Admission Of Immigrants Research Articles

Do immigrants at bay keep the xenophobes away? Post-entry rights and public opposition to immigrant admission

Abstract Many citizens in liberal democracies are concerned about immigration and its impact on their countries. Governments often seek to address these concerns by restricting the post-entry rights of immigrants such as the right to permanent settlement or access to welfare benefits. Thereby, it is expected that immigrants with an inferior legal status are (perceived as) less threatening to natives and, as a result, make the latter more willing to accept new immigrants. Does this policy rationale indeed attenuate public opposition to immigrant admission and thus allow for the reconciliation of the economic need for immigrants with the political concerns of domestic constituents? This study advances the theoretical argument of a rights-conditionality in citizens’ immigration preferences and provides empirical evidence on the phenomenon. A factorial survey experiment among citizens in the United States and Switzerland tests the effect of residence and welfare rights on the public opposition to immigrant admission. The results show that restricting immigrants’ welfare rights does significantly decrease public opposition towards immigration across the two countries. In contrast, restricting immigrants’ residence rights does not, and in the context of Switzerland, even increases opposition to immigrant admission. Citizens critical of immigration are thus not per se more welcoming to immigrants if they receive an inferior legal status but seem to care about immigrants’ contributions and commitment to the receiving society. The findings highlight the importance of immigrants‘ post-entry rights in the view of citizens and show how the design of immigration policies may help to understand public immigration preferences.

Cutting in line ahead of us: the role of group relative deprivation in shaping gatekeeping attitudes across different immigrant integration contexts in Europe

ABSTRACT Although research shows that anti-immigrant sentiments are generally lower in liberal integration policy contexts, popular backlash against immigrants become salient in many pro-immigration and inclusive integration policy contexts in Europe today. Developing a contextualized mediation model, this research suggests that feelings of deprivation vis-à-vis immigrants influence attitudes toward selective immigrant admission in Europe. From a cross-country analysis of the 2014–2015 European Social Survey through multigroup structural equation modeling, our findings reveal that sentiments of group relative deprivation translate into stronger gatekeeping attitudes throughout Europe by developing threat perceptions from immigration. Relative deprivation-driven threat perceptions influence gatekeeping attitudes more potently in countries where integration policies grant immigrants more comprehensive and equal rights, while they remain relatively dormant in countries with exclusionary integration policies. These findings contribute to our understanding of how and to what extent relative deprivation sentiments vis-à-vis immigrants shape gatekeeping attitudes while shedding light on the unintended impacts of liberal integration policies on public opinion regarding immigration.

Paths to Integration: Labor Market and Social Integration Across Immigrant Admission Categories

Paths to Integration: Labor Market and Social Integration Across Immigrant Admission Categories

Chinese grand(parenting) encourages a re‐imagining of Canada's immigration regime

AbstractCanada's migration regime prioritizes the admission of young skilled immigrants while restricting elderly immigrants constructed as non‐contributing dependents. We review and compare the current pathways to family reunification for elderly immigrants. Based on interviews with 16 Chinese skilled immigrant mothers and eight sponsored (grand)parents in Edmonton and Ottawa, we highlight the contributions made by elderly Chinese immigrants to social reproduction, intergenerational cultural preservation, and various forms of transnational support. We also reveal the financial and emotional costs incurred by young skilled immigrants who sought to sponsor their elderly parents for permanent residency. Based on these rich conversations, we propose two policy recommendations to reduce the pressure on sponsoring family members and create opportunities for elderly immigrants to access gainful employment.

Security, digital border technologies, and immigration admissions: Challenges of and to non-discrimination, liberty and equality

Normative debates on migration control, while characterised by profound disagreement, do appear to agree that the state has at least a prima facie right to prevent the entry of security threats. While concern is sometimes raised that this ‘security exception’ can be abused, there has been little focus by normative theorists on concrete practices of security, and how we can determine what a ‘principled’ use of the security exception would be. I argue that even if states have a right to prevent migrants from entering on grounds of security, the practices required to implement this right will likely compromise core liberal democratic values in ways that have not been sufficiently appreciated. I draw on literature from Science and Technology Studies and Critical Security Studies to examine the proliferation of digital border control technologies which are increasingly dominating state security practices, and explain the challenges these technologies pose to non-discrimination, liberty and equality. I also highlight the difficulties of taking these principles as presumptive limitations on the operation of the security exception. A more sustained conversation among ethical theorists is needed to address the profound ethical challenges that the ever-increasing use of these technologies poses, particularly in pursuit of security.

Head and Neck Tuberculosis in Southeastern Region in Turkey, Near the Syrian Border

Objective: The study was conducted to evaluate profiles, demographical data, diagnostic, clinical and treatment approaches in relation to the cases of diagnosed head and neck tuberculosis after the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011. The aim of the study is to share current knowledge on head and neck tuberculosis and to investigate whether there is an epidemiological change with the admission of immigrants after the start of the Syrian civil war. Methods: Demographic data, contact history, relapse, localization, tuberculin test, BCG vaccination and treatment duration are evaluated variables. Two groups were created. The first group was diagnosed with head and neck tuberculosis between 2006 and 2011 before the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, and the second group was diagnosed between 2012 and 2017 after the war in Syria caused hundreds of thousands of Syrian citizens to flee their homes and cross the border into Turkey. Results: Head and neck tuberculosis cases tend to increase after the year of 2012. The number of diagnosed non-Turkish citizens expand after the year of 2012 and reach the highest number in 2017. BCG vaccination status and contact history were found to be the only variables that display statistical significance between the groups. Conclusions: The number of head and neck tuberculosis cases increased after the Syrian war began due to insufficient rates of vaccination among the Syrian population and this population’s overcrowded living environment in Turkey. The burden of these crises affects a region rather than the whole country.

Comparing the Life Satisfaction of Older Immigrants and Refugees to Canadian-Born Older Adults: The Role of Immigrant Admission Classes

ABSTRACT Objectives Immigrant admission classes represent different entry routes to Canada and potential divergent pathways for later-life well-being. This study examined later-life satisfaction, an important correlate of well-being, comparing levels between Canadian-born older adults with those of older immigrants and refugees by admission class and considering the role of residency time in Canada. Methods This study used data from the Canadian Community Health Survey (2009–2014) linked to landing records for those 55 years and older. Regression models explored the association between admission class and later-life satisfaction adjusting for covariates and stratified by residency time in Canada. Results After accounting for a range of demographic, socioeconomic, and health characteristics, economic class principal applicants and refugees had significantly lower life satisfaction than Canadian-born older adults. The negative association with life satisfaction among economic class principal applicants persisted even after accounting for residency time in Canada. Conclusions Both admission class and length of residency in Canada are associated with levels of later-life satisfaction. Future studies should look beyond aggregated measures of immigrant status when examining determinants of well-being in later-life. Clinical Implications Vulnerable subgroups of immigrants and refugees are at risk of experiencing lower later-life satisfaction and adverse later-life outcomes.

On Choice and Freedom in Transnational Migrations: The Soviet Jewish Migrants in Europe Who Were Left Behind

Abstract This article discusses the experiences of several thousand Jewish migrants from the Soviet Union who failed to adapt to life in Israel and moved to Western Europe during the 1970s and 1980s in an attempt to gain immigrant admission to Western countries. The difficult multi-year sojourn of these people in Europe (mainly in the Roman Metropolitan Area in Italy) highlights the nonlinear and precarious trajectories of emigration from the USSR as well as the political controversies that accompanied this population movement. At the center of analysis are the activities of Western and Israeli government agencies and international organizations that tried to restrict and inhibit the unexpected abandonment of the Israeli destination by ex-Soviet Jewish migrants. The article focuses on a contrast between the ideology and practice of transnational migrations in a divided world. Although the concepts of freedom, legality, and individual choice rhetorically framed the act of leaving the Soviet Union during the Cold War, in practice those benefits were not available to many migrants. Agencies routinely handled migrations on grounds of political calculation, in which the rights, freedoms, and well-being of the migrant were subordinated to policy objectives and institutional priorities, often without much regard for the law. The article pays special attention to the values, language, and mechanisms of political action that the former Soviet people employed in order to reach their goals in the unfamiliar Western world.

Who’s afraid of immigration? The effect of economic preferences on tolerance

This paper suggests that intergenerationally transmitted ancestral characteristics have a significant impact on attitudes toward immigration. Using a sub-population of second-generation immigrants from the European Social Survey (ESS), we find that historical and linguistic factors that contributed to weaker long-term orientation and higher risk aversion are associated with a greater concern, especially among medium- and low-skilled workers, about the economic consequences of immigration and the admission of poorer immigrants. The results are robust to alternative sample definitions, estimation methodology, a rich set of geographical controls, and several potential confounding factors at the country of origin level.

American Progressivism and the U.S. Supreme Court Jurisprudence: Chinese Exclusion Cases – the Origins of the Doctrine of Consular Non-Reviewability

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the American reform movements tried to match American ideals with the challenges of the times. Progressive attitudes highlighted the necessity of reforms. The Chinese issue, often risen in the public dialogue, was the subject of deliberation of the Supreme Court, the Congress, and the federal executive branch of government. Chae Chan Ping v. United States and subsequent cases established the doctrine of consular noneviewability referring to immigration law and delineating the scope of judicial review for decisions concerning the admission of immigrants to the United States. They also strengthened the plenary power doctrine. We may ask if the Supreme Court judgments were in conformity with the ideas of American Progressivism. Unfortunately, the Chinese Exclusion Cases were not compatible with the visions of progressive reformers and reflected anti-Chinese sentiment rather than an aspiration for reforms.

Prostate cancer incidence among immigrant men in Ontario, Canada: a population-based retrospective cohort study.

Prostate cancer incidence has been associated with various sociodemographic factors, such as race, income and age, but the association with immigrant status in Canada is unclear. In this population-based study in Ontario, Canada, we compared age-standardized incidence rates for immigrant males from various regions of origin with the rates of long-term residents. In this retrospective cohort study, we linked several provincial-level databases available at ICES, an independent, non-profit research institute. We included all males aged 20 years and older in the province of Ontario eligible for health care for each fiscal year (Apr. 1 to Mar. 31) in 2008-2016. We determined age-standardized prostate cancer incidence rates, stratifying by immigrant status (a binary variable) and region of origin. We used a log-binomial model to estimate adjusted incidence rate ratios, with long-term residents (Canadian-born Ontarians as well as those who immigrated before 1985, when available data on immigration starts) as the reference group. We included age, neighbourhood income and time since landing in the models. Additional models limited to immigrant males in the cohort included immigration admission category (economic class, family class, refugee, other) and time since landing in Canada. There were 74594 incident cases of prostate cancer in the study period, 6742 of which were among immigrant males. Males who had immigrated from West Africa and the Caribbean had significantly higher incidence of prostate cancer than other immigrants and long-term residents: adjusted rate ratios of 2.71 (95% confidence interval [CI] 2.41-3.05) and 1.91 (95% CI 1.78-2.04), respectively. Immigrants from other regions, including East Africa and Middle-Southern Africa, had lower or similar incidence rates to long-term residents. Males from South Asia had the lowest adjusted rate ratio (0.47, 95% CI 0.45-0.50). The age-standardized incidence rate of prostate cancer from 2008 to 2016 was consistently and significantly higher among immigrants from West African and Caribbean countries than among other immigrants and long-term residents of the province. Future research in Canada should focus on further understanding heterogeneity in prostate cancer risk and epidemiology, including stage of diagnosis and mortality, for immigrants.

The Role of Immigrant Admission Classes on the Health and Well-being of Immigrants and Refugees in Canada: A Scoping Review.

Many countries offer different pathways through which migrants can enter a new country. In Canada, there are three main immigrant admission classes: economic, family, and refugee. Previous research suggests that there are differences in health outcomes among various subgroups of migrants. A scoping review was conducted to characterize the role of immigrant admission classes on the health and well-being of immigrants and refugees in Canada. MEDLINE, Embase, PsycINFO, Sociological Abstracts, and EconLit databases were searched for quantitative studies published in English after 1990. The screening and selection process identified 27 relevant studies. Studies were categorized into four key reported outcomes: health care and services utilization, self-rated health and mental health, medical conditions and chronic illnesses, and social integration and satisfaction. Findings confirm that certain subgroups have worse health outcomes after arrival, particularly refugees, family class and other dependent immigrants. Health outcomes vary significantly across immigrant subgroups defined by the admission class through which they entered Canada.

Wage and basic skills inequality between immigrants by immigration admission categories and Canadian non-immigrants

Wage and basic skills inequality between immigrants by immigration admission categories and Canadian non-immigrants

Access to mental health consultations by immigrants and refugees in Canada.

Few quantitative studies have used national-level data to examine access to mental health consultation (MHC) by immigrants in Canada, and even fewer studies investigate MHCs using the following variables: immigrant admission category, duration in Canada since landing and world source regions. This study examines MHCs by immigrants and refugees-compared with those of Canadian-born respondents-while controlling for self-reported mental health (SRMH) and immigrant characteristics, using a population-based survey linked to immigrant landing information. This study, which is based on a linked database, allows for much richer insight into immigrant populations than most previous studies. Based on data from four cycles (2011 to 2014) of the Canadian Community Health Survey linked to data from the Longitudinal Immigration Database, the odds ratios of having had MHCs are compared between the Canadian-born population and immigrants by immigration dimensions, while controlling for SRMH. Results are hierarchically adjusted for age, sex, socioeconomic factors and sense of belonging. After the above-mentioned factors were controlled for, immigrants were much less likely than Canadian-born respondents to access MHCs. Specifically, compared with the Canadian-born population that had high levels of SRMH, immigrants with high levels of SRMH were statistically less likely to have had an MHC (odds ratio [OR]=0.5, 95% confidence interval [CI] from 0.4 to 0.5), while those with low SRMH levels were more likely to report an MHC (OR=4.8, 95% CI from 4.5 to 5.1, for the Canadian-born population but OR=1.8, 95% CI from 1.5 to 2.1, for immigrants). Most Asian immigrants with low SRMH levels were only as likely to report MHCs as Canadian-born respondents with high SRMH levels. Refugees with low SRMH levels also had only a slightly elevated MHC level (OR=1.6, 95% CI from 1.1 to 2.3) compared with Canadian-born individuals with high SRMH levels. Overall, refugees were not more likely than immigrants of other admission categories to report having had an MHC, even though previous findings have shown that refugees report low levels of SRMH. This study provides new evidence on the differences in access to MHC between Canadian-born individuals and immigrants by various characteristics, while controlling for SRMH. Results probably reflect the structural or cultural barriers to MHC and point to a possible pathway to either maintain or improve mental health among immigrants.

Hyper‐selectivity of immigrants and generational differences in occupational status: Evidence for Asian groups in Australia

AbstractThis paper explores the occupational status of immigrant birthplace‐generation groups in Australia, a country which emphasises skills in immigrant admissions. Using 2016 data, the occupational statuses of the first, 1.5, and second generations of Australia's China, India, Malaysia, Philippines, and Vietnam birthplace‐generation groups are compared to those for the main English‐speaking countries, all other countries, and third‐ and above‐generation Australians. The results show that the occupational status of the 1.5‐ and second‐generation Asian groups considered generally exceed that for their first generation counterparts and invariably exceed that for third‐ and above‐generation Australians, even after controlling for a range of confounding factors. For most Asian groups, the 1.5 generation's occupational status exceeds that of the second generation. Modification of the ‘segmented assimilation’ hypothesis to incorporate a new category of ‘hyper‐selective differentiation’ is proposed to capture the extraordinary upward occupational mobility of most 1.5‐ and second‐generation Asian groups in Australia.

Should Cities Control Immigration Policy?

AbstractAvner de Shalit wants cities to have their own immigration policies. On a radical reading, this would transfer control over immigrant admissions from states to cities. But can cities choose the immigrants they prefer on economic or cultural grounds, or does this discriminate unfairly against those judged to be less desirable? I argue that de Shalit fails to apply the luck egalitarian principle consistently when discussing immigrant admissions. I also claim that there is a tension between seeing cities as the bearers of distinct cultural ethoses, and therefore as bulwarks against the homogenising effects of globalization, and disbarring them from carrying out culturally selective immigration policies. De Shalit’s own preferred model of the immigrant‐friendly city – Amsterdam – appears to lack any distinct ethos, other than an ethos of welcome and cultural blending. Moreover, democratic states also have a legitimate interest in controlling immigration. They must be concerned about the consequences for social justice of admitting migrants and the political effects that follow when the migrants become citizens themselves. They must also consider the environmental impacts of population growth. Cities should play a major role in integrating immigrants, but not in admitting them.

Estimating and Using Individual Marginal Component Effects from Conjoint Experiments

AbstractConjoint experiments are quickly gaining popularity as a vehicle for studying multidimensional political preferences. A common way to explore heterogeneity of preferences estimated with conjoint experiments is by estimating average marginal component effects across subgroups. However, this method does not give the researcher the full access to the variation of preferences in the studied populations, as that would require estimating effects on the individual level. Currently, there is no accepted technique to obtain estimates of individual-level preferences from conjoint experiments. The present paper addresses this gap by proposing a procedure to estimate individual preferences as respondent-specific marginal component effects. The proposed strategy does not require any additional assumptions compared to the standard conjoint analysis, although some changes to the task design are recommended. Methods to account for uncertainty in resulting estimates are also discussed. Using the proposed procedure, I partially replicate a conjoint experiment on immigrant admission with recommended design adjustments. Then, I demonstrate how individual marginal component effects can be used to explore distributions of preferences, intercorrelations between different preference dimensions, and relationships of preferences to other variables of interest.

The Monster in the Closet: Why It Matters that Normative Theorists Fail to Reckon With Immigration Detention

The literature on the normative ethics and politics of immigration to liberal, democratic States has developed over the last forty years to include an expanding schedule of emerging and pressing issues. Yet, its key philosophers and texts have consistently failed or neglected to reckon with a core facet of State power over outsiders: namely, its self-appointed, awesome powers of indefinite administrative imprisonment of asylum seekers and other migrants. Shorthanded here to immigration detention, this practice consists of incarcerating non-citizens whom the State believes to have transgressed immigration rules (not criminal law). This paper sketches out how this seemingly academic oversight matters not only for the integrity of the body of scholarship but for the future directions in delimiting State control of immigration, imprisonment, and borders. I argue that, on the one hand, immigrant incarceration brings forth a number of potentially irreconcilable paradoxes within normative thinking on State power, immigration, and the good life; on the other, normative theory’s blind spots on detention provide insights into how a self-identified liberal State could come to seed, grow, legalize, and legislate an expansive system of indefinite incarceration predicated on the flimsy premise of non-citizenship, seemingly with little to no moral challenge. I will draw on the case study of the Canadian detention system to illustrate the scope of why detention challenges the arguments animating the immigration admissions debate, particularly as they relate to moral and political claims to territory, ‘partiality’, and border violence.

The Migration Business and the Shift from State to Federal Immigration Regulation

The US Supreme Court’s decision in Henderson v. Mayor of New York (1876), which transferred control over the admission of immigrants from the states to the federal government, marked the culmination of a fifty-year effort by shippers to abolish state passenger fees that made conducting the transatlantic migration business more expensive. It was also a departure from merchants’ more recent efforts to work within state governments to influence immigration law. This article investigates how shipping merchants involved in the migration business created, and then dismantled, a New York State law regulating the admission of immigrants. After taking control of immigrant processing at the state level in the 1840s and 1850s, shipping merchants lost economic and political influence during the Civil War. This disruption galvanized merchants to reassert their control over immigration policy in the decade following the Civil War. The result of these efforts, the Henderson decision, shifted control over the passenger trade to the federal government and put the migration business in a position to influence immigration law at the federal level.

How the Hart–Celler Act Changed America

How the Hart–Celler Act Changed America Ruth Milkman (bio) The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America by Sarah R. Coleman Princeton University Press, 2021, 272 pp. I vividly remember a conversation I had about fifteen years ago with a first-generation Mexican-American student at UCLA. I was stunned when she mentioned that her parents’ favorite U.S. president, hands down, was Ronald Reagan. Before she was born, she explained, her parents had crossed the border without authorization; they then lived as undocumented immigrants for years, until they got amnesty under the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), which Reagan signed into law. Later on, they became naturalized U.S. citizens. Despite their nostalgia for the party of Reagan, by the aughts my student had persuaded her parents to switch their political allegiance to the Democrats. This was a decade before Donald Trump’s fiery anti-immigrant rhetoric propelled him into the White House, but already the Republican brand was tethered to restrictive immigration policies, especially in California, home [End Page 141] to the nation’s largest undocumented population. Agricultural and business interests that depended on a steady supply of low-wage immigrant labor were still influential in the California GOP, but their relatively liberal immigration views were increasingly marginalized by other Republicans riding the wave of popular backlash against “illegal aliens.” That backlash was fueled by what political scientists Marisa Abrajano and Zoltan L. Hajnal have called the “immigrant threat narrative”: blaming the growing immigrant population, especially its undocumented segment, for many of the nation’s social and economic woes. In this view, immigrants were “taking jobs” away from American workers. They were overburdening publicly funded healthcare and social services. And they were contributing to rising crime rates. As I argued in Dissent in 2019, however, immigrants very rarely “take jobs” from U.S.-born workers; more often, employers transform once-desirable jobs into problematic ones by eliminating unions, cutting pay, or degrading working conditions, leading U.S.-born workers to reject those jobs and immigrants to be hired in their place. The other claims in the immigrant threat narrative are also inconsistent with the available facts. Yet that narrative steadily gained public traction in the late twentieth century, repeatedly articulated by conservative political voices and amplified in mass media outlets like Fox News. Historian Sarah R. Coleman’s careful study of the dynamics of immigration politics, The Walls Within, exposes both the forces driving the immigrant threat narrative and the shifting political alignments shaping immigration policy in the 1970s, ’80s, and ’90s. Coleman argues that alongside better-known controversies over policing the U.S. border, a crucial debate raged about the extent to which noncitizens (whether undocumented or legal immigrants) should be entitled to access the public benefits—healthcare, education, and food stamps—that were available to the U.S.-born population. The Walls Within also highlights the growing involvement of state and local governments in regulating what had long been an exclusively federal domain. Coleman’s account begins with the passage of the 1965 Hart–Celler Act, which defined the fundamental structure of employment- and family-reunification-based immigrant admissions that exists to this day. (She does not explore refugee admissions or the diversity visa program that began in 1990.) Hart–Celler was among the “Great Society” reforms enacted under the Lyndon B. Johnson administration. Because it eliminated the restrictive nationality-based immigration quotas that had prevailed since 1924, the law was widely heralded as an anti-discrimination measure. Yet as Coleman notes, “few of the bill’s supporters or opponents anticipated that the legislation would result in . . . a transformed population of unprecedented diversity.” Indeed, upon signing the bill into law, Johnson confidently declared, “It will not reshape the structure of our daily lives.” He was soon proven wrong. Starting in the 1970s, legal immigration from Asia and Latin America spiked upward, as did unauthorized entries across the U.S.–Mexico border. Indeed, Hart–Celler was the start of what would later be called the “browning” of America, and it quickly sparked a nativist reaction. Alongside the rising anti-immigrant movement, which was bolstered by what Coleman calls an “invasion narrative,” a...