Ideological Transition Research Articles

Medical Lysenkoism.

Medicine is a compound field composed of science and art. The (necessary) degree to which the latter is involved opens medicine, in particular, to the introduction of ideas which do not, by their very nature, submit to confirmation or confutation as do the various methods of traditional science. This paper explores several ways in which a Lysenkoistic ideology can be interjected into medicine changing the manner in which it interacts with both patients and society. Simply, when ideology supersedes evidence the edifice of Western Medicine comes under direct threat. The exploration of this emerging ideological transition in medicine, and science more broadly, is of critical importance to determine the most salutary path forward.

Portrayals of Chinese companies in American and British economic news tweets during China’s macroeconomic transitions 2007–2023

This study investigates how Chinese companies are portrayed in American and British economic news tweets, as well as their relationship to Chinese economic fluctuations. The analysis included a corpus of 55,394 tweets (934,155 words) from well-known media outlets between 2007 and 2023. It also incorporated China’s quarterly Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and monthly Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) to contextualise the tweets in terms of their actual economic performance. Using van Dijk’s ingroup and outgroup ideologies, this project examined the ideological depiction through sentiments and emotions. RoBERTa-based transformer models were used to analyse sentiments and emotions, whereas Large Language Models (LLMs) were used for evaluative target annotation. Positive and negative sentiments were found to be significantly (p < 0.01) correlated with China’s macroeconomic indices. The representation of Chinese companies trended between ingroup and outgroup portrayals. Positive sentiment diminished as the economy transitioned from expansion to contraction, while negative sentiment increased. American news tweets were most positive during economic balance and most negative during downturns, while British news tweets were most positive during stability or early recovery and most negative when a downturn was predicted. As the economy shifted from growth to decline, positive sentiment emphasised corporate external opportunities alongside corporate strengths, with both evaluative targets reinforcing ingroup representation. Negative sentiment shifted from corporate weaknesses to contextual threats, both strengthening outgroup representation. Moreover, certain emotions had a significant (p < 0.0001) influence on sentiment swings and ideological transitions. These findings emphasise how economic changes and journalistic factors influence the ideological representation of Chinese firms in economic news on social media.

Neighborly Surveillance: The Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission and the Development of a Post-Jim Crow Ideological Apparatus

The relations of production in Deep South regions like the Mississippi Delta require a high degree of control over race and class configurations. While the overt, de jure White supremacy that marked the post-Reconstruction era allowed for effective repression of dissent, the promise of federal intervention and grassroots organizing during the years of the civil rights movement required White elites to recalibrate methods of control. By integrating theories of racialization of space, internal colonialism, and Althusser’s (2006) notion of the ideological state apparatus, I suggest that this transition from overt to implicit control was accomplished by creating a culture of neighborly surveillance in which everyday Whites were deputized to surveil and report on civil rights organizing at the grassroots level. By neighborly surveillance, I refer to surveillance between and amongst private citizens enacted outside the purview of the formal state but in the interest of the powerful elite who control the state. I document this process through analysis of the archives of the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, an official state agency tasked with spying on and counteracting civil rights activity. These records demonstrate the extent to which non-state actors assumed the roles originally exercised by the de jure Jim Crow regime. Beyond augmenting understandings of the civil rights movement-era US South, this article contributes analytical insights to social and ideological transitions in other post-colonial, post-authoritarian spatial contexts.

The Law as a Necropolitical Tool: A Genealogy of Police Violence in Brazil

AbstractThis article explores the necropolitical foundations of police violence in Brazil via a genealogical approach of analysis of criminal codes, creation decrees, and other legal documents and insights from ethnographic research. In this paper I argue that antiblackness determines the role of the police in contemporary Brazil and has inscribed its place in law. Historically, the police had the legal duty to repress and punish enslaved people; but their role in imparting immediate justice persisted with expanded powers during the dictatorship and democracy’s social demands over the war on drugs. Through all these political and ideological transitions, the police have been resilient to change precisely because of their unique necropolitical power.

An Analysis of Enterprise in the Nationalism Implementation of Modern Nation State

The rapid transformation from an agricultural economy to a capitalism industrial nation-state has revealed the spirit of this new-born nations nationalism spirit: Enterprise. It is one of the critical ideological transitions of modernization, so the development of the national economic system building also equal to the formulation and acceptation of nationalism spirit. However, when Alexander Hamilton the first Secretary, a firm nationalist showing Enterprise at the state policies, his passion of creating a multiple nation-state which supported by prosperous commerce and industry, has triggered querying, opposing and censuring. This passage is committed to explore the formulation of America spirit in the divergence between ruling group and the particularity of North America colonies which lead this nation to a liberalism capitalism leviathan, especially at the very beginning of a new state.

Manufacturing National Identities in the Post-Soviet Republic of Uzbekistan: A Study of Controversial Conservation Practices in Samarkand and Shakhrisabz

ABSTRACT Discourse on heritage management and conservation of heritage has been expanding as traditional conservation principles confront diverse manifestations of heritage around the world. The 1994 Nara Document on Authenticity formally addresses one such confrontation, resulting in the modification of conservation practices previously thought to be universally applicable. The present article attempts to introduce into this discourse the conservation practices of the Republic of Uzbekistan, which have been perceived internationally as highly controversial, and their significance in the identity formation of the state. In developing a contextual understanding of a unique historical and socio-political reality, a deeper understanding of the values behind the controversial conservation practices is formulated. There is an idealistic expectation that upon independence, the Central Asian republics would adopt the ideologies and practices of the system that they had entered. However, there is observed a perpetuation of the Soviet political apparatus, which is paralleled in their conservation practices. A study of conservation practices at the select heritage sites in the Republic of Uzbekistan illustrates that we are observing nations in structural and ideological transition.

Why the USSR Collapsed (On the Value Foundations of Ideologies)

The author presumes that the choice of “capitalism” or “socialism” is, first of all, a value choice, and not a choice arising from a comparison of the benefits of the “economic plan” and the “policy of non-intervention.” The article is devoted to finding the reasons for such a choice of value. A special, but very important part of the problem under consideration is the search for an answer to the question: why did the USSR collapse? The author argues that the idea of the economic insolvency of the USSR does not correspond to reality. It is concluded that the collapse of the USSR was predetermined by the ideological transition to consumer and individualistic values.

Making the Case to Reprieve Annette Meyers

In 1848, Annette Meyers, a domestic servant, murdered Henry Ducker, a private in the Coldstream Guards, as he walked through St. James’s Park. Meyers freely admitted to having shot him and claimed she had long planned to do so. In spite of these admissions, the media constructed a version of the events in which she was the greater victim, and the murdered man was the villain. This article examines how two broadsides, a chapbook and extensive newspaper reports promoted sympathy for Meyers, and why the public believed it appropriate to see her as an object of sympathy. It also demonstrates the complicated nature of ideological transitions: they are not straight forward linear progressions but can be complicated and contradictory. New notions of gender — bourgeois masculinity and the cult of domesticity — and shifts in legal thought, especially with respect to the legal defence of provocation, caused tensions between the media and the courts. Defending older understandings of provocation, the newspapers made rare criticisms of the trial judge, the sentence, and the justice system itself, critiques which were widely shared by middle-class readers, and which might have proven dangerous during a turbulent decade like the 1840s. The various forms of media acted together, although not in an orchestrated fashion, to force the Home Secretary to overrule the judge, and to reduce Meyers’ sentence to two years imprisonment to be followed by transportation for life to Australia.

The Rescue Tractor: The Propaganda of Technological Progress in Soviet Publications for Children before the Second World War

Childhood in the USSR is a topic of considerable interest for both Russian and non-Russian researchers: it is driven by a constant demand for Soviet children’s literature, the use of related images in modern advertising, and Russians’ nostalgia for their childhood. Contemporary researchers mostly focus on the methods the Soviet government used to construct images of a happy childhood. In the Soviet Union, where the cult of childhood appeared early enough, Soviet propaganda formed the idea of the so-called “paradisiacal places” of Soviet childhood: pioneer camps, recreation parks, etc. The article’s author considers the first five-year plan in the USSR as being the main event of the turn of the 1930s that was explained and promoted to children by Soviet propaganda. The study specifically focuses on the propaganda of industrial development, and not on the topics of the friendship of peoples, class struggle, and the miserable life of workers and their children in other countries. Another feature of the article is the chosen time frame, which makes it possible to take a “screenshot” of the transitional stage of the existence of the Soviet state and the sharp turn in the early 1930s from ideas of internationalism to postulates of “all-Soviet national superiority”. Referring to the popularisation of the achievements of the first five-year plan, the study traces the ideological transition to national patriotic propaganda. The author refers to popular children’s magazines (Murzilka, Yozh, and Chizh) and books, some of which were created by avant-garde artists. The author considers the combination of text and image in children’s periodicals. Promoting industrial development, they presented the young reader with a whole arsenal of machines, putting forward a recognised “king” among them. There were a lot of applicants for wearing the “crown”, including military vehicles, which were extremely popular in the USSR. However, the Soviet country had a more terrible enemy than imperialists and counterrevolutionaries: malnutrition and hunger. It was this fact that made the tractor the main character of technical agitation at the turn of the 1930s in the USSR.

Тернистый путь на восток: прорывы, оборачивающиеся тупиками

The long period of the development of the Soviet and then the Russian Far East has demonstrated a striking pattern of repetitive periods of optimism and pessimism about the possibility of socio-economic development of the region, a pattern as striking as the regular repetition of tools and goals, efforts of the region itself and the national political and economic system in this field. The last decade has passed and is still passing under the sign of a new stage of state regulatory efforts for the development of the region. The next stage in summing up the results and determining the scope and structure of further efforts in this direction was the next VII Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok. It has been concluded that, as demonstrated once again at the forum, despite enormous administrative efforts, vigorous institutional reform, and mobilization of public finances, it has not been possible to achieve noticeable results in the field of transforming the quality of life and economy in the Far East for almost 10 years. It has been shown that it is possible to change the situation in the field of resource provision of correct goal-setting only after overcoming fundamental limitations, which primarily include the already mentioned problem of the territorial scale of the object of regulation and the recognition of the need for an ideological transition from growth management to quality change management

El viraje ideológico de Federico Jiménez Losantos como ejemplo de una Transición libidinal

This article presents the journalist Federico Jiménez Losantos as an example of a certain persistence and variation in the relationship between desire and politics from the Spanish transition to democracy to the present days. For this purpose, we will explain his ideological transition from Maoism to liberalism as part of a much larger process, in which French philosophy was greatly important. Without pretending to expose a single "libidinal" transition, our hypothesis is that some of the phenomena of our political present time reflects the direct inheritance of concerns that came to Spain during the 1970s.

The Ideological Trajectory within the Taliban Movement in Afghanistan

The ideological transition within the Taliban movement has witnessed several trajectories. Starting from a socio- cultural movement for bringing about law and order in the society as the ruler of Kabul in the mid-1990s; the movement experienced various phases where its norms and practices appeared alien to the socio-cultural fabric of the majority part of the modern Afghan state. At the present juncture, the movement’s aim is to become the ruler of Kabul again but with a new outlook. The movement and its leadership have entered an epoch different from the old Taliban to neo-Taliban and presents themselves as chief propagators of peace within the organisation that only reflects the Taliban’s desperate attempt to save the movement and present it as an alternative to the US backed Afghan government.

Ngenger tradition and ideology transformation in inter-cultural communication

In Tempurejo, Ngawi, between the 1960s and 1970s, many Ponorogo residents chose to ngenger. Ngenger is living and working sincerely, not paying to a household of someone whose position is much higher in dignity, degree, and education. Children who come to ngenger the background are poor and have the ideology of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) mass organization or abangan. After finishing ngenger, the majority turned into Muhammadiyah activists and developed Muhammadiyah in Ponorogo. From the above problems, this study intends to reveal, First, the process of planting Muhammadiyah ideology. Secondly, there is an ideological transformation. This research was conducted in Ngawi and Ponorogo with qualitative descriptive methods. In-depth interviews, observation, and documentation of extracted data. The study results are the regeneration process carried out first; they see Muhammadiyah as an open, modern, professional organization. Second, families are open-minded and not doctrine. Third, the exemplary of educators and community leaders who have sincerity, the spirit of struggle, and the principle of the emphasis on the importance of Islamic da'wah. The ideological transition from originally an abangan Islam and NU to Muhammadiyah was because as long as the ngenger were introduced to Muhammadiyah organizations that were tolerant, open, modern, professional, and egalitarian.

The “Techno-Turn” of China’s Official Discourse on Nationalism

This article explores a recent tendency in the official Chinese discourse on nationalism—the government more actively employs Chinese achievements in science and technology to boost national pride and regime legitimacy. This “techno-turn” focuses on China’s construction of megaprojects, its active role in international techno-economic business, and its development of cutting-edge scientific research and technologies. This transition in the official discourse on nationalism contains several rationales along material, policy, and ideological dimensions, and uses sophisticated propaganda tactics. It also faces constraints and challenges—some derived from conflicts with reality, and others derived from internal logical imbalances. The turn marks a new stage in the development of contemporary Chinese nationalism, in which official nationalism absorbs elements from popular nationalism. This ideological transition may influence both Chinese domestic and international politics—it may lead to China’s more confident engagement in international affairs, but may also generate uncertainties in relations between China and the West.

Los ciclos políticos y el cambio en el sistema de partidos mexicano. Las elecciones de 2018 en retrospectiva

Since the first political alternation in the early 21st century up until just before the 2018 concurrent election, the Mexican political system had consolidated its competition structure around three dominant parties; but where only the PRI and the PAN had alternated into the Executive Power. It was precisely in the 2018 elections when a landmark occurred in the trajectory of both the political and party systems with the emergence of a new left political party (MORENA) and its entry into government. This article analyzes the 2018 general election considering the evolution of political competition from two perspectives. The first one focuses on the trajectories and changes in the structure of the party system; and the second one, on the political power conformation and its effects until the last elections. The investigation concludes that the 2018 elections are the beginning of a new political cycle that consolidates a political left project through which Mexico enters into the processes of Latin American ideological transition and they show the existence of competition cycles in the party system.

Modern Urban Planning and Dissonant Heritage: The Case of San Polo

Summary The aim of the article is to understand to what extent modern mass housing estates, built in the decades following the Second World War with new construction methods and under the influence of innovative planning ideas and egalitarian philosophy, are currently facing a process of decline. In particular, the research is committed to understand how such innovative urban structures rapidly evolved into stigmatized places of residence and sources of dissonant heritage. The work focuses on the case of San Polo, a neighbourhood of Brescia, in Italy, designed by architect, planner and historian Leonardo Benevolo, who had the opportunity in the northern Italian city to experiment and implement his architectural views in the sphere of “public urbanization”. It is possible to claim that Benevolo’s theoretical approach and architectural practice excellently represented the golden age of modern housing in postwar Europe, when the connection between progressive political views and egalitarian urban planning was apparently perfect. Nevertheless, after the political and economic transition that characterized western Europe since the 1980s, mass housing quickly became a residual issue in the public discourse and entered in a spiral of decline. San Polo was no exception: problems – especially in its iconic tower blocks – soon emerged, and overall optimistic expectations were frustrated by the reality of physical, social and economic decline. This study is therefore committed to understand to what extent San Polo is a case of dissonant heritage in the urban context. While it is clear that the heritage of San Polo is the heritage of a precise historical phase and represents particular ideas in architecture and planning, on the other hand it must be stressed that the ideological transition of recent decades made its values and its messages obsolete and that socio-economic segregation negatively affected the reputation of the neighbourhood and its inhabitants had to face a process of stigmatization that found echo in official and journalistic discourse.

A Study on the Popular National Consciousness through the Ideological Transition Process of Yi Yuk-sa

Based on the biographical life of Yi Yuk-sa, this article is devoted to determining his thoughts by tracing his ideological trajectory and examining how it is poeticized. Yi Yuk-sa, often defined as a poet of national origin and a poet of resistance, is considered an nationalism poet. Nationalism is an ideology that maintains the uniqueness and excellence of the people based on the long-standing historical consciousness of the species. This nationalism has been developed in a reactionary way in the history of international affairs. This is because nationalism often builds the identity of its own people through aggression against other peoples. Nationalism tends to demonstrate its superiority as dominance over an inferior nation. The implication of nationalism has led our independence activists to give up their nationalism ideology and pursue a new one that can go beyond it. It is Anarchism and Socialism. Yi Yuk-sa also takes Anakism and Socialism sequentially. This can be seen through the organization that Yi Yuk-sa was involved in and his commentaries. Regarding the Anakism, it can be suggested based on the circumstances of his stay in Japan in 1924 and when he joined the Black Friendship Society or the Military Academy in China in 1932, respectively, and in relation to socialism, he returned to Korea after graduating from the Military Academy and was involved in the Daegu Youth League, a socialist organization. As the ideological trajectory of Yi Yuk-sa leads from nationalism to anarchism and from Anakism to socialism, the poetic symbols of Yi Yuk-sa should be explained in this regard. However, each idea is accepted sequentially but the previous one is not abandoned in a single order. In the process of dialectical sublation in which each element of thought is selectively taken on a certain basis, Yi Yuk-sa’s thought becomes a complex one. This means that Yuk-sa s poems should be understood in an integrated, three-dimensional way, as a result of overcoming the sublation of these ideas, instead of being explained simply by nationalism, anarchism, or the single socialism. From this point of view, it can be seen that the most fundamental factor that led to the spirit of Yi was related to the ideal system in an independent country that he dreamed of. And it can be seen that it constitutes the liberation of the people, the workers, the peasants-centered, marginalized people, not the people of the past privileged class or of the bourgeoisie. This view is to reject Yi s sense of past privilege and to unite the class division and confrontation of the past dynasties. In this regard, the ideological content of the Yi Yuk-sa is not merely a futuristic and conceptual character, but rather an inevitable connotation derived based on his biological basis. So, the history of the Yi Yuk-sa has devoted itself to realizing the most ideal nation in the most threatening manner at the forefront of the independence movement

THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF IDEOLOGEME JUSTICE IN "GREY-ZONE" MORAL EMOTIONS OF A RAISING VICTORIAN IDEOLOGY

The study investigates into the impetus of grey-zone moral emotions underlying the sustenance of intragroup power relations in the times of ideological transitions of the late 18th and early 19th centuries refracted in the fiction discourse of the pre-Victorian era. The article is based on the assumption that the lingual representation of emotional experiences defines the emotional conceptual structure of the people and establishes social rules for emotion display patterns. A qualitative content analysis of the pre-Victorian novel corpus has substantiated the working hypothesis about the transitory mechanisms of ideological shifts facilitated by the dominant emotional repertoire across the social groups of the time. The paper claims the centrality of justice concerns in the ideological potency of the emotional experience of envy, jealousy, resentment, and ressentiment. An in-depth co-occurrence analysis of lingual representation of justice-seeking emotional reactions testifies to re-establishment of religious ideologeme JUSTICE displayed in a whole-scale procurement of resignation and inhibition compatible with placating vice-related experiences. The study argues that the restoration of the ideologeme under conditions of fixed social stratification is aimed at the exploitation of the emotional kindling of waning religious ideology for the accedence of a newly rising secular Victorian ideology. The analysis of the interconnectedness of lingual representation of grey-zone moral emotional reactions has underpinned the conjecture about their correlation to the system of religious ethics in determining an explicit display of strong feelings of injustice as outward enmity, impiety, and apostasy.

17세기 조선 도교의 탈중화의 이념적 전환 : 양란(兩亂) 이후 유교 중화주의 세계관의 변화를 중심으로

본 연구는 왜란과 호란 및 당쟁등으로 혼란을 극했던 17세기 조선 도교사에 등장했던 소중화(小中華) 의식과 고유 선도론의 이면에 흐르고 있는 탈중화주의적 이념의 변화문제를 두 가지 측면에서 분석 설명하였다.BR 첫째 임진왜란 이후 관왕묘(關王廟) 건립과 관제신앙의 유행이 당시 조선중기 유학자 및 지배층의 도교에 대한 인식 전환을 가져왔고, 이를 통해 도교가 다시 부흥하는 계기가 되었음을 고찰하였다. 둘째 병자호란 이후에 중화주의 세계관이 크게 동요하면서, 한국도교사에 소중화론이 등장하게 되었고, 이어서 명의 멸망과 청의 등장을 목도하면서는 탈중화주의의 경향이 대두되었음을 살펴보았다. 아울러 중국과 구별되는 우리 고유의 선도에 대한 자각이 일어났는데, 이런 탈중화/고유 선도 사상이 다수였다고 말할 수는 없지만, 그 이후로 선도사상이 이어지면서, 한국도교의 이념이 전환되는 계기를 맞게 되었다.BR 결론적으로 말하자면 임진왜란 이후에는 관제신앙의 도입으로 완고했던 조선 성리학의 대(對) 도교 인식이 바뀌게 되었고, 병자호란이후에는 명의 멸망으로 소중화론을 거쳐 탈중화주의로 바뀜으로써, 한국선도가 독자적인 이념과 노선을 정립하는 계기가 되었다고 할 수 있다.

The prospect of decent work, decent industrial relations and decent social relations in China: towards a multi-level and multi-disciplinary approach

Decent Work is a key initiative launched by the International Labour Organization in 1999. The initiative is to promote decent and productive employment with decent conditions of freedom, equality, security and human dignity. In reviewing academic literature on decent work, existing studies have been conducted primarily from a legal and political economic perspective. It is also largely situated outside any national industrial relations framework, both theoretically and practically. Decent work is an advocacy initiative of ILO, but the promotion of universal values embodied in the notion (e.g. equality, fairness, justice and dignity) needs to be tailored to specific societal contexts. Drawing on existing academic literature, this review article examines ideological, institutional and cultural distances between decent work and the reality of employment in China. It argues that achieving decent work requires an ideological transition of ‘traditional’ Chinese work ethics and a cultural transition from collectivism and altruism towards individualism and an emphasis on individual rights. This study also examines and highlights regulatory enforcement deficits and the inadequate role of the trade union in facilitating the advancement of decent work at various levels. Finally, the article argues that the study of decent work should be mainstreamed as an integral part of decent industrial relations and ultimately, decent social relations. It calls for a multi-level and multi-disciplinary approach to examining the historical, political, economic, ideological and cultural context of specific countries in fulfilling the ‘Decent Work’ agenda.