Party Ideology Research Articles

Political identity: from party ideologies to mediatized election campaigns

Political identity: from party ideologies to mediatized election campaigns

Map of Political Party Ideology in the Four Elections of the Regional Head of the Governor of West Sumatra Period 2005, 2010, 2015 And 2020 (A Comparisonal Study of Politics)

Map of Political Party Ideology in the Four Elections of the Regional Head of the Governor of West Sumatra Period 2005, 2010, 2015 And 2020 (A Comparisonal Study of Politics)

Советское редактирование в 1970-е гг. (на примере романа Владимира Короткевича «Христос приземлился в Городне: Евангелие от Иуды»)

Branches of editing (field of scientific knowledge and a sphere of practical activity) in the 1970s were often in the state of contradiction. On the one hand, freedom of the author’s expression and the editors’ careful attitude to authors’ manuscripts were claimed; on the other hand, publishing saw numerous facts of intervention of ideological party bodies and censorship: without their approval no book could be published. To reveal the degree of intervention into a literary text, the author compares two (1972 and 1980) editions, with preserved typewriting, of the novel Christ Landed in Grodno: The Gospel of Judas by the Belarusian writer Uladzimer Karatkievich. He analyzes the reasons for deleting separate fragments, erasing and replacing words and parts of sentences, and suggests the possible motivation for the editors’ activities. The author pays attention to the novel’s complexity for editorial analysis, to the necessity of reference to the texts of the Holy Bible and different reference materials on religious history when editing. The research revealed numerous corrections. The main reason for deleting separate fragments was the revealing of the author’s position, which was extrapolated on the Soviet society and did not correspond to the formation of Marxist-Leninist ideology with its expressive atheistic orientation. Editors often showed arbitrariness and leveled the author’s style, destroyed the author’s intention, and groundlessly replaced words and expressions uncomfortable for them. The author found differences in the editions of 1972 and 1980. They testify to the lack of the editors’ professionalism. The author mentions the fact that Karatkievich’s novel became a phenomenon in the Belarusian literature of the second half of the 20th century, and it was only in 2015 that the original text of the novel was published in the Republic of Belarus. The research proves that all the writer’s heritage published in Soviet times needs a rigorous study, including comparison of manuscripts and typescripts (if available), and the publishing of the heritage in the author’s edition. This will entail the need for new translations which will acquaint foreign readers with Karatkievich’s original texts.

Ethno-Religious Voting Pattern and Governance in the Post-2015 Presidential Election in Nigeria

This study therefore examined the link between the ethno-religious voting pattern in the 2015 presidential elections and governance in the post-election era in Nigeria. We anchored our analysis on the Rational Choice Theory and relied on documentary method where data were systematically gleaned from journal articles, newspapers, official documents and other online materials while utilizing content analysis as our analytical compass. Based on this, we hypothesized as follow: the ethno-religious voting pattern in the 2015 presidential election has affected political development of Nigeria under the Buhari administration; the regionalization of political appointments by Buhari administration has increased ethno-regional agitations in Nigeria. On this note, the study found that ethno-religious voting pattern played vital role in determining the pace of governance and how resources should be distributed among the competing ethnic nationalities in the post-election era. It is however, recommended that the electorates should embrace party ideology and competence of candidate as the guiding factor for voting in the future elections to be held in Nigeria.

Political inequality, political participation, and support for populist parties

We theoretically investigate how political abstention among certain social groups encourages populist parties to enter the political stage, trying to absorb inactive voters. We design a two-stage game with two established parties and n voters who jointly determine a taxation policy. The electorate is divided into two groups, the advantaged and the disadvantaged. Voters’ decisions on whether to participate depend on a party’s tax rate proposal and on general party ideology. Effective political participation requires a certain amount of financial, social and intellectual resources to, for example, evaluate party programs or to engage in political discussion. As the disadvantaged are endowed with fewer resources, they lack political efficacy, resulting in less political participation. Consequently, the established parties propose a tax rate which is biased towards the preferences of the advantaged. The unused voter potential among the disadvantaged draws the interest of a populist challenger. To win support from the disadvantaged, the challenger party optimally proposes a respectively biased tax rate, which then works to polarize the political spectrum.Please confirm if the author names are presented accurately and in the correct sequence (given name, middle name/initial, family name). Author 1 Given name: [Kim Leonie] Last name [ Kellermann]. Also, kindly confirm the details in the metadata are correct.All correct.

Gender Ideologies and Polish Political Parties

AbstractThis article explores the gender dimension of ideology and representation by analysing the political parties that ran in the 2019 Polish parliamentary elections, using a novel analytical framework based on gender claims and gender-related policy pledges. This article demonstrates that a left and liberal ideology largely determines feminist and pro-LGBTQ+ promissory representation. However, the gender ideologies of right-wing political parties vary in their traditional types and can include a populist element. This article contributes to comparative gender and politics scholarship by examining gender ideologies in the Central and Eastern European context, where on the one hand, populism and anti-gender campaigns have taken hold, and, on the other, feminist and progressive movements have challenged traditionalism and illiberalism. This article also differentiates a scholarly meaning of gender ideology from its populist meaning.

Who won the election? Explaining news coverage of election results in multi‐party systems

AbstractWhen reporting on election results, the media declare parties as election ‘winners’ or ‘losers’, which has important consequences for voter perceptions and government formation. This article investigates news coverage of parties’ electoral performance in proportional representation systems, in which election results are often less clear‐cut compared to majoritarian systems. It tests the extent to which news coverage of parties’ electoral performance is based on objective measures or on party ideology. Its focus on the aftermath of the 2019 European Parliament election allows holding the electoral context constant across the 16 countries under study. Results from a Heckman selection model show that alongside a party's status as plurality winner and changes in electoral support, parties with radical socio‐cultural policy positions are both more likely to be covered and declared election winners in the news. These results have important implications for citizens’ attitudes and perceived party legitimacy in democratic societies.

Fernando Botero and the theme of violence in Colombian art

The subject of this research is the theme of violence in Colombia in the works of the Colombian artist Fernando Botero, mainly of the XX century. Attention is given to determination of the prerequisites for the emergence of the theme of violence in his painting. For this purpose, analysis is conducted on the indirect presence of this theme in Botero’s works since the very beginning of his career to paintings of mature and later periods. It is demonstrated that the artist approached the reflection of the theme of violence from different perspectives, depicting massacres, tortures, death, and involuntary relocation. The article employs the method based on iconographic analysis of the artist’s works, as well as artistic and stylistic analysis. The scientific novelty lies in examination of the topic relevant to the culture and history of the Latin American country, revealed in the works of Fernando Botero, who distanced himself from comprehension of art as resistance throughout his entire career. The author concludes that the Botero’s paintings may be called a form of depicting the slaughterous history of the country, without adherence of the painter to any political or party ideology. The manner used by Botero in the series “Violence in Colombia” is identical the artist resorts to throughout his career, which leads to distortion and caricaturing of the artistic form, in combination with the tragedy of storylines, which aggravates the dramatic character of the chosen themes. The works of Botero of the late XX century are of invaluable cultural value for Colombia.

The Origins of the Syrian Conflicts

The Origins of the Syrian Conflicts

“Bureaucratic shiyuzheng”

In the Chinese bureaucracy, where political imperatives for maintaining harmony require people to restrain negative affects, officials often express anger and aggression through silence, apathy, and other flat affects. Other times, overly positive speech that conforms to dominant party ideologies overrides negative affects, flattening officials’ emotions and stifling their own voices. Drawing on ethnographic research in a city of Shandong province, this article studies both responses as “bureaucratic shiyuzheng.” I resist linking shiyuzheng primarily to biomedical explanations, or to the stress and depression triggered by anti-corruption campaigns, and instead treat this phenomenon as an embodied and affective practice that generates space for discourse, psychosocial imagination, and quiet critique. I demonstrate that bureaucratic shiyuzheng is the effect of double silencing, partly imposed by binding bureaucratic structures and the government’s increasing constraints on speech/voice, partly emerging from officials themselves, who seek self-preservation and optimization of resources. Rather than direct resistance to such silencing conditions, people cultivate shiyuzheng as an important mode of social critique.

Hayton, D. W. Conservative Revolutionary: The Lives of Lewis Namier.

Hayton, D. W. <i>Conservative Revolutionary: The Lives of Lewis Namier</i>.

Necessary Questions of Chö: Uses and Abuses of Religion in Dondrup Gyel’s “Tulku”

“Why do you ask questions of roots and branches instead of the necessary questions of chö (Tib. chos)?” asks a character in Tibetan author Dondrup Gyel’s (don rgrub rgyal) controversial 1980 short story, “Tulku” (sprul sku). The Tibetan term chö can be translated in many ways, including to mean ‘the Buddhist teachings,’ ‘religion’ more generally, or even ‘the nature of reality.’ In “Tulku,” however, what chö means is not at all clear, and the various characters claim authority to determine what is legitimate chö. In the story, a Tibetan village is visited by a mysterious stranger claiming to be a tulku—a reincarnated religious leader— but who is actually a fraud. Most scholars have interpreted “Tulku” as a critique of traditional Tibetan religious devotion, and as a call by Gyel for Tibetans to modernize. This paper, however, proposes a new reading of “Tulku.” It suggests that Gyel pairs overt criticism of the corrupt tulku with a subtler critique of the Chinese government’s policy towards Tibetan Buddhism. It argues for such a reading by tracking how the word chö is used in “Tulku.” It shows that Gyel places the word not in the mouths of the Tibetan villagers, but rather in the mouths of the fraudulent tulku and the representatives of the Communist Party. Both thus use chö in order to appeal to the Tibetan villagers, claim power for themselves, and exclude the opposing party. “Tulku” thereby creates parallels between the ways in which the Tulku and the Party use chö to appeal to and manipulate the Tibetan villagers. On this reading, “Tulku” highlights the way chö can be weaponized by both traditional religious authorities and Communist party ideology, and suggests that in this modern period, any claimant to chö must be treated with caution and skepticism.

Vocative and nominative as an appellation: the language norm formation in the Soviet period

Background. The authors of Ukrainian grammar books published before 1933 were consentient that appellation expressed by a noun requires the use of the vocative case only. In 1933, new People’s Commissar of Education of the USSR V. Zatonskyi formed the commission ‘for auditing the work on the language front’. On the 26th of April, the Commission adopted several resolutions, among which there was the provision to review scholar and didactic books to reveal ‘nationalistic deformation’. After they had been made public, in the Soviet handbooks for higher and secondary education, one can find a statement that the ‘vocative form’ is used to express appellation. However, the “nominative case” can also occasionally perform this function.Purpose. The purpose of this paper is to compare the morphological variability of appellation expressing codified in the Soviet handbooks and the accurate appellation expressing in dramas of the 1920s – 30s of the XX century. To find out the presence or absence of the pragmatic differences between vocative and nominative in this function is in the focus of our analysis as well.Methods. The methodological base of research is the discourse-analytical approach, within we compound discourse analysis method (to descry the designing new syntactic norm in the linguistic-didactic discourse of the end of the 1930s – the beginning of the 50s) and content-analysis method (to find out the real means of expressing appellation in social realists’ dramas of the 1920s – 30s of the XX century).Results. Theory about vocative as non-case and legitimization of the term ‘called form (vocative form)’ to denote it became dominant in all Soviet Ukrainian language handbooks for secondary and higher education. There are no remarks about another qualification in this grammatical category in the analyzed handbooks, and it evidences the monologue style of the Soviet linguistic-didactic discourse. The authors of these handbooks codify a double language norm to express an appellation – the vocative form and the nominative case. The thesis about nominative as a means to denote an appellation is usually formulated in the way of a superficial remark that may be apprehended by a recipient as upon the table fact. The study of the morphological manifestation of appellations in the drama of late 1920–30s created by the authors transmitting the official party ideology proves that vocative case predominates. Nominative to denote appellation has mainly a pragmatic effect or is one of the means of creating characters. Moreover, only in O. Korniychuk’s plays the use of morphological forms of appellations does not follow any regularities.Discussion. Spreading the nominative case to denote appellation in modern colloquial speech is conditioned by the complex of factors. On the one hand, it is a loosening of language norm in Soviet handbooks and on the other hand, it is the fact that morphological forms of vocative and nominative in plural nouns and singular nouns of neutral gender are homonymous. However, this thesis is needed verification on more comprehensive language material that represents different functional styles of the Ukrainian language.

Can impact assessments tame legislative drift? Event history analysis of modifications of laws across Europe

AbstractLaws should endure and change only if assumed benefits don't materialize over time. Yet frequent modifications of laws shortly after their enactment distort this compromise between stability and change. While, Impact Assessments (IAs) are designed to improve the quality of legislation, we know little about IAs' impact on legal stability post‐enactment. We fill this gap by analysing whether the ex‐ante application of IAs influences the incidence and frequency of legal modifications. The analysis is based on a complete dataset of more than 2500 laws in France, Hungary, Italy, and the UK between 2006 and 2012. We apply a comparative event history analysis to account for both first and subsequent modifications. We find across‐the‐board that IAs are associated with legal stability. IAs are predicted to have the largest effect when political power changes both in terms of seat shares and party ideology, suggesting that IAs can, to some degree, tame legislative drift.

DINAMIKA KOALISI PARTAI POLITIK DALAM PILKADA KABUPATEN PADANG LAWAS UTARA TAHUN 2018

This study discusses the dynamics of the coalition of political parties carrying a single candidate in the process of nominating the regent and deputy regent in the 2018 North Padang Lawas Regency election. By using Arend Lijphart's coalition theory, it will be elaborated on how the dynamics of forming a coalition of political parties in support of a single candidate pair will be elaborated. Lijphart categorizes coalitions into 2 forms, namely: policy blind coalition and policy based coalition. By using a qualitative method through a case study approach, this research begins with an explanation of the political parties carrying the candidates, the dynamics that occur between political parties, then an analysis of the form of coalition built by the party is supported by political realities to strengthen the results of the author's analysis. The findings of this study indicate that the coalition of political parties carrying a single candidate in the 2018 North Padang Lawas Regency election tends to form a policy blind coalition, namely a coalition that prioritizes maximizing power rather than considering ideological similarities and party platforms. The coalition that is formed tends to be pragmatic, elitist and office seeking oriented. The selection of candidates tends to consider popularity, influence of the central elite and local elites as well as large capital ownership so as to be able to gather all political parties in one coalition block.

Transformation of the “Soviet Ideology” in the Discursive Practices of the Russian Government

The article examines the trajectory of changes in the post-Soviet period in the ideological complex, which was called “Soviet ideology” in the “late” USSR. The theoretical and methodological frame work of the analysis consists of the theory of political regimes, as well as elements of the theory of ideologies and the theory of political discourse. The features and peculiarities of the “Soviet ideology” in the conditions of the “post-totalitarian” political regime in the “late” USSR, which led to its weakening and decline after the collapse of the Soviet regime, are investigated. Under the conditions of the post-Soviet political regime in Russia, the “Soviet ideology” disintegrated into an ideological component (the basis of the ideology of post-Soviet communist parties) and a political-cultural component (the pattern of post-Soviet political culture). Both components created a specific problem of relations with these phenomena for the ruling power. The study of the discourse of power on the subject of “Soviet ideology” (conducted mainly on the material of speeches and statements of the presidents of the Russian Federation) allowed us to identify three successive discursive strategies of such relations: the strategy of “struggle”, the strategy of “adaptation” and the strategy of “selective use”. The last of them was used in the 2010s in the conditions of consolidation of the authoritarian political regime. It made it possible to selective lyinclude the legacy of “Soviet ideology” in the ideological complex of the ruling regime, which is characterized by the use of not full-fledged political ideologies, but “identitarian narratives” that allow the inclusion of heterogeneous elements of ethno cultural, historical, religious, etc. traditions. Comparative studies also show that the orientation in the ideological sphere to such “identitarian narratives” is a characteristic trend of modern neo-autocracies.

The Anti-Bureaucratic Ghost in China's Bureaucratic Machine

AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) ideology, rooted in its foundational struggles, explicitly denounces “bureaucratism” (guanliaozhuyi) as an intrinsic ailment of bureaucracy. Yet while the revolutionary Party has blasted bureaucratism, its revolutionary regime has had to find a way to coexist with bureaucracy, which is a requisite for effective governance. An anti-bureaucratic ghost thus dwells in the machinery of China's bureaucratic state. We analyse the CCP's anti-bureaucratism through two steps. First, we perform a historical analysis of the Party's anti-bureaucratic ideology, teasing out its substance and emphasizing its roots in and departures from European Marxism and Leninism. Second, we trace both the continuity and evolution in the Party's anti-bureaucratic rhetoric, taking an interactive approach that combines close reading with computational analysis of the entire corpus of thePeople's Daily(1947–2020). We find striking endurance as well as subtle shifts in the substance of the CCP's anti-bureaucratic ideology. We show that bureaucratism is an umbrella term that expresses the revolutionary Party's anxiety about losing its popular legitimacy. Yet the substance of the Party's concern evolved from commandism and revisionism under Mao, to corruption and formalism during reform. The Party's ongoing critiques of bureaucratism and formalism unfold in parallel fashion with its efforts to standardize, regularize and institutionalize the state.

2021 State Duma elections: blogs, social networks, and party Identity in the virtual space

This article provides a comprehensive review of the modern Internet practices and virtual platforms in the sphere of politics aimed at promotion of different forms of voting technologies. The authors analyze public strategies of the political parties and candidates in the course of election campaign for the 2021 State Duma elections using the example of electoral constituency of St. Petersburg. The subject of this research is the use of digital means of communication that form virtual identity of the electorate during the 2021 State Duma elections. The object of this research is the representation of party ideologies and civic &amp;ldquo;symbolic politics&amp;rdquo; &amp;nbsp;on the Internet based on the example of the popular video platforms YouTube, Tik-Tok as well as the traditional social networks Vkontakte and Facebook. The goal lies in the analysis of interaction of public actors with the audience (followers) in the course of conducting the electoral campaign. The scientific novelty of this article is substantiated by systematic and structural analysis of the scarce elements of virtual identity of Internet users on the example of electoral strategies of representation. The conclusion is drawn on the growing trends of building the so-called symbolic politics &amp;ldquo;from the bottom&amp;rdquo; and emergence of numerous actors that create sociopolitical content in the virtual space. The research methodology employs the content analysis of virtual communication channels, relying on the classical theory of symbolic politics and political identity. This theory can be modified by separate aspects of digitalization of the political subfield, which the modern researchers consider as virtual reality.

Book review: Ideas of power: The politics of American party ideology development

Book review: Ideas of power: The politics of American party ideology development

Intergovernmental cooperation networks, national policy positions and partisan ideologies: longitudinal evidence from the Council of the European Union

ABSTRACT This study describes and explains the evolution of cooperation networks among member states in the European Union. We examine the effects of similarities between states in their policy positions on specific controversial issues, the ideological orientations of their national governments, and the presence of populist parties in national governments. This builds on a prominent explanation of political ties, according to which political actors who share similar characteristics are likely to cooperate. The analysis examines cooperation networks in the Committee of Permanent Representatives (Coreper I), one of the highest-level committees in the Council, in the period 2003–2018. The findings indicate that states with similar policy positions on specific controversial issues tend to form cooperative relationships, while party ideology indirectly and relatively weakly affects the formation of ties. Surprisingly, the presence of populist parties is unrelated to network evolution. These findings have implications for the extent to which cooperation in the Council is shaped by national democratic processes.