Abstract

AbstractAvner de Shalit wants cities to have their own immigration policies. On a radical reading, this would transfer control over immigrant admissions from states to cities. But can cities choose the immigrants they prefer on economic or cultural grounds, or does this discriminate unfairly against those judged to be less desirable? I argue that de Shalit fails to apply the luck egalitarian principle consistently when discussing immigrant admissions. I also claim that there is a tension between seeing cities as the bearers of distinct cultural ethoses, and therefore as bulwarks against the homogenising effects of globalization, and disbarring them from carrying out culturally selective immigration policies. De Shalit’s own preferred model of the immigrant‐friendly city – Amsterdam – appears to lack any distinct ethos, other than an ethos of welcome and cultural blending. Moreover, democratic states also have a legitimate interest in controlling immigration. They must be concerned about the consequences for social justice of admitting migrants and the political effects that follow when the migrants become citizens themselves. They must also consider the environmental impacts of population growth. Cities should play a major role in integrating immigrants, but not in admitting them.

Highlights

  • Avner de-Shalit wants cities to have their own immigration policies

  • Can cities choose the immigrants they prefer on economic or cultural grounds, or does this discriminate unfairly against those judged to be less desirable? I argue that de-Shalit fails to apply the luck egalitarian principle consistently when discussing immigrant admissions

  • I claim that there is a tension between seeing cities as the bearers of distinct cultural ethoses, and as bulwarks against the homogenising effects of globalization, and disbarring them from carrying out culturally selective immigration policies

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Summary

Introduction

Avner de-Shalit wants cities to have their own immigration policies. On a radical reading, this would transfer control over immigrant admissions from states to cities. Unless cultural selection can be independently justified, it seems that the argument speaks merely for an immigration policy that is consistent over time: if you begin by attracting migrants who are Sikhs, say, it makes sense to continue attracting them in future, since they will be more likely to integrate.

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