sign took obsidian, a form of black volcanic glass that was intensively worked in the city, as a key referent. This monument was also the site of a historically large human sacrifice of more than 200 individuals, an event argued here to have involved bloodletting with obsidian knives and blades. I note that Teotihuacan interest in the mirror icon increased in concert with the city's residents’ application of the reflective material of obsidian to warring and other blood-spilling behaviors. The mirror icon evoked both obsidian as a radiant material, as well as obsidian's potential for application to forceful martial actions. The article concludes that this icon in part signified imperial force, which was made real through the weaponization of the smoking glass.

The spectre of Ma Phyu? Loyalty, competence, and the spatial dynamics of imperial administration in colonial Burma

AbstractThis article explores the spatial dynamics of imperial administration in colonial Burma through the lens of gender, bureaucracy, and frontier. Focusing on the story of Hugh Ernest McColl, a British administrative officer in Burma who struggled for promotion as a result of his marriage to a Burmese woman, the article sheds light on the spatial dynamics regarding loyalty, competence, and political priorities in the imperial administration of frontiers. Such spatial dynamics were most clearly manifested in the diverging attitudes between central authorities and local governments towards McColl’s case. Drawing on archival sources and secondary literature that contextualize McColl’s case within the broader textures of colonial governance, this article argues that McColl’s case reveals the internal contradiction of the imperial administration, which saw a constant tension between the ideological imperatives of control and the practical demands of how to control. McColl’s story is therefore a story of broader significance—of the inherent structural contradiction of colonial rule and its inability to overcome it.

MASS MILITARY PSYCHOSIS IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA: THE PERFORMATIVE DIMENSION OF COUNTERMEASURES

The article examines how to counteract the mass militaristic psychosis (MMP) in modern Russia that is unfolded in discourses and narratives of the hostile media and is consistent with societal psyche intentions. The study’s purpose is to substantiate the methods (collective and individual) counteracting causes, manifestations and consequences of MMP in the aggressor country in the context of the performative approach in psychotherapy. Research methods: analysis of everyday discourse and media content to identify leading intentions of ideological influence, including observation and comparative analysis of the effectiveness of various psychotherapeutic methods, and axiopsychological reinterpretation of some psychotherapeutic practices. The results. The study revealed limited possibilities for implementing psychological education and encouraging critical thinking of the militaristic propaganda recipients. Instead, in the era of dominance of performance, when contemplation has been replaced with actions, the techniques of “emotional judo” become useful that introducing careful counterarguments to remove leaders – demagogues and dictators – from power and to apply real changes in life circumstances (primarily, to achieve Ukraine’s victory in the war). The forms of individual resistance to MMP, the imperial “rashism” ideology are derived from M. Seligman's PERMA formula. This is an axio-psychological interpretation of its emotional, intellectual, communicative and physical (acts) components. The article considers types of shaming used by political bloggers due to the total influence of Internet communications and widely spread invective practices in media content. The features of limited shaming in counter-propaganda are described. Conclusions. The antidote to MMP in the latest era of Meta-modernism means the performative exposition of its causes, manifestations and consequences to achieve real value transformation in the population affected by the imperial ideology. Axiopsychological reinterpretation of the positive psychological formula PERMA consists of the following steps: emotional rejection, reflexive criticism, value-orientation unity, reliance on a sense of dignity, defense of universal values and the will to defeat an existential enemy.