Ideological Representations Research Articles

The Ideologies of War and Social Class inAtonement: A Critical Stylistic Analysis

AbstractThe present study is concerned with the representation of ideologies in fiction. It attempts an analysis of Ian McEwan’s novelAtonementand aims at revealing the ideologies of war and social class by analysing textual conceptual functions. It applies a critical stylistic analysis based on Jeffries’s (2010) framework. The study addresses the following questions:How are the concepts of war and social class presented in the novel?Which categories are used to introduce war and social class in the novel? What is the linguistic realization of the categories selected?What doesAtonementreveal about British society and the period during which the events took place?To what extent are McEwan’s ideologies reflected in the novel?The results of the study show that war and social class constitute an important part in the novel. There are references to them from the very beginning of the novel. They are presented ideologically through the categories of naming and describing, negating, representing actions/events/states, prioritizing, hypothesizing, implying and assuming, presenting others’ speech and thoughts, and representing time, space and society. These categories employed specific linguistic realizations that helped the author achieve his purpose and influence readers. The results also reveal the wayAtonementportrays the circumstances of British society before, during, and after the Second World War. Moreover, they indicate the existence of historically accurate information related to war. Finally, the results demonstrate that the representations of war and social class inAtonementare ideologically loaded. These representations reflect McEwan’s own attitude toward history, war, and social class.

Den dobbelte fordrejning: Begrebet fetichisme i kritikken af den politiske økonomi

THE DOUBLE INVERSION - THE CONCEPT OF FETISHISM IN THE CRITIQUE OF POLITICAL ECONOMYKarl Marx’s critical analysis of ‘the secret of the fetishism of commodities’ – according to which the universal domination of the commodity form makes social relations appear in the form of relations between things – is today widely regarded as a central element of the critique of political economy. The concept of fetishism was generally neglected until in the 1920’s, and the debates around this concept did not really take off until the 1960’s. Since then, there have essentially been two predominant interpretations of Marx’s concept of fetishism: on the one hand those who regards fetishism as an ideological phenomenon, as something that has to do with the way in which social reality is represented for and in the social agents. On the other hand there are those who insists that fetishism refers to a certain displacement or inversion at the level of social practice itself, and not its ideological representation. In this article, I review these conflicting readings in the light of a close reading of Marx’s use of the term fetish(ism) in all of his writings from the Grundrisse (1857) onwards. I argue that Marx used this term to refer to an ideological phenomenon, and that he was right in doing so. I also point out that this does not entail subscribing to a naïve view of ideology as false consciousness or class manipulation that can be abolished by enlightenment and criticism.

Polarization and ideological congruence between parties and supporters in Europe

The relationship between parties and their supporters is central to democracy and ideological representation is among the most important of these linkages. We conduct an investigation of party-supporter congruence in Europe with emphasis on the measurement of ideology and focusing on the role of party system polarization, both as a direct factor in explaining congruence and in modifying the effects of voter sophistication. Understanding this relationship depends in part on how the ideology of parties and supporters is measured. We use Poole’s Blackbox scaling to derive a measure of latent ideology from voter and expert responses to issue scale questions and compare this to a measure based on left–right perceptions. We then examine how variation in the proximity between parties ideological positions and those of their supporters is affected by the polarization of the party system and how this relationship interacts with political sophistication. With the latent ideology measure, we find that polarization decreases party-supporter congruence but increases the effects of respondent education level on congruence. However, we do not find these relationships using the left–right perceptual measure. Our findings underscore important differences between perceptions of left–right labels and the ideological constraint underlying issue positions.

조정래의 『태백산맥』에 나타난 강간의 이데올로기적 재현과 여성 문제

본 연구는 조정래의 『태백산맥』에 나타난 강간의 이데올로기적 재현과 그 안에 담긴 여성문제를 고찰하는데 목적을 둔다. 『태백산맥』은 역사소설이자 이데올로기 소설로서 해방과 6.25 전쟁을 전후로 벌어진 한반도의 갈등 원인을 봉건 지배계급의 압제와 제국주의의 침략에서 찾고 있다. 민중의 의식 변화와 봉기에 따른 지배층 타도와 민족의 단결에 의한 독립된 단일 국가 건설이 일관된 목표이자 주제로 태백산맥 전체의 서사를 관통하는 것이다. 이데올로기가 서사의 근간을 이루면서 이 소설에서는 여성의 현실, 특히 강간을 당한 여성의 상황을 다루는 방식에서도 이데올로기적 개입이 드러난다. 제재의 선택과 사건의 묘사가 이데올로기적으로 결정되고, 여성이 당하는 강간 역시 이념의 시각에서 다루어지면서, 『태백산맥』의 여인들은 희생되었으나 순수한 민중과 성적 일탈에 무감각한 탐욕적 지배계급으로 양분된다. 희생된 민중은 해방의 여전사, 침묵하는 잠재적 저항자, 짓밟혔으나 강인하게 살아남아 혁명을 촉구하는 민초로 발전하는 반면, 지배계급은 강간을 겪고도 남성에게 기식하여 물질적 풍요에 만족하는 여성으로 전락한다. 이 과정에서 여성에게 가해진 강간은 여성이 겪는 고통과 차별, 남성의 폭력과 억압을 고발하는 장치가 되기보다는, 피지배층이 지배층으로부터 받는 억압과 착취, 그리고 지배층의 도덕적 무감각을 표현하는 수단으로 변주된다. 이는 피해 여성의 현실을 왜곡하거나 억압할 위험성을 갖는다. 본 연구에서 필자는 『태백산맥』에 나타난 강간의 이데올로기적 재현을 분석하고 그 안에 담긴 여성 문제를 고찰하여 서사의 진실성과 균형을 탐색하고자 한다.

On the measurement of voter ideology

We propose a novel measure of voter ideology and study the (socio-economic) determinants of political beliefs. We examine the dimensionality of contemporary voter ideology using survey data of a representative sample of Dutch citizens. Using factor-analyses, we identify and validate four relevant dimensions that capture (1) preferences for economic equality, (2) preferences for markets and efficiency, (3) preferences for personal and cultural freedom, and (4) nationalist, protectionist and populist preferences. We continue with a regression analysis on the determinants of multidimensional voter ideology and compare these to the determinants of the traditional left-right measure of ideology. We find that there is substantial heterogeneity in the determinants of political preferences. Moreover, using a one-dimensional left-right representation of voter ideology conceals most of this heterogeneity.

Did Romania Move South?

Abstract This essay tackles Romania’s geocultural position and its consequences for localizing Romanian literature in South-Eastern rather than Eastern Europe by comparing critically the implicit ideological dimension of three types of imaginary spatial narratives: the historian Nicolae Iorga’s (1871–1940), the folklorist and comparatist D. Caracostea’s (1879–1964), and the literary critic Mircea Muthu’s (b. 1944). I chose these three perspectives because they illustrate the way different disciplines looked at Romanian culture’s geographical and symbolical location on the European map during the 20th century. These three contributed to the perception of Romanian culture as part of a South-Eastern cultural heritage. Originating in these ideological representations, there is a parallel tradition in Romanian literature that configures also a Southern identity. More than just a side note to the Eastern European framework still dominant in literary studies, to rethink the location of Romanian literature as a South-Eastern European one means to imagine an alternative paradigm that has different political consequences for configuring a more complex geocultural identity.

AN ANALYSIS OF EXPERIENTIAL AND TEXTUAL MEANING OF KELAMBU NYAWA TEXT

Representation of experiential meaning, textual meaning, and general ideology realized in Mosquito Net text are problem in this research. It is aimed at investigating representation of experiential meaning, textual meaning, and general ideology in Kelambu Nyawa Text text are problem in this research and describing the relevance of the research result to learning discourse in higher education. It was conducted by using qualitative-quantitative descriptive (mixed-method). In collecting data, observation, interview, document and note-taking method were employed. Data analysis carried on with the orientation of formal and informal methods. The results showed that the dominant process found in the text of Mosquito Nets is a material process consisting of 115 (35.50%). The use participants in the text is dominated by participant I (Netting Lives) consisting of 308 participants or 33.44%, participant II consists of 264 consisting of 85 or 33.20%, other participant consists of 24 dominated by Reach taking over 15 times (62.25%). Furthermore, the use of circumstance in the text of Kelambu Nyawa is dominated by circumstantial environment, which were used over 51 times (26.42%). The dominant theme used in of Mosquito Nets text topical theme. It was used 146 times (48.18%). Furthermore, the ideology realized in the text of Mosquito Net is the belief of the Sufism in God as the source of everything. The relevance of this research to discourse learning at universities is to the extent that the results of this research can be used as reference to analyzing written text, especially on the transitivity and theme rhema system by using Systemic Functional Linguistics theory (SFL).

Dark Ghettos: Injustice, Dissent, and Reform

Dark Ghettos: Injustice, Dissent, and Reform

Cenepa: lo que la prensa escribió

The Cenepa’s conflict between Peru and Ecuador (1995) was the last chapter of border disputes which finished with the signing of peace in 1998. Both countries defend its thesis and denied the another one. In this regard, it was discussed a question ?what social or ideological representations were involved since the written press of both countries during the conflict? Based on the methodology of “ideological square” of Van Dijk was made an analysis of content to the information treatment of newspapers “El Comercio de Peru y Ecuador” to explain the perceptions or ideologies of each group which is done with respect to the another one from the written speech.

SEMIOTICS OF SUPERIMPOSITION, TRANSLATABILITY OF GOVERNABLE SPACES

Tales of immigrants and accounts of diaspora experience appear frequently in Jhumpa Lahiri’s Indian-American fiction. Her narratives are crowded with visual objects, all with cultural significance and spatial function. This study is a visit to the micro space of a Bengali couple in ‘This Blessed House’ of Lahiri to explore the geography of the house and the exhibitions therein; and, in the meantime, to explicate the struggles which seek to inscribe preferred meanings of the objects onto the outdoor and indoor geography of the house and to translate spatial codes into cultural language. The researcher has followed a progressive approach, as the method with the story development, to picture gradual and multilayer superimposition of foreign emblems on the homely decorations in the house and to study their function. It is unfolded at the end of the paper that the emerging relations between the mixed signs on show signify a challenge to the sole ownership of space, its governable uniformity and its axiomatic truth. The findings are thought to call into question and cast doubts about the soundness of ideological representations from diasporic experiences.

SEMIOTICS OF SUPERIMPOSITION, TRANSLATABILITY OF GOVERNABLE SPACES

Tales of immigrants and accounts of diaspora experience appear frequently in Jhumpa Lahiri’s Indian-American fiction. Her narratives are crowded with visual objects, all with cultural significance and spatial function. This study is a visit to the micro space of a Bengali couple in ‘This Blessed House’ of Lahiri to explore the geography of the house and the exhibitions therein; and, in the meantime, to explicate the struggles which seek to inscribe preferred meanings of the objects onto the outdoor and indoor geography of the house and to translate spatial codes into cultural language. The researcher has followed a progressive approach, as the method with the story development, to picture gradual and multilayer superimposition of foreign emblems on the homely decorations in the house and to study their function. It is unfolded at the end of the paper that the emerging relations between the mixed signs on show signify a challenge to the sole ownership of space, its governable uniformity and its axiomatic truth.  The findings are thought to call into question and cast doubts about the soundness of ideological representations from diasporic experiences.

Partisan Gerrymandering and the Political Process: Effects on Roll-Call Voting and State Policies

Recent scholarship has documented the advantages of a new measure of partisan gerrymandering: the difference in the parties' wasted votes, divided by the total number of votes cast. This measure, known as the efficiency gap (EG), can be calculated directly from aggregate vote totals, facilitating comparison of the severity of party gerrymandering across states and time. In this article, we conduct the first analysis of the EG's effects on legislative representation and policymaking in the states. We first show that the partisan outcome of legislative elections has important causal effects on the ideological representation of individual districts, the ideological composition of legislative chambers, and the conservatism of state policymaking. We then show that variation in the EG across state-years is associated with systematic differences in the ideological location of the median state legislator and in the conservatism of state policies. These results suggest that partisan gerrymandering has major consequences not only for who wins elections but for the political process as a whole.

До питання про сутність повсякденних ідеологічних уявлень

До питання про сутність повсякденних ідеологічних уявлень

THE REPRESENTATION OF GENDER IDEOLOGY IN INDONESIAN TEXTBOOKS

This research seeks to examine issues related to the representation of gender ideology in learning topics entailed in Indonesian textbooks. This research is a qualitative research employing gender theory and van Djik’s model of discourse analysis. The data encompassed topics discovered in units of texts in the Indonesian textbooks for Elementary, Junior High, and High School level, particularly in the components of the learning materials that include explanation (theoretical), examples, exercises, and tasks both in the language aspect as well as the literary work. 36 textbooks were successfully collected as the main data in which 3 books were obtained from each class for each level. Documentation was employed as the main data collection technique and the researcher played a role as the main instrument. The data were analyzed by using van Djik’s model of critical discourse analysis as well as the perspective of gender analysis. The results of the study on the gender representation in the textbooks were manifested in three forms, namely, (1) gender identity, (2) gender role, and (3) gender status. With regard to those three components, some points are worth-highlighting: (1) there are dichotomous differences between men and women, (2) there are some misinterpretations of marginalization particularly of women, and (3) gender polarization is also evident. Such conditions were resulted from the authors’ mental awareness, for they are influenced by the discourse in the society where they live in which discrimination towards women and domination of men are prevalent and continuously produced.

“Mass Graves” and the “Burial Grounds of Enemies”: The Symbolic Significance of Mass Burials in Soviet Russia/USSR, 1920s–1940s («Бpaтcкиe мoгилы» и «вpaжecкиe мoгильники»: cимвoличecкoe oзнaчивaниe мaccoвыx зaxopoнeний в Coвeтcкoй Poccии/CCCP 1920-x–1940-x гoдoв)

For several decades, the mass burial practices in Soviet Russia were strongly linked with Soviet ideology and the practices of everyday life. Soviet military and state officials intentionally and unintentionally used mass graves as a political and ideological tool. Soviet Russian and Soviet authorities noted mass graves in documents and in public discourse, and couched them in a “figure of silence.” Places of mass burials were given meaning and characterized as systems of ideological representation and the binary oppositions of “ours” versus “foreign.” This article examines the practice of mass burials from the 1920s to the 1940s and how it shaped and influenced Soviet Russian and Soviet ideological constructs.

Interrogating Indonesian New Order’s Narrative of Gestapu: The Leftist Nobles and the Indonesian Communist Party in Umar Kayam’s Stories

Although the atrocity around the 1965 coup—better known as Gestapu, Gestok or G 30 S PKI in Indonesia—has been continually on the international humanitarian spotlight, its literary representation in Indonesia has been minimal. The strong hold of the New Order regime and their residue in the current political system must have something to do with this. Among a few vernacular writers coping with the aftermath of the tragedy but is less discussed as such is Umar Kayam. The four texts analysed in this article, “Bawuk,” “Musim Gugur Kembali ke Connecticut,” Para Priyayi and Jalan Menikung: Para Priyayi 2, interrogate the complexity of Gestapu victimization and narrative set by the New Order. The texts reflect the failure of the Javanese nobles (priyayi) in revitalizing their role as political leaders in the face of corrupt political system. Instead of resisting the corrupt regime, they play along in the political game to gain personal benefits. The Javanese nobles siding with the oppressed by joining the Communist Party’s affiliated organizations are ostracized and marginalized. Despite Kayam’s sympathetic representation of some communist figures in his fiction, his general representation of communist ideology is ambivalent. His figuration of communist poets simply as uncritical serfs of ideology, for example, shows his bias towards accepting the New Order cultural narrative. Despite his sympathetic description of those innocently accused of treason following Gestapu 1965, Kayam still portrays communism as an evil and foreign ideology much in the same way that the New Order regime had been narrating it.

“Tangled Up in These Conceptualities”: Sanction, Protest, and Ideology in Berlin, Germany

ABSTRACTThis article examines one informant's approach to the relationship between ideological concepts and political power. I argue that ideological representation must be understood on its own terms, rather than within a larger theory of discourse. I point toward three key qualities of every encounter with ideological representation: subjectivity, discontinuity, and commitment. The fieldwork on which this article is based occurred in Berlin, Germany, during the fall 2014. During this period, my research focused on activists committed to overturning the sanctioning policy (Sanktionspolitik), which allows case managers to dock the unemployment benefits of their clients. [ideology, subjectivity, welfare state, Germany]

Electoral Accountability for State Legislative Roll Calls and Ideological Representation

Theories of electoral accountability predict that legislators will receive fewer votes if they fail to represent their districts. To determine whether this prediction applies to state legislators, I conduct two analyses that evaluate the extent to which voters sanction legislators who cast unpopular roll-call votes or provide poor ideological representation. Neither analysis, however, produces compelling evidence that elections hold most state legislators accountable. I discover that legislators do not face meaningful electoral consequences for their ideological representation, particularly in areas where legislators receive less media attention, have larger staffs, and represent more partisan districts. In a study of individual roll-call votes across 11 states, I furthermore find a weak relationship between legislators’ roll-call positions and election outcomes with voters rewarding or punishing legislators for only 4 of 30 examined roll calls. Thus, while state legislators wield considerable policymaking power, elections do not appear to hold many legislators accountable for their lawmaking.

Educação e cidadania: perspectivas da literacia digital crítica

O artigo apresenta uma pesquisa que investigou o conceito de literacia digital numa perspectiva crtica. Refere-se diretamente formao humana na contemporaneidade e s relaes entre educao e cidadania digital. Considera-se a compreenso do conceito de tecnologia na sua dimenso ideolgica, colocando-se centralidade na condio dos sujeitos nos meios digitais. Explicitam-se trs categorias de anlise decorrentes do estudo - Representao Ideolgica, Posicionamento Ideolgico e Produo e Ideologia, que buscam fornecer subsdios analticos para o estado de apropriao do sujeito na perspectiva da literacia digital crtica. O aporte terico ancora-se em pensadores crticos da sociedade como Heidegger (2007), Marcuse (1973), Feenberg (2010, 2012) e especialmente Vieira Pinto (2005) Filsofo brasileiro, entre outros autores que contriburam com o debate e o aprofundamento dos conceitos de tecnologia e literacia digital. .

Ideological Representation of ‘Self ’ and ‘Other’ in Post-9/11 Narrative Discourse in British Newspapers

The general aim of this article is to examine the ways in which British newspapers in their editorials represent ‘self’ and ‘other’ in the backdrop of the discourse on the ‘war on terror’. The central argument of this paper is that The Guardian and The Times in their editorials on the ‘war on terror’ portray the ‘other’ in a highly stereotypical and negativemanner and both portray the ‘self’ in a highly celebrated fashion, while retaining subtle nuances and differences. The findings show the creation of two ‘others’ by The Guardian (an American other and an Islamic other) and two ‘selves’ by The Times (a British self and an American self). Corpus-based critical discourse analysis (CL-based CDA) has been applied to analyse the data. The theoretical framework is derived from van Dijk’s concept of the ideological square, which comprises semantic macro-strategies that provide binary features for positive self-presentation and negative other presentation. This approach accentuates a positive ‘us’ and de-emphasises a positive ‘them’; likewise, it emphasises a negative ‘them’ and de-emphasises a negative ‘us’. A special corpus was developed by retrieving all the leading articles/editorials/opinion-editorials about the ‘war on terror’ from two British broadsheets: The Guardian (TG-corpus) and The Times (TT-corpus), spreading over the time period from 11 September 2001 to 31 December2011. The editorial texts were retrieved through ‘ProQuest’ and ‘Lexis/Nexis’ online repositories/databases. Corpus annotation and statistical analyses were conducted by using WMatrix, Sketch Engine and Wordsmith Tools software and web portals. Both corpora were tagged semantically and grammatically, using USAS and CLAWS from theUniversity of Lancaster’s platform. Keywords: Critical discourse analysis, corpus linguistics, ideology, self, other, war on terror, media discourse