Immigrant Integration Policies Research Articles

The Margin of Appreciation Doctrine, the Very Weighty Reasons Test and Grounds of Discrimination

When deciding non-discrimination cases, the European Court of Human Rights (Court) operates in a complex context. It is asked to hand down binding judgments in cases of a widely varying nature, which are brought by individuals from all over Europe. The Court tends to be very strict in dealing with clear discriminatory treatment, such as direct discrimination based on race, sexual orientation or gender. It may be more difficult for it, however, to set uniform standards regarding contentious issues, such as same-sex marriage, adoption by single parents, language regulations, social benefits and integration policies for immigrants. Although the Court has to guarantee a minimum level of protection against discrimination also in relation to such difficult matters, it can reasonably be expected to pay heed to the divergent views and values. It is almost overly well-known that one of the ways in which the Court has endeavoured to find a way through such fields of tension is by means of its famous margin of appreciation doctrine. Clearly this doctrine is just as relevant for discrimination cases as for cases about substantive Convention rights. From that perspective it is the more interesting to see that in the field of non-discrimination law, the Court traditionally uses the margin of appreciation doctrine in a different form, i.e. in the form of the 'very weighty reasons test'. Seemingly, the difference between the margin of appreciation doctrine and the 'very weighty reasons test' is simply one of phraseology, without any concrete bearing on the Court's reasoning. It is quite well possible, however, that, indeed, the different labels do relate to a different content. If that would be the case, the question might be raised which differences can be observed and whether and to what extent they can explain and justify the use of different 'brands' of intensity of review in the Court's case-law. This chapter aims to answer these questions by looking into the common starting point of the margin of appreciation doctrine and the very weighty reasons test as well as by analysing the similarities and differences between the Court's application of the two doctrines or tests.

Immigrant integration policymaking in Italy: regional policies in a multi-level governance perspective

This article contributes to the debate on the ‘local governance turn’ by considering a recent immigration context: the Italian case. We analyse integration policies and governance processes in three regions: Lombardy, Piedmont and Emilia-Romagna. The aim is to shed new light on the multi-level governance relations that shape immigrant integration policies, taking into account the interdependencies of the vertical and horizontal dimensions of multi-level governance. The analysis points out the emergence of different multi-level governance arrangements and highlights the relevance of institutional and organisational factors in accounting for local differentiation. General traditions and established public–non-governmental organisation relations in the social policy field, the internal organisation of the regional administration (specialised staff versus general bureaucratic apparatus), and the role of ideology appear to make a difference. The implications of this analysis for multi-level governance scholarship are discussed, emphasising the need for a middle-range theory approach. Points for practitioners Multi-level governance is considered by policy scholars as a promising approach to make sense of increasingly complex policymaking processes, implying the interaction between different levels of government and between public and non-public actors. By considering the politically sensitive immigrant integration issue, this article attempts to point out how multi-level governance relations concretely take shape at the regional level in Italy, and which factors account for regional differentiation. Our study suggests that contextual and organisational factors are particularly relevant, that is, social policy traditions, the regions’ internal organisation and the individual civil servants’ attitudes. Nevertheless, politics should also be carefully taken into account.

The Local Dimension of Immigrant Integration Policy Based on West Pomerania Province

Since Poland joined the European Community, it has been transforming from a country of emigration into an emigration-immigration one. Year by year an increase of immigrants coming to Poland has been observed, which involves the Polish government and local authorities taking actions within the implementation of migration policy. The multifaceted processes of integration take place on the levels of linguistics, culture, education, and social activation aimed at combating social exclusion of this group of Polish inhabitants.

Do acculturation strategies have impacts on the self-declared health, well-being and lifestyle of first-generation allophone immigrants in Montreal, Canada?

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to understand to what extent, the process of acculturation and the strategies which ensue from it can affect the self-declared health as regards the lifestyle, the physical activity, the diet and the well-being of first-generation immigrants living in the Montreal region (Quebec, Canada).Design/methodology/approach– A supervised survey was administered to adult allophones immigrants attending French-language courses, autumn 2011 (506 valid surveys). The authors discuss the concept and the validation of their acculturation model and its relevance in regard of the purposes of the research.Findings– The indicator allowed to clearly identify three groups that differentiate on numerous variables of the survey. Independently of the acculturations strategies adopted by the respondents, the authors observe a deterioration of the self-declared overall state of health, development of sedentary living, a fairly high level of stress and depressive episode within the entire sample. However, the group isolated as “retention” has consistently the lowest scores on all these variables. In terms of public health and health social inequalities issues these results are worrisome. The “assimilation” group have the highest scores and the “integration” group consistently shows and intermediate “balancing” position.Originality/value– The authors claim that the strategies of acculturation are not always the expression of a free will. They are also the product of constraints specific to the host society and are just as much the result of the pre-migratory socialization. This is especially the case of the “retention” group and more specifically of women. The negative effects of social, cultural and economic constraints of the host society on overall health, well-being and lifestyle as well as adaptation strategies should be monitored in a more systematic manner in recent immigrant populations and be specifically addressed in immigrant integration policies and programmes.

Cities and the politics of immigrant integration: a comparison of Berlin, Amsterdam, New York City, and San Francisco

ABSTRACTThis article examines how the urban context, rather than national or regional context, shapes local immigrant integration policies. We draw on the integration experiences of four large European and American cities—Berlin, Amsterdam, New York City, and San Francisco—to develop a basic inductive framework for explaining when and why city officials enact and implement policies that promote immigrant integration. Our framework highlights the importance for cities to have (1) left-leaning governments, (2) immigrants who constitute a large part of the city electorate and are part of local decision-making structures, and (3) an infrastructure of community-based organisations that actively represent immigrants’ collective interests in local politics and policy-making. We show that when these three factors exist synergistically, cities are more likely to commit themselves to policies that promote immigrant integration even when the national context is not very hospitable to immigrant rights.

Multikulturalizam u europskom kontekstu: dosezi i nesuglasja

Multikulturalizam u europskom kontekstu: dosezi i nesuglasja

When the state takes over: civic integration programmes and the role of cities in immigrant integration

ABSTRACTThe idea that cities enjoy a certain degree of autonomy from the state when it comes to shaping immigrant integration policy has been repeatedly highlighted by research and promoted by good governance discourses. However, the emergence of state-led civic integration programmes (CIP) across Europe would seem to jar with this movement. This is the contradiction that this article explores. CIP mobilise significant resources and streamline immigrant integration through language courses, the provision of information about the host society and vocational orientation. Drawing on policy documents and interviews with local policy-makers on the CIP in the Netherlands, Germany and Sweden, this article demonstrates how they reduce the role cities have in immigrant integration; and how they transform integration policies—to varying degrees—from being developed in relationship to locally emerging needs to being charged with state sovereignty. These findings challenge the idea that there is an increasingly local approach to integration. They also raise concerns about the ambitions of CIP. Although presented as a means to make integration policies more efficient, their focus on control and coercion may in fact jeopardise their capacity to respond to concrete integration needs.

O interculturalismo político e a integração dos imigrantes: o caso português

The immigrant integration policy aims to promote social cohesion and to forge a sense ofidentification with the national community, by establishing bonds of solidarity and the sharing ofvalues and practices among all residents in the territory. In Portugal, in recent years, interculturalismhas been presented as one of the structuring principles of such a policy. In this article, we intend toshow how this policy is reflected in the two first Plans for the Integration of Immigrants, selectingand assessing the measures more directly related to promoting interculturality. We found thatthe vast majority of measures announced as being intercultural in both documents aims to showthe existing cultural diversity and enable the public administration to deal with diversity. Whilethese measures are important to promote and facilitate the integration of immigrants, they arenevertheless not enough to show the intercultural approach of the Portuguese integration policy.

Full membership or equal rights? The link between naturalisation and integration policies for immigrants in 29 European states

Traditionally, there are two contrasting views on the way states can use naturalisation and immigrants’ rights policies to set out their broader agenda of immigrant integration. First, citizenship acquisition can be seen as complementary to the granting of social and political rights to immigrants, as a necessary step in the process of full integration in the political community. Whereas granting access to formal membership through naturalisation may instead be seen as an alternative to granting social and political rights, independent of citizenship status. In this paper, we analyse the relation between naturalisation and integration policies in 29 European states, looking at immigrants’ rights in several areas of public life, such as political participation, anti-discrimination, education, the labour market and family reunion. We find strong empirical evidence in Europe that extending membership and rights are generally used as complementary, rather than alternative, means to immigrant integration. While our analysis does not invalidate the ‘alternative’ view as a normative stance, it does suggest that it comes with political constraints as, in practice, it is rarely practiced in Europe.

Perceived Discrimination and Health among Immigrants in Europe According to National Integration Policies.

Background: Discrimination harms immigrants’ health. The objective of this study was to analyze the association between perceived discrimination and health outcomes among first and second generation immigrants from low-income countries living in Europe, while accounting for sex and the national policy on immigration. Methods: Cross-sectional study including immigrants from low-income countries aged ≥15 years in 18 European countries (European Social Survey, 2012) (sample of 1271 men and 1335 women). The dependent variables were self-reported health, symptoms of depression, and limitation of activity. The independent variables were perceived group discrimination, immigrant background and national immigrant integration policy. We tested for association between perceived group discrimination and health outcomes by fitting robust Poisson regression models. Results: We only observed significant associations between perceived group discrimination and health outcomes in first generation immigrants. For example, depression was associated with discrimination among both men and women (Prevalence Ratio-, 1.55 (95% CI: 1.16–2.07) and 1.47 (95% CI: 1.15–1.89) in the multivariate model, respectively), and mainly in countries with assimilationist immigrant integration policies. Conclusion: Perceived group discrimination is associated with poor health outcomes in first generation immigrants from low-income countries who live in European countries, but not among their descendants. These associations are more important in assimilationist countries.

Consenting to Exclude? Empirical Patterns of Democracy and Immigrant Integration Policy

Studies explaining immigrant integration policies commonly focus on single aspects such as right-populist party politics or the immigration legacy of a country. This neglects the overall character of the democratic system within which policy-making unfolds. Research on empirical patterns of democracy, in turn, suggests that consensus democracies pursue ‘kinder and gentler’ policies and outperform majoritarian democracies in terms of minority representation. The article tests whether this conclusion holds for the specific group of immigrant minorities and analyses the relationship between patterns of democracy and immigrant integration policy using a new dataset on empirical democracies in 30 European and North American countries. Simultaneously estimating the character of democratic systems in terms of power dispersion and its effect on integration policies, the analysis reveals a distinct ‘Janus-faced’ pattern: while proportional power dispersion tends to coincide with more inclusive immigrant integration policies, pronounced veto structures tend to foster exclusion.

“Bringing Cities Back In” To Canadian Political Science: Municipal Public Policy and Immigration

AbstractUsually, the state of urban research in Canadian political science leads to pessimistic evaluations. This pessimism is belied by one emerging area of study: research on Canadian municipal public policies and immigration, which has flourished over the last 20 years. This article tracks the evolution of this research. First, I retrace how municipal policies for immigrants have been studied, and show how comparison is a central component of this literature. Second, I analyze the dynamics of agenda setting, as well as variables for decision making and implementation. Third, I make three propositions for future research, which are i) to examine the reciprocal relationship between attitudes towards immigration and local public policies and politics; ii) to study local public policy as constructions rather than responses and iii) to revisit the use of national models of integration for cities. In conclusion, I underline the positive outcomes of “bringing cities back in” to Canadian political science, not only to better understand political regulation and Canadian federalism, but also to have a more complete view of the immigrant integration policies.

What explains differences in countries’ migration policies?

The aim of this paper is to analyse the reasons for differences in national migration policies. European societies are struggling with the problem of how to best include the immigrants in their social structures. Although national migration policies in Europe have developed some common elements in recent years the contents and structure of national programmes vary widely in terms of their scope, goals, target groups and the institutional actors involved. The main question of the paper is “What explains the different migration policies of countries?” To answer the question, after mentioning the current differences within the European Union in terms of their migration policies, the paper will take Germany and France as examples which demonstrate sharply different cases of immigrant integration policies in the public course.

Statistical and Perceived Diversity and Their Impacts on Neighborhood Social Cohesion in Germany, France and the Netherlands

The question whether ethnic diversity is associated with declining social cohesion has produced much controversy. We maintain that more attention must be paid to cognitive mechanisms to move the debate ahead. Using survey data from 938 localities in Germany, France, and the Netherlands, we explore a crucial individual-level mechanism: perceptions of diversity. We not only consider perceptions of the amount, but also of the qualitative nature of diversity. By asking about various qualitative aspects of diversity, we test the cognitive salience of three explanations that have been proposed in the literature for negative diversity effects: out-group biases, asymmetric preferences and coordination problems. We show that all three mechanisms matter. Perceptions both mediate statistical diversity effects, and have important explanatory power of their own. Moreover, we are able to address the question to what extend the relationship of perceived diversity and neighborhood social cohesion varies across policy contexts. Based on assumptions in the literature about positive impacts of inclusive and culturally pluralist immigrant integration policy approaches, we hypothesize that ethno-cultural diversity is less negatively related to neighborhood social cohesion in more inclusive policy contexts. Our results provide partial support for this hypothesis as perceived diversity has a significantly stronger negative impact on neighborhood cohesion in Germany.

Examining ‘Postmulticultural’ and Civic Turns in the Netherlands, Britain, Germany, and Denmark

There is a widely shared view that the appeal of multiculturalism as a public policy has suffered considerable political damage. In many European states the turn to “civic” measures and discourses has been deemed more suitable for the objectives of minority integration and the promotion of preferred modes of social and political unity. It is therefore said that the first decade of the new century has been characterized by a reorientation in immigrant integration policies—from liberal culturalist to the “return of assimilation” (Brubaker, 2001), on route to a broader “retreat from multiculturalism” (Joppke, 2004). In this article, we argue that such portrayals mask a tendency that is more complicated in some cases and much less evident in others. To elaborate this, we offer a detailed account of the inception and then alleged movement away from positions in favor of multiculturalism in two countries that have adopted different versions of it, namely the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, and two countries that have historically rejected multiculturalism, namely Denmark and Germany. We argue that while there is undoubtedly a rhetorical separation between multiculturalism and civic integration, the latter is in some cases building on the former, and broadly needs to be understood as more than a retreat of multiculturalism. Taking seriously Banting and Kymlicka’s argument that understanding the evolution of integration requires the “the mind-set of an archaeologist,” we offer a policy genealogy that allows us to set the backlash against multiculturalism in context, in manner that explicates its provenance, permutations, and implications.

Racial Preferences in Online Dating across European Countries

Knowledge about how race governs partner selection has been predominantly studied in the United States, yet it is unclear whether these results can be generalized to nations with different racial and immigration patterns. Using a large-scale sample of online daters in nine European countries, we engage in the first cross-national analysis of race-related partner preferences and examine the link between contextual factors and ethnic selectivity. We provide a unique test of contact, conflict, and in-group identification theories. We show that individuals uniformly prefer to date same-race partners and that there is a hierarchy of preferences both among natives and minority groups. Notable country differences are also found. Europeans living in countries with a large foreign-born population have an increased preference for minority groups. The ethnically heterogeneous Swiss population displays the strongest preference for minorities, with the more homogenous Poland, Spain, and Italy, the least. Anti-immigrant attitudes are related to stronger in-group preferences among natives. Unexpectedly, non-Arabic minority daters belonging to large-size communities have strong preferences for Europeans. The results have implications for immigrant integration policies and demonstrate that Internet dating allows efficient selection by racial divisions, perpetuating country-specific racial inequalities.

Интеграция мигрантов как административная проблема: опыт Евросоюза

The paper is focused on the immigrant integration policies within the European Union in terms of their aims and priorities, institutional design, and financing. Among the issues raised by the article are the criteria allowing evaluation the effectiveness of these policies. Special attention is given to good practices promoting social inclusion of the newcomers. This is, first of all, measures which help to build confidence between the locals and the migrants. In addition, the author addresses the question concerning the specific features of the Russian case. Up until the mid-2000s, the Russian political class assumed that immigration to our country is a temporary phenomenon, however in the last decade the high rank officials have repeatedly indicated that immigration is a condition for development. This implies that both politicians and civil society in Russia have to abandon looking at migrants as "guest workers." Many of them are here for good. They are permanent residents and potential citizens of Russia, so the future of the country depends on how successful they will be integrated. Along with the illusion of temporality there are other features of the Russian specificity. The author argues that this specificity is made by the over emphasis of the cultural dimension of the integration process and integration policies, at the expense of structural ones. A further feature of the Russian specificity is the absence of empowerment of local authorities. It is rather at the local than at the central level that the most salient integration problems arise and could be solved. So the author suggests moving from a super-centralized bureaucratic system to a more democratic one.

Imigracja w Szwajcarii po 1945 roku – ewolucja postaw społeczeństwa i federalna polityka integracji

The article discusses immigration in Switzerland after 1945: its dynamics and the policy of the federal government towards immigration and immigrants. An important issue addressed in the paper are relations between Helvetian Federation and European Union, especially with respect to bilateral agreements concerning free movement of people. The second part of the article is devoted to social attitudes towards immigration as well as the increasingly radical views of the right-wing groups, especially Swiss People’s Party (SVP, in French – Democratic Union of the Centre – UDC) on immigration, which is most vividly manifested in public initiatives submitted to popular vote. An analysis of the results of votes demonstrates that the attitudes of the Swiss public towards immigration are not uniform. Initiatives aimed at expelling immigrants from Switzerland are rejected, but so are proposals of laws which make obtaining Swiss citizenship easier. Furthermore, the author discusses the Federation’s immigrant integration policies, in which emphasis is put on integration on the job market or social integration, while completely ignoring political integration (granting civil rights). The final issue addressed in this paper is the analysis of a watershed in the history of immigration in Switzerland, namely the public vote of February 9th, 2014 “Against Mass Immigration” and its consequences. This has been discussed based on source texts (text of the public initiative and commentaries of politicians, sociologists and journalists).

EUにおける移民統合モデルの収斂？

EUにおける移民統合モデルの収斂？

Diversity and nationalism in the Basque Country and Flanders: understanding immigrants as fellow minorities

Why have immigrant integration policies in the Basque Country and Flanders been framed according to multicultural principles? This paper offers an addendum to rationalist and institutionalist approaches, arguing that we cannot make sense of multicultural policies in these two cases without considering the interplay between historical narratives that undergird the nation and elite decision-making. Narratives of cultural oppression have been essential for nationalist mobilization in the Basque Country and Flanders. In turn, the choice of multiculturalism over assimilation by sub-state elites made sense because it fits with their understanding of the nation as an oppressed group.