Imaginary Enemy Research Articles

Contemporary Russian Threat Perception — Has Anything Really Changed Since 1917?

ABSTRACT Threat perception may be interpreted, understood, and applied differently depending on many factors. How Russia perceives the Western world primarily focused on the United States, NATO, and Europe, is a topic that seems to be under-communicated after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This article does not provide a complete picture or claim to have definite answers, but explores one avenue of approach investigating Russian threat perception and if anything has changed after 1917. Looking back on the Bolshevik Revolution and how Communist thinking framed how the Soviet Union identified, neutralized, and combatted various enemies of the state, a simple model is suggested. The latter separates false from imaginary enemies within and outside the state. The same model, with the same outlook, is also applied to contemporary Russia—with an analysis based on Western thinking and political rationale. The article’s core is to explore the role and function of the Soviet/Russian intelligence and security apparatus with a possible deeper understanding of Russia in general and President Vladimir Putin in particular. His origin and background from the KGB and FSB are perhaps not fully appreciated, at least not fully comprehended in the West. This article seeks to shed light on historical roots to better understand how history may have shaped Putin and his thinking and definition of enemies.

Poison Attack and Poison Detection on Deep Source Code Processing Models

In the software engineering (SE) community, deep learning (DL) has recently been applied to many source code processing tasks, achieving state-of-the-art results. Due to the poor interpretability of DL models, their security vulnerabilities require scrutiny. Recently, researchers have identified an emergent security threat to DL models, namely, poison attacks . The attackers aim to inject insidious backdoors into DL models by poisoning the training data with poison samples. The backdoors mean that poisoned models work normally with clean inputs but produce targeted erroneous results with inputs embedded with specific triggers. By using triggers to activate backdoors, attackers can manipulate poisoned models in security-related scenarios (e.g., defect detection) and lead to severe consequences. To verify the vulnerability of deep source code processing models to poison attacks, we present a poison attack approach for source code named CodePoisoner as a strong imaginary enemy. CodePoisoner can produce compilable and functionality-preserving poison samples and effectively attack deep source code processing models by poisoning the training data with poison samples. To defend against poison attacks, we further propose an effective poison detection approach named CodeDetector . CodeDetector can automatically identify poison samples in the training data. We apply CodePoisoner and CodeDetector to six deep source code processing models, including defect detection, clone detection, and code repair models. The results show that ❶ CodePoisoner conducts successful poison attacks with a high attack success rate (average: 98.3%, maximum: 100%). It validates that existing deep source code processing models have a strong vulnerability to poison attacks. ❷ CodeDetector effectively defends against multiple poison attack approaches by detecting (maximum: 100%) poison samples in the training data. We hope this work can help SE researchers and practitioners notice poison attacks and inspire the design of more advanced defense techniques.

DIALECTICS OF INTERNAL COLONIZATION

The postcolonial paradigm has evolved through various conceptual advancements, from the anthropological concept of “skin” as the basis of dual oppression based on class and race to the semiotic treatment of “skin” as a social interface constructed in practices of “writing on bodies” and discourses. The decolonization in our region raises a new set of problems. On the one hand, it refers to a complex cultural palimpsest. As a basic text of modernity, we have the colonization of the countryside by the city. But on top of the division of the city and the countryside other dividing lines are superimposed: ethnolinguistic divisions (Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian) and the divisions of imperial and democratic forces. On the other hand, the figure of the Russian colonizer has a specific, neurotic character — a “neurotic view” of its position in the world, the fear of being colonized. And this neurotic fear is displaced from external enemies to internal ones. The Russian Empire, confronting external forces, constantly encounters not only an imaginary enemy, but imperceptibly turns back to itself as a colonized colonizer.

Soviet Policy of “Militarism” and the Formation of a Totalitarian Regime in Ukraine in the 1920s–1930s

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the formation period of a totalitarian regime and ideological dictatorship in Soviet Ukraine during the 1920s-1930s. One of the key characteristics of this stage is the constant narrative of struggle imposed both against external enemies and on internal “fronts”. This narrative aimed to foster a “militaristic” fervor in society, contributing to the consolidation of the foundations of totalitarianism and the gradual Sovietization of education and science. The aggressiveness of the regime, reaching its peak during the mass repressions of the “Great Terror” era, upheld and firmly established the “correct” ideological direction of development in all spheres of life, including science, education, and culture. The term “militarism” in relation to the processes characteristic of Ukraine in the 1920s-1930s reflects the state described by Thomas Hobbes as a “war of all against all’, where the line between “friends” and “foes” is manipulatively blurred. As demonstrated in the article, the Soviet-imposed ethos of “militarism” towards imaginary enemies, former colleagues, family, and even oneself formed the basis of intellectual life during the mentioned period. The peculiarities of this ethos are analyzed in the context of the policies of “militant atheism” and “militant materialism”, the process of Sovietization of scientific and educational institutions, and the mass purges and repressions of the late 1930s. The proposed approach to analyzing the characteristics of the Ukrainian intellectual environment of the 1920s-1930s through the lens of the narrative of “militarism” contributes to a comprehensive understanding of intellectual processes, including philosophical ones, during the Soviet era.

УЧРЕДИТЕЛЬНОЕ СОБРАНИЕ ФРАНЦУЗСКОЙ РЕВОЛЮЦИИ КОНЦА XVIII ВЕКА В БОРЬБЕ С САМОУПРАВСТВОМ ТОЛПЫ

In France under the Old Regime crop failures and subsequent food riots were a frequent occurrence. In the mythologized consciousness of the masses, there was an idea of a "hunger pact" - the desire of those in power to kill the people. The social groups associated with grain operations - large farmers, wealthy merchants, millers, bakers - were considered the instrument of this "conspiracy". The revolutionary events unfolding in the summer of 1789 marked the beginning of the collapse of the former government and created a sense of permissiveness among the population. Hence the self-styled reprisals of half-starved crowds against their real, and more often imaginary enemies. At first, the still politically weak revolutionary elite did not dare to take serious measures to counter popular riots and the extrajudicial reprisals that accompanied them. But in the autumn of 1789 the position of the Constituent Assembly was strengthened, and besides, it relied on local authorities and the National Guard.The murder of the baker Francois by the mob was the catalyst for passing a martial law decree. This law, and even more the resolution of the food crisis, led to the establishment of relative public peace, which made it easier for the legislators to carry out profound changes in various social and political spheres.

Thinking Inertia and Path Dependence in Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States

With the profound adjustment of the international pattern, the Indo-Pacific region has increasingly become one of the most active regions on the international stage and the focus of American foreign strategy has shifted from Europe to the Indo-Pacific region. By observing its policy documents and diplomatic practice on Indo-Pacific regions, we can find that the US Indo-Pacific strategy presents the thinking inertia, which is manifested by its hard power supremacy, the superiority of values, and the presupposition of imaginary enemies. Meanwhile, the United States emphasizes military means, establishes value alliances, and implements competitive blockade policies, showing its path dependence. The deployment and implementation of the US Indo-Pacific strategy are menacing and pose a long-term challenge and threat to China’s development. Based on these tensions, China may summarize and refine the foreign strategic thinking and path of the United States, so as to clarify its intentions and trends before making preventive responses.

Boris Efimov’s Early Soviet Drawings and the Hazards of Political Caricature

Abstract The subject of this article is the evolution of Soviet political caricature as reflected in the work of artist Boris Efimov. The article focuses on the post-revolutionary period of Efimov’s career up to the eve of World War II, with particular attention to changes in his work following Stalin’s consolidation of dictatorial power by the early 1930s. While examining the nature of several key political caricatures by Efimov of the 1920s and 1930s, the article also considers the political context and circumstances surrounding Efimov’s work, especially the dramatic reversal of the official Communist Party attitude toward one of the Revolution’s principal leaders and heroes, Lev Trotsky. Based mainly on testimony in Efimov’s later memoirs, as well as two contemporaneous reviews of Efimov’s work by Trotsky and critic Viacheslav Polonsky, the article aims to demonstrate how political expediency compelled Efimov, who had received the support and patronage of these two influential figures, to alter both the content and style of his political caricatures for the purpose of attacking new imaginary enemies in Stalin’s Russia.

Oti axamiyagiri: Assamese nationalistic masculine identity, United Liberation Front of Asom and cyberspace

This paper argues that the emergence of social media as a new public sphere has shaped masculine identity in the cyber platform. Such masculinity in Assamese society (the Assamese-speaking community), based on the images of the ideal Assamese man is linked with a form of Assamese nationalistic masculinity that gathered momentum during the Assam Movement (1979–1985). Politics of identity in Assam is basically trapped in the world of appearances, fighting real and imaginary enemies, and drawing strength from prejudices and misconceptions of groups, about themselves and others. This process of identity creation also shaped the identity of the “ideal” Assamese man in the recent socio-political history of Assam. This article is an attempt to define how masculinity works in the cyber world by focusing attention on Assamese nationalistic masculinity which is based on the image of the “RealAssamese Man.” The “Real Assamese Man,” in turn, draws inspiration from a socio-cultural context which started with the creation of Assamese iconographies of masculinity which were later transformed and appropriated to serve the purpose of identity-politics.

Heroes of the Imagined Communities, Soldiers, and the Military: The Case of Montenegro, the Ottoman Empire, and Serbia before the Balkan Wars (1912–13)

The article illustrates the policy of wielding the hero as a symbolic political and nationalizing instrument in the Montenegrin, Ottoman, and Serbian armies before the Balkan Wars. The heroic became an integral part of other social disciplines (such as schools). Besides standing in a clear interdependent relationship, these social disciplines represented a necessary result of various centralizing processes of the governing elites. The primary efforts for the nationalization of the population were undertaken in the pre-/post-military life, in which the role of different state agents was equally important. Hence, the grid of the social disciplines became ever denser, which led to the uniformity of the heroic. This process enabled the legitimization of the ruling elites, subsequent actions in war, and heroization among recruits. The article argues that uniformity of the heroic is lacking in the Ottoman context. Given the ideological context and intellectual background of the preachers of nationalism, the consistency of the Ottoman heroic narrative before, during, and after military service is missing. The article shows that the so-called medievalism closely linked to the heroic offered a framework for constructing continuity between the immediate and distant past, providing meaning to someone’s death. A link between the past, the present, and the future was established, which constructed the nation’s primordial character and the feeling of ancient hatred towards an imaginary enemy.

The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion

Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions.

Imaginary enemy, real wounds: counter-movements, ‘gender theory’, and the French Catholic church

ABSTRACTIn France, political opposition to the inclusion of so-called ‘gender theory’ in school curricula reached a peak during the debate over gay marriage in 2012–2013, where many observers were surprised by the strength of the opposition to government reforms promoting gender equality. The Catholic church played a leading role in this ‘anti-gender’ protest movement, seeing an opportunity to integrate conservative sexual morality into the movement’s broader ideological framework. Here, I discuss this movement in order to draw out the shortcomings of the ‘classical’ movement-countermovement theoretical perspective, which often views conservative religious movements as monolithic actors, locked into a binary relationship with progressive forces. I argue however that the key outcomes of the ‘anti-gender’ movement are its effects not on its political opponents, but on the Catholic community itself. Indeed, the shaping of ‘gender’ as an imaginary enemy has powerful performative effects, including on the very group that invented it, including the reinforcement of Catholic identity ‘we feeling’ processes. Its effects include access to a wider audience, appealing to atheists in a global context of panic over the stability of sexual identities, and alliance with other religious groups, on the basis of shared moral values. Nevertheless, this strategy also has its drawbacks: it has revived old conflicts within the Church, and accelerated the internal division of the Catholic community.

Research on Red Force and Blue Force Confront Simulation System of Navy Surface Warship

All the world’s military powers attach great importance to the training of Imaginary Enemy Force, and the high level of simulation of fighting between red force and blue force has become an important mode of military exercise. On the basis of introducing the function of red force and blue force fighting simulation system of naval surface warship, this paper analyzes the structure of the system and the logical relationship between its parts, puts forward 10 key steps of the system operation flow, and finally looks forward to the impact of the new technology. The structural design and process steps proposed in this paper can be applied to the development of other analog countermeasure systems.

In search of an imaginary enemy: Catholic collective narcissism and the endorsement of gender conspiracy beliefs

ABSTRACTGender studies have often been criticized for undermining family and religious values. In this paper, we argue that these criticisms exhibit the characteristics of conspiracy theories. We define gender conspiracy beliefs as convictions that gender studies and gender-equality activists represent an ideology secretly designed to harm traditional values and social arrangements. In two studies conducted among Catholics in Poland (Study 1 N= 1019; Study 2 N= 223), we examined the prevalence of gender conspiracy beliefs and their psychological concomitants. We hypothesized that gender conspiracy beliefs should be associated with a defensive identification with one’s religious group, captured by religious collective narcissism. In both studies, Catholic collective narcissism was demonstrated to be a robust predictor of gender conspiracy beliefs. We additionally demonstrated that Catholic collective narcissism predicted outgroup hostility, and this effect was mediated by gender conspiracy beliefs. We discuss the implications for gender-based prejudice.

Коллективизация сельского хозяйства в 1928—1930 годах: роль «легкой кавалерии»

The contradictory role of the Komsomol “light cavalry” at the initial stage of the continuous collectivization of agriculture in the USSR is analyzed. The main sources were the materials of the Russian state archive of social and political history and propaganda brochures of the 1920s-1930s. The methodological basis of the study is the classical principles: historicism, objectivity, social approach, alternative. The theory of modernization is used, which is understood as the transition from agrarian to industrial society. As a theoretical platform, the author appeals to the theory of nationalization of the Komsomol: the Komsomol is considered as a kind of Soviet “Ministry of youth”, a link between the state and youth. It is shown that in the conditions of shortage of highly qualified personnel and mismanagement in hastily created collective farms, the authorities had to involve inexperienced boys and girls in the implementation of the function of social control. It is noted that “cavalrymen” watched the condition of working cattle, forges, warehouses, bulk items, even the preparation of production plans. However, as shows the author, useful activities for the elimination of economic disadvantages were accompanied by obvious excesses, search not only for obvious, but for imaginary enemies. Particular attention is paid to the identification of the specifics of the “light cavalry” after the publication of Stalin’s article “Dizziness from success.”

The militarisation of aerial theatre: air displays and airmindedness in Britain and Australia between the world wars

ABSTRACT Aerial theatre, the use of aviation spectacle to project images of future warfare, national power and technological prowess, was a key method for creating an airminded public in the early twentieth century. The most significant and influential form of aerial theatre in interwar Britain was the Royal Air Force Display at Hendon, in which military aircraft put on impressive flying performances before large crowds, including an elaborate set-piece acting out a battle scenario with an imaginary enemy. Hendon was emulated by other air displays in Britain and in Australia, even civilian ones. Indeed, the inability of the much smaller Royal Australian Air Force to regularly project spectacle on the scale of Hendon across a much larger nation created a gap which civilian aviation organisations then tried to fill. Hendon thus helped to propagate a militarised civilian aerial theatre, and hence airmindedness, in both Britain and Australia.

English

The post-2001 Eritrea is repeatedly viewed as North Korea of Africa: small state with isolationist foreign policy that could not burden totalitarianism, that the critical young generation is leaving the state and the remaining population is in a military uniform waiting for an imaginary enemy, that all the critical state institutions are decayed, that the port-based (Massawa and Assab) national economy lost its economic comparative and competitive advantage to Djibouti for decades to come, as a result the policy of “self-reliance” in era of globalization proved to be incompatible with the “Singaporization” of Eritrea. The regime has leased the Eritrean ports to Gulf states like Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates, military based for Sunni Arab states fighting the Shiites in Yemen, to prolong regime survival at the expense of Eritrea’s long term interests which will make Eritrea a proxy base for Middle East’s superpower military competition. Eritrea is thus in the process of becoming a second Somalia in a region where fragile states are pervasive, and the neighboring states mainly Ethiopia should develop a road map to contain the worst case scenario: state collapse. This study therefore aims to critically analysis the post-independence nation building project in Eritrea, and its subsequent dynamics with a particular focus on the post-Ethiopia- Eritrea war of 1998-2000. The study mainly uses secondary data including government policies, declarations, interviews of top officials, and updated discussion papers posted in different Eritrea related websites. Key words: The idea of the state, nation-building, Eritrean nationalism, “one-people, one-heart”, Eritrean national security predicament, Post-colonial African syndrome.

Violence expressive, e-participation et mouvements sociaux: le caractère identitaire des revendications politiques

While expressive violence as a disruptive event is an instrument used in social movements, the changing media landscape has renewed the methods linked to this form of action and the investigation possibilities of its sociological origins. This double evolution is grasped here: the article observes how participatory media co-determine political messages when expressive violence serves as a vector for social movements and then considers the sociological roots from which this form of action stemmed and developed. The phenomenon of school shootings serves as a case study. A three-year ethnographic study of the e-participations published by authors of expressive violence and their public on YouTube serves to show how participatory media renew forms of adherence and social protest. It also unveils the reasons for this type of action. The author demonstrates how these media usages are exploited as a means of individuation, this use prevailing over their political dimensions. The expressive violence is actually used by some social movements not to promote ideals or political aspirations but rather to glorify individuality, sometimes posthumously, and to send a message of vengeance, demanding recognition as an individual from an imaginary enemy.

Psychotic panic and feared sexual assault – ‘homosexual panic’: the historical role of feared homosexual assault as a contributing factor to self-attack

ABSTRACTSome psychotic patients fall into acute persecutory panic, a subjective experience of helpless terror in the face of anticipated imminent annihilation or dismemberment. These states occur in a wide range of psychotic illnesses and are often associated with command hallucinations and fear of homosexual assault. In a desperate attempt to escape from imaginary enemies, such patients often attack themselves and imagine suicide is survivable. This article addresses the dread of homosexual assault, previously referred to as homosexual panic, and its relationship to patients who attack themselves in a state of desperate psychotic persecution.

Response to Koh and Buchwald’s Article: Don Quixote and Sancho Panza Tilt at Windmills

In their eagerness to justify the “United States perspective” on the Kampala definition of the crime of aggression and on the International Criminal Court (ICC), Koh and Buchwald tend to invent imaginary enemies and to ascribe to them views that they do not actually hold. In so doing, the authors weaken a thesis that, in some respects, is not devoid of interest. From at least two points of view, however, their article is paradoxical, if not pathetic—exactly like the U.S. position.

Government Surveillance and Counter-Surveillance on Social and Mobile Media: The Case of Iran (2009)

Government Surveillance and Counter-Surveillance on Social and Mobile Media: The Case of Iran (2009)