Imperial Myth Research Articles

Political Messianism as the Basis of the Russian Imperial Myth

The subject of this study is the content, structure, and functions of the imperial political myth. The relevance of the research topic is dictated by the current political situation. In the conditions of growing global political tension and confrontation between Russia and Western countries, accompanied by information and memorial wars, the problem of searching for spiritual and value bases of modern Russian public consciousness arises. Myth, as a social phenomenon, has a powerful meaning-forming potential. Therefore, the practical significance of analyzing the processes of myth-making is to obtain effective tools for managing social processes. The imperial myth is a stable set of political myths rooted in the national culture and largely predetermining the specifics of political traditions. The process of formation of the imperial myth was considered in its historical dynamics at different stages of the Russian state existence. For this purpose, comparative-historical analysis, interdisciplinary analysis, systemic and holistic approach, as well as the principles of the dialectical method were used. The analysis suggests that the imperial myth is based on political messianism. The phenomenon of political messianism is a set of socio-political myths that form an idea of the special position of a nation and assert the existence of its special historical mission, as well as set vectors for the development of political practice. The Messianic imperial myth played a major role in the process of formation and consolidation of the unified Russian state. Later it underwent various transformations. In modern Russian political practice the imperial messianic myth again acquires the status of one of the main elements. Understanding the specifics of modern mythmaking practice with the help of the concept "imperial myth" allows us to take a new look at the political sphere and identify its inherent tendencies.

СОЦІОКУЛЬТУРНА РОЛЬ ЖУРНАЛІСТИКИ В УМОВАХ ВОЄННОГО ЧАСУ

<p><strong><em>The study purpose </em></strong><em>is to outline the developing paradigm of new socio-cultural reality, changes in ideological priorities, and to reveal new cultural phenomena represented in media texts after February 24, 2022.</em></p><p><strong><em>Research Methodology. </em></strong><em>The research applied such methods of scientific knowledge as: historical comparison that was used to analyze and systematize the data on changes in spiritual and cultural national baselines that emerged as the result of Ukrainian society transformation under wartime conditions and were described and reviewed in journalistic texts of a social and cultural nature; the method of data classification and compilation that enabled the clarification and description of vectors for the development of social and cultural content of personal journalism in leading socio-political Gazeta.ua and День.ua web-based media.</em></p><p><strong><em>Results. </em></strong><em>One of the key tasks of journalism in the frames of the social and cultural paradigm is the demythologization of concepts related to the aggressor country, the liberation from empire myths, and rewriting of history. This will benefit the decolonization of Ukrainian culture, which is a long and complicated (though very important) process, especially for the purposes of struggling for self-identification.</em></p><p><em>Due to the unstable and complex social situation under the conditions of Russian aggression, each individual has to realize his/her significance as a citizen and a feeling of spiritual exaltation. This is possible by constructing positive myths that actualise the universal spiritual values of the Ukrainian nation in particular and human civilization in general.</em></p><p><em>At this stage, the social and cultural role of journalism consists not only in spreading the realignment and unveiling artificial myths of the Soviet era but in producing positive national myths that will be aimed at strengthening and retaining national identity and will contribute to representing the image of Ukraine around the world.</em></p><p><strong><em>Novelty. </em></strong><em>The paper makes an attempt to define the social and cultural role of journalism under the conditions of war; new cultural milestones aimed at realigning imperial myths and new cultural phenomena of national myth formation represented in journalistic texts after February 24, 2022, were set</em><em>.</em><em></em></p><p><strong><em>Practical significance. </em></strong><em>The research results could be used for the purpose of further developing personal journalism and representing new strategies of national identity formation to the mass media public.</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words: </em></strong><em>socio-cultural role of journalism, national identity, ideological priorities, cultural phenomena, demythologization, formation of national myths.</em></p>

ІНФОРМАЦІЙНА ВІЙНА СРСР (1945 – ПОЧ. 1980-Х РР.): ЯК ПРОПАГАНДА ПЕРЕТВОРИЛА СВІДЧЕННЯ УКРАЇНЦІВ ПРО РЕПРЕСІЇ ТА ГОЛОД 1932–1933 РР. НА «ПРИГОДНИЦЬКІ РОМАНИ»

Notion of Holodomor as an invention of “Ukrainian nationalists” and “Nazis” circulated in world information sphere since the end of WWII. Gradually, with more oral history written, with more documents being declassified and more researches done, Holodomor reconstituted its place in Ukrainian historiography, collective memory and state commemorative traditions. The goal of the article is to reveal five vectors, and at the same time – means of Soviet/Russian propaganda, applied toward theme of the famine in the frames of the genocide denial instrument called «manipulation». These are: direct accusations of involvement into Nazism; deepening of mental abyss between free and Communist worlds; exploitation of a thesis “conquerors are not judged” as the result of the victory in WWII; legal proceedings; Sovietology studies. Weigh of each component varies and is of more or less power. The first proposed instrument had the most long-lasting and powerful effect. It basically tied the whole national Ukrainian movement and ideology to Nazism. Its consequences and echo were still visible till the beginning of full-scale war in 2022. The next three instruments were connected to WWII and thus their influence gradually weakened. Chairs of Sovietology, like the first vector, also remained strongholds of anti-Ukrainians and pro-Soviet/Russian imperial narrative till 2022, when many historians faced the necessity to rethink their previous assessments of Ukrainian history, including the Holodomor. Therefore, proposed by the author vectors and instruments used in propagandist campaign against the Holodomor both show their long-lasting influence and deconstruct the Soviet-Russian imperial myth.

On the issue of historical origins and civilizational preconditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022: attempts of scientific reflection

The aim of the article was to determine the current state of the ideological basis of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022. The purpose was to achieve a scientific reflection on the historical and civilizational foundations of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022, with a key focus on the distorted facts of the past. The presentation of the research results is carried out on the basis of the chronological method. The main sources of the work are written historical evidence (Hypatian Chronicle and Chronicle of Thietmar of Merseburg, etc.). In addition, the problem of the main historical and political origins of the divergence between the Ukrainian and Russian peoples, the features of the formation of Asiatic-type despotism in Russia and the problem of Eurocentricity of Ukrainian territories over the centuries were considered. In conclusion, it is summarized that the simplified schemes of interpretation of the history of Ukrainian and Russian peoples became the main feature for the Russian, anti-Ukrainian propaganda in the period of 2014-2022. On the basis of distortion of historical facts and financial opportunities poured into the information sphere, the old Soviet and imperial myths are actively replicated in Russia.

Російська/радянська імперська концепція історичного розвитку Донбасу: становлення, розвиток та значення у сучасній російсько-українській війні

In the article was research the evolution of imperial ideological conception Russian empire/Soviet Union on the civilized development of Donbas on the basis is historiographical analysis of the works of Russian and Soviet scholars and memoirs of contemporary figures in various fields. The author analyzed the main components of the royal imperial myth about Russia's leading contribution to the civilizational development of the steppe «Wild Field», which were considered modern Lugansk and Donetsk regions of Ukraine before the arrival of the Russian Empire. Also given the detailed analysis of the Soviet «international» concept of Donbas development. The author notes that in Soviet times, Donbass became a «pearl» within the USSR. Among other things, are also considered modern imperial concepts of Putin's regime regarding Donbas, which, according to the author of the article, represent an ideological mixture of tsarist and Soviet imperial doctrines.

AN EXPLORATION OF THE PERSISTING LEGACY OF IMPERIAL RHETORIC IN MODERN EDUCATION THROUGH A CASE STUDY ON ‘EUGENICS, RACE, AND PSYCHIATRY IN THE CAPE COLONY, 1890–1908: DR THOMAS DUNCAN GREENLEES’

This article examines imperial rhetoric around race and eugenics through a case study of colonial psychiatrist Dr Duncan T Greenlees. Using the lens of colonial psychiatry, the article explores how the legacy of imperialism lives on in British state institutions, such as in the education sector. It argues that educators need to be aware of imperial ideologies around class and race. Only through a firm historical grasp of these imperial myths can educators begin to challenge their own curricula and pedagogies, which are set against powerful global interests with roots in imperialism and colonialism.

МІСТА ТА НАРОДИ КРИМУ У СПРИЙНЯТТІ БАРОНА ГАКСТГАУЗЕНА

The research purpose. The article analyzes the state of the Crimean Peninsula after it became part of the Russian Empire based on the travel notes of German Baron August von Haxthausen in the 1840s. The source stands out for its use of significant statistical material and a thorough description of the cities of Crimea. The methodological foundation of the research approach to the study of travelogues as "literature of fact". The main research findings. The informational potential of Haxthausen's travelogues allows for the reconstruction of imperial influence on the topography of Crimean cities, the devastation that occurred after the peninsula's incorporation into the empire, the destruction of architectural monuments, and the decline of the "old" (Tatar) Crimea and the development of the new (Russian) Crimea, which involved the development of strategic cities, particularly Sevastopol. By analyzing Baron Haxthausen's notes on his visits to places of social activity and communication with representatives of ethnic communities on the peninsula, one can trace the interethnic relations between the indigenous peoples of the peninsula and the Russians, representatives of the occupying power, highlight the cultural and religious life, and recreate the daily life of the peoples of the Crimean Peninsula, namely the Tatars, Karaims, Armenians, and Greeks. The author drew attention to the decline of the "old" (Tatar) Crimea and the development of the new Russian Crimea, which consisted in the development of strategic cities (in particular Sevastopol). Being under the ideological influence of imperial myths, entertainment, and the extraordinary attention of local authorities, without professional knowledge of the history of the region and not being initially familiar with the tsarist measures to maintain control over the annexed region, the author sometimes reproduced the actions of the tsarist government in the region too complementarily. However, his long stay in the Crimea shows that Baron A. von Haxthausen's views changed. The devastation of the land, religious and social oppression of the local population, and the destruction of architectural monuments did not escape his attention. Conclusions. Attention is drawn to the differences between A. von Haxthausen's observations and the declarations of Russian officials, as well as the partial censorship of the text of the travelogues, which led to some historical errors and inconsistencies in the notes. Keywords: A. Haxthausen, travel notes, Crimea, cities, ethnic composition.

Determinants of Ukraine’s geopolitical orientation

The Russian side often talks about the special ties between Russia and Ukraine. This assumption underlies the Russian geopolitical doctrine. Nevertheless, Ukraine does not share this view, wishing to be a sovereign and independent state. Russia cannot understand that, however, being stuck in its imperial myth and one-sided interpretation of former and today’s determinants. Meanwhile, Russians and Ukrainians were moulded by different historical circumstances, which was manifested in the emergence of two distinct languages and national traditions. In addition, historical processes tied Ukrainians more closely to the freedom traditions of the West, while the Russians were much more exposed to the impact of the despotic East, which was one of the main factors behind the distinctive features of both nations. The existence within the borders of one state for 200–300 years did not erase these differences. The emancipation of people’s masses that took place from the mid-19th century made the distinctive features more visible and had to lead to political divisions. For this reason, even the USSR was constituted as a union. This fact, however, did not prevent its dissolution. As a result, Ukraine has been an independent country for three decades. Russian actions counteracting these tendencies, strengthened even more the sense of distinctiveness of Ukrainians and their western civilisational and geopolitical orientation. Owing to this fact, Russia’s integrative actions against Ukraine, carried out by imperial and despotic methods, are doomed to failure.

Soft power kultury rosyjskiej w kontekście wojny Federacji Rosyjskiej przeciwko Ukrainie

The article aims to look at Russian culture as a soft power through the prism of the large-scale invasion of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and to analyze the changes in its perception that have occurred as a result of these events. Russian culture, especially high culture, is known and appreciated in the world, which gives it the power of attraction and the possibility of exerting influence. At the same time, it is not only a source of prestige and a tool for promoting Russia, but also spreading Russian imperial myths that contributed to the invasion of Ukraine. Moreover, the operation of Russian cultural institutions outside the borders of the Russian Federation is strictly controlled by the authorities, and its popularization is treated as a “special operation”. Russian culture imposed imperial optics on the perception of “near abroad”, deprived Ukraine of the right to its history, identity and cultural heritage. Due to its colonial nature, it does not perceive the suffering of oppressed nations, and is therefore unable to prevent the tragedy of their destruction, as is the case with Ukraine and its culture. As a result of the initiated war, Russia has embezzled some of its soft power. However, there is no consensus among the international community regarding the imposition of sanctions on Russian culture. Ukrainian cultural activists accuse the international community of hypocrisy because, in defending Russian culture, it does not perceive the deliberate and systematic destruction of Ukrainian culture. Russian culture requires a reinterpretation and unmasking of the imperial optics, as consuming it indiscriminately poses a threat to the national security of the “near abroad” states.

Російська імперія в боротьбі з османським спадком: упокорення корінних народів Північного Причорномор’я

The article examines the establishment and maintenance of control by the Russian Empire over the territories of the annexed Crimean Khanate. Based on a comprehensive analysis of documents stored in Russian archives, travel notes and research by Ukrainian, Russian, German and British authors, it was found that the first important step in achieving this goal was the formation of a puppet government of Shagin Giray. With his help, the Russian Empire legitimized the presence of its own troops and the occupation administration in the region. As a result of the annexation of the Crimean peninsula, there were changes in the economic and political status of the indigenous peoples of the Northern Black Sea region, which consisted of depriving them of their rights and numerical restrictions. This led to the deployment of an anti-Russian national movement, which in turn prompted imperial government circles to develop a set of measures to maintain control over the region. Special attention is paid to the methods of subjugation of indigenous peoples, in particular the Crimean Tatars, Nogais, Greeks, Armenians. In the course of the research it was found that in order to solve the set tasks Russia managed to establish control over the local elites, physically destroy the Crimean Tatars and Nogais, deprive them of property, and push them out of the empire. At the same time, the tsar introduced various measures of assimilation, in particular: resettlement, the use of some ethnic groups in the struggle against others (the principle of “divide and rule”), religious pressure. All this led to the destruction of the traditional culture and way of life of the indigenous peoples of the Northern Black Sea coast. During the 19th century, the Russian Empire began to impose its own political, economic and mental traditions. By creating mythologemes and ideologemes, and enshrining them in the mass consciousness, the tsar formed a new reality and distorted the collective historical memory. The means of rooting imperial myths were the transformation of Orthodox churches into places of honor of the ruling dynasty, military victories and the Russian army, the construction of pantheons for the heroes of wars of aggression, and so on. The Church, carrying out the tasks set by the state, formed intolerance towards the Islamic population, consolidated the ideological division into “Orthodox” and “Busurman”, “liberators” and “enslavers”.

Imperial Myth as a National Idea: Explicit and Hidden Meanings of the 1931 International Colonial Exhibition in Paris

The article presents an analysis of the colonial exhibition of 1931 in the context of the metamorphosis of the colonial idea in France. After the First World War, the difficulties in managing the colonies were increasingly felt in France. The French political class hoped to give new vitality to the national consciousness, which was threatened by various social-revolutionary and anti-colonial movements, through the reform of colonial policy. The colonial exhibition of 1931 became the apogee of imperial propaganda in the metropolis and a symbol of unity between the Third Republic with its colonies. Its success was associated with the extent to which the colonial idea penetrated French society and with the stabilization of the mother country's relations with her colonies between the two world wars. The colonial discourse of the 1931 exhibition was an apology for republican centrism expressed through the firm positioning of racial superiority, the demonstration of the validity of the ideals of progress inevitably brought about by colonization, and the dominance of French values. The author demonstrates that the new political situation that developed after the Great War contributed to the achievement of colonial consolidation, on the part of the majority of parties and, mainly, through the deployment of the state propaganda machine. The colonies and the colonial question marked the outlines, the brushstrokes, as it were, of a national union. This union between the national and the colonial, the nation and the empire, was twofold. Between the two world wars, national and colonial issues became logically interlinked and interdependent. The author concludes that the 1931 exhibition propagated the idea of the imperial order through the display and presentation of idealized indigenous cultures represented by a variety of artifacts, fine arts, and architecture. The 1931 exhibition became a general imperial holiday, and was intended to serve the unity between the imperial centre and the colonies. It became an important tool of imperial construction, a fairly effective means of broadcasting the official imperial ideology, and a metaphor for the colonial republic, which embodied the cultural, social, and mental characteristics of the imperial nation; its hidden meaning was directed against the growing ideas of colonial nationalism and resistance.

«РУССКИЙ ШТЫК» В ОТЕЧЕСТВЕННОЙ ЛИТЕРАТУРЕ XVIII – ХХ вв.: МАГИЧЕСКОЕ ОРУЖИЕ ИМПЕРИИ

The article deals with one of the most important unofficial imperial symbols of Russia - the Russian bayonet. For quite a long historical period, 1790-1945, the bayonet remained a metaphor for military, state, and national power. In the historical perspective, it had three main meanings: 1) the glory of the Russian Army, and then the Red Army; 2) the greatness and strength of the Russian Empire; 3) courage, determination, and the Russian man’s contempt for death. The cult of Suvorov and the myth of the Russian bayonet were formed in Russian poetry at the same time - at the end of the XVIII century, and they supported each other. Suvorov’s bayonet charge training remained relevant in the tactics and military theory of the Russian Army until the end of the 19th century. The idea of the mythical Suvorov’s “bogatyr”, a Russian soldier, was poeticized by the commander himself in The Science of Victory (1795) and was continued primarily in the patriotic poetry of the 1830s. The mythologization of the Russian bayonet in Russian poetry and battle prose reached its apotheosis in the early 1830s, at the time of Russia’s confrontation with Europe over the Polish Uprising. The literary myth of the bayonet is presented in its most complete form in Pyotr Yershov’s poem “The Russian Bayonet”. Patriotic lyrics with their collective lyrical subject and nationwide sublime pathos and the battle prose of the 1830s both played a decisive role in the creation of the myth. The hyperbolization of the Russian hero wielding the bayonet in the prose of the 1830s is usually linked with the motif of national superiority. The ideological imperial myth of the invincible and all-powerful Russian bayonet was used primarily within Russia itself. During the Crimean War, the poetical hope that the bayonet would help to win the war with the most well-armed armies in Europe was in vain. In addition, the destruction of the myth was influenced by the spread of the personal point of view in the psychological prose of Leo Tolstoy and Vsevolod Garshin. In Tolstoy’s battle prose, the war rhetoric and the valorization of war are devalued, this “demythologization” also includes an unusual description of the Russian bayonet charge. This trend continues in the prose of Garshin, who gained the experience of an ordinary volunteer soldier in the Russian-Turkish War. In the last third of the 19th century and before the beginning of the First World War, the bayonet in Russian unofficial literature became a metaphor for the repressive state apparatus. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the war, the suppressed national semantics of the bayonet was actualized again. The same thing happened at the very beginning of the Great Patriotic War when the very existence of Russians as an ethnic group was called into question. Soviet poets once again turned to the myth of the all-conquering Suvorov’s Russian bayonet.

ОБРАЗ РОССИИ В КУЛЬТУРЕ БИТ

The article deals with one of the most important unofficial imperial symbols of Russia - the Russian bayonet. For quite a long historical period, 1790-1945, the bayonet remained a metaphor for military, state, and national power. In the historical perspective, it had three main meanings: 1) the glory of the Russian Army, and then the Red Army; 2) the greatness and strength of the Russian Empire; 3) courage, determination, and the Russian man’s contempt for death. The cult of Suvorov and the myth of the Russian bayonet were formed in Russian poetry at the same time - at the end of the XVIII century, and they supported each other. Suvorov’s bayonet charge training remained relevant in the tactics and military theory of the Russian Army until the end of the 19th century. The idea of the mythical Suvorov’s “bogatyr”, a Russian soldier, was poeticized by the commander himself in The Science of Victory (1795) and was continued primarily in the patriotic poetry of the 1830s. The mythologization of the Russian bayonet in Russian poetry and battle prose reached its apotheosis in the early 1830s, at the time of Russia’s confrontation with Europe over the Polish Uprising. The literary myth of the bayonet is presented in its most complete form in Pyotr Yershov’s poem “The Russian Bayonet”. Patriotic lyrics with their collective lyrical subject and nationwide sublime pathos and the battle prose of the 1830s both played a decisive role in the creation of the myth. The hyperbolization of the Russian hero wielding the bayonet in the prose of the 1830s is usually linked with the motif of national superiority. The ideological imperial myth of the invincible and all-powerful Russian bayonet was used primarily within Russia itself. During the Crimean War, the poetical hope that the bayonet would help to win the war with the most well-armed armies in Europe was in vain. In addition, the destruction of the myth was influenced by the spread of the personal point of view in the psychological prose of Leo Tolstoy and Vsevolod Garshin. In Tolstoy’s battle prose, the war rhetoric and the valorization of war are devalued, this “demythologization” also includes an unusual description of the Russian bayonet charge. This trend continues in the prose of Garshin, who gained the experience of an ordinary volunteer soldier in the Russian-Turkish War. In the last third of the 19th century and before the beginning of the First World War, the bayonet in Russian unofficial literature became a metaphor for the repressive state apparatus. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the war, the suppressed national semantics of the bayonet was actualized again. The same thing happened at the very beginning of the Great Patriotic War when the very existence of Russians as an ethnic group was called into question. Soviet poets once again turned to the myth of the all-conquering Suvorov’s Russian bayonet.

On origins: the mythistory of translation studies and the geopolitics of knowledge

ABSTRACT This article critically examines the oft-cited historical narrative of Translation Studies that situates its birth in the post-war West. This narrative is referred to as the mythistory of Translation Studies, as its validity derives more from its circulation than from a knowledge of other traditions. The narrative in its various iterations is first analysed as an imperial myth, positing a unitary point of origin, following a developmental trajectory, and presenting its local history as world history. The article then demonstrates the ways in which this Western mythistory contributes to the consolidation of a neocolonial geo-politics of the field, as reflected in the leading Anglophone anthologies, which present Western theory as universal while erasing or delegitimizing knowledge from the global South. The Western mythistory of the field is then provincialised by comparing it to the systematic and sustained interest in translation that arose in the Soviet Union in the nineteen twenties and thirties. This critical treatment of the mythistory is meant to open a space for heterogeneity in the field and to ensure that attempts to enlarge the field are not merely expansions.

THE IMPERIAL MYTH IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE RUSSIAN ETHNIC AND CULTURAL IDENTITY

The article suggests the methodology of bridging the formation-evolutionary, cultural-civilization, ethnological and cultural-antropological models in understanding the dynamics of complex socio-cultural systems. The selected epistemological models allow us to adequately study the specificity of cultural and civilization development of Russia, which is relevant in line with the next wave of modernization of the country. The article pays attention to the imperial myth and its role in the construction of Russia's ethno-cultural identity.

Res publica restituta? Perceiving emperors in fourteenth-century Rome

Three emperors were crowned in Rome, while the pope was residing in Avignon: Henry VII (1312), Louis IV (1328) and Charles IV (1355). This contribution suggests that these emperors did not simply enter into an insurmountable “conflict of Empire and city-state”. Many Italians perceived the transalpine rulers as carriers of justice and order. Instead of criticizing the idea of empire, fourteenth-century (proto-)humanists reinforced the imperial myth by applying a classical language to discuss the contemporary Holy Roman Emperors. With their imperial histories, authors such as Albertino Mussato and Ferreto de’ Ferreti wanted to imitate the ancients. As a consequence, they focused on the triumphal aspects of the imperial coronations. Not the coronation in Saint Peter’s Basilica but the adventus into the city and the interaction with the SPQR drew special interest. Because of the papal absence, Henry VII and the excommunicated Louis the Bavarian could indeed act independently in the Eternal City. They both gathered assemblies with the SPQR on the Capitoline Hill. Charles IV, however, kept his promise to the pope and stayed only one day in Rome for his coronation in 1355. The letters of Francesco Petrarch and Niccolo Beccari nevertheless provided him with a classical discourse that could have supported his claims of independence vis-a-vis the pope. The Holy Roman Emperors were presented as the restorers of the res publica. It seems that the imperial presence in a popeless Rome increased the awareness of (and interest in) the city’s ancient past.

УКРАЇНСЬКІ РЕВОЛЮЦІЇ ХХ–ХХІ СТ. У ВИМІРІ ІСТОРИЧНО-ПРАВОВОЇ КОМПАРАТИВІСТИКИ

The paper analyses the revolutionary events of XX–XXI centuries in Ukraine, in particular, the prerequisites, causes, and consequences of social, political and economic nature, the historical, political and legal experience of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Dignity Revolution of 2014. By carrying out a comparative legal analysis the author comes to the conclusion that the above mentioned processes are characterized not only by the same goal, the basis of which is the idea of social and national liberation, but also by such concepts as human centrism, their anti-imperial, national, and state orientations. On the other hand, attention is also focused on the distinctive features of the revolutions mentioned, such as different external and internal political circumstances behind them and the international legal reaction to the revolutionary events that took place in our country. Thus, the article outlines the challenges of today's Ukrainian humanities through the prism of an average human being's role in the revolutionary process in Soviet times, identifies the impact of these phenomena on the individual, makes an attempt to find common features of political and legal reaction to such events from both Ukrainian society and the ruling circles of some neighboring states. The paper proves the complete scientific inability of a number of Russian imperial myths, namely the desire to present Russian-Ukrainian conflicts as "civil wars", the attempts of Russian historiography to "incorporate" the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 into the all-Russian revolutionary process, the desire to characterize the 2014 Revolution of Dignity as a "coup d'etat", etc. On the basis of the comparative analysis, the author explains why the Ukrainian state as a geopolitical reality could not happen during the revolution in the beginning of twentieth century, in contrast to the events of presence, when modern post-revolutionary Ukraine managed to withstand the struggle against the Russian occupation forces and once again avoided the tragic consequences that came to our land after the occupation.

Colonial settlers, national imagining and imperial myths in post-war Italy (1943-1949)

After the end of the Second World War, ideas of empire survived Italy’s imperial wartime defeat and formulated an allegedly new version of the nation-state: one that was democratic, “progressive”, and (post)imperial. This paper explores the role of Italian colonial settlers in fostering ideas of empire when the empire was already formally gone. Repatriated during and after the war and grouped into loose associations, colonial settlers were at the forefront of this “new” (post)imperial re-imagining. The paper looks at media contributions and petitions written by representatives of settlers’ communities and argues that past ideas of empire, especially the ones that drew upon the question of labour, served as a basis for the reformulation and promotion of a (post)imperial and democratic Italian nation-state, that is an image of a nation that still considered the former colonies as an alleged integral part of (post)imperial Italy.

Sofiia Andrukhovych’s Felix Austria: the postcolonial neo-Gothic and Ukraine’s search for itself

ABSTRACTSofiia Andrukhovych’s 2014 novel Felix Austria (Feliks Avstriia) became Ukraine’s most critically acclaimed and commercially successful work of literature published in the immediate aftermath of the Euromaidan revolution of 2013–14. It combined an ambitious historical reconstruction of daily life in the year 1900 in a mid-size city in the Habsburg-ruled part of Ukraine and an engaging plot skilfully employing multiple devices associated with the Gothic tradition, especially in its latter-day and postmodernist reinterpretations. The novel’s success is especially telling in the context of the rising interest in the Gothic in Ukrainian culture. Told by an unreliable narrator, the novel prompts readers to interrogate their assumptions. In the context of Ukraine, it is particularly subversive in its engagement with the nostalgic myth of the Habsburg Empire as a multi-ethnic utopia of tolerance, and by implication it challenges all imperial myths. The novel’s emphasis on the quest for (self-)discovery strongly resonated with readers in the context of a socio-political crisis, which highlighted the relevance of the distinct postcolonial overtones in its message.

ACTUALIZATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL WORLD OUTLOOK CODES AS THE PRECONDITION OF WORLDVIEW TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE CONDITIONS OF “HYBRID WARS”

The article examines the national worldview codes as a prerequisite for national revival. The urgency of studying world outlook codes in modern Ukraine is primarily due to the actualization of powerful manipulative anti-Ukrainian processes that often take the form of “hybrid wars”. The purpose of the article is to show how and based on what principles the main national world outlook codes function during important historical transformations. For this purpose, the article investigates two information and cultural fields, which are based on world-view structures of the mythological type – national and imperial myths. These structures have their branched code systems, which are updated and described in the form of mythology, symbols and signs. Two important issues are additionally considered: encoding information through the codes of other systems and the use of different languages for transmitting the message, which may cause its distortion. The components of Ukraine’s image as the main mythological image with the national code base are analyzed. Much attention is paid to describing the basic code in the national unconscious of the Ukrainian people and its differences from the imperial view of the world. The historical retrospective is depicted on the example of the “Cossack era”, the activities of the “Central Council”, the “Time of Independence”, the “Orange Revolution – 2004”, the “Dignity Revolution – 2013–2014”, military operations in the ATO-zone, etc. Modern examples show the influence of actualization of relevant world outlook codes on political, social, and cultural life. The mechanisms of combining and enhancing world outlook codes, actualized in various spheres – politics, religion, culture, in particular, mass culture, social life – are discussed. The author also considers the distribution of influence of these codes on other areas of life (up to domestic realities) for describing the surrounding world by ordinary citizens. The idea of three waves of national revival in modern Ukraine is proposed. Attention is drawn to the possible risks of ceasing the nation-building processes in the present, as well as numerous perspectives should this “wave” be as productive as possible.