Ideological Opposition Research Articles

The Church in the Republic: Gallicanism and Political Ideology in Renaissance France

By examining in detail the transformation of Gallicanism in sixteenth-century France, Jotham Parsons has performed an important service for all historians of the Ancien Regime. He shows how medieval Gallicanism, which was largely predicated upon fiscal independence and which reached its high point with the council of Pisa in 1510, was profoundly changed by the rise of humanist learning and by the conflicting responses of Catholics to the Protestant Reformation. During the Wars of Religion a generation of Gallican jurists developed an ideological complex whose intellectual foundations derived from the new discipline of history. They began to develop the concept of Gallican liberties as a fundamental law in response on the one hand to Protestant schism and on the other hand to the claims of reinvigorated ultramontanism. Traditional scepticism of ecclesiastical jurisdiction among lay jurists was joined by newer currents of thought. Principally, the dominant role ascribed to custom as the basis of social order permitted jurists to develop ‘an ideology allowing them to claim prescriptive authority in maintaining the stability of the state, based on their special relationship to the past and its fundamental legal structure’. History, law and counsel were the intellectual tools at their disposal, the proper exercise of which required disinterestedness—objectivity, justice, devotion to the public good. The ways in which the gens du roi in particular had an exalted sense of themselves as tribunes dedicated to the upholding of justice and the defence of ancient liberties is a familiar story, but Parsons shows how the development of a coherent ideology was consequent upon the crisis of erudite Catholic royalism in the 1580s. The manifesto of this group was Antoine de Loisel's De la puissance Royalle et Sacerdotale, a refutation of the call of the 1579 Assembly of the Clergy for introduction of the Tridentine canons, a reduction of royal influence over the collation of benefices, the redistribution of church income, and a strengthening of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. From this date, publications on Gallican liberties became a distinct genre, and the collapse of the Henrician regime in 1589 necessitated that what had been until then an episodic, reactionary and indefinable political force coalesce into a party. By the turn of the century the institutional structure of erudite Gallicanism in the Parlements had been firmly established and the armature of publication, collection, scholarship and rhetoric that incarnated Gallican ideology thrived in the contentious political and legal arena. Thereafter Gallicanism as a political ideology spread beyond its intellectual milieu as it was taken up by anyone wishing to challenge either the pretensions of individual clergy or the jurisdictional competence of the Church. The rise of Gallicanism also forced the strongly Tridentine French church to develop its own political doctrine, one that transcended custom and history through its foundation on revealed truth, and which countered the Gallican magistrates claim to offer more disinterested council than the First Estate. In the long run, it was the timeless ideals of the clergy that appealed more to the monarchy and by the middle of the reign of Louis XIII the role of Gallicanism as an ideology of opposition, patrolling the limits of absolute monarchy, was already established. Given the immense importance of Gallicanism into the eighteenth century, this study will command a wide readership among those interested in the religious and intellectual history of the Ancien Regime, especially since it complements Alain Tallon's recent important, though more essayistic, treatment of the subject. That said, it is not an easy read and Parsons' undoubted powers of erudition are sometimes compromised by his prolixity. Tighter editorial control would also have reduced the number of errors, some of which, such as the substitution of the first for the third estate on page 259, will leave students baffled. Likewise, though the meaning of the noun ‘republic’, in the sense of commonwealth, is uncontroversial, the word ‘republican’, adjective or noun, is anachronistic and, at the very least, likely to leave all but the most advanced students perplexed. For those who persevere, however, this book will be an important addition to their understanding of the role played by ideas, learning and erudition in shaping Ancien Regime political culture.

Anxiety of Ideology: Resistance to Allegory in the Literary Narration of History

The efforts of the communist regime, following the Revolution of 1956, to channel discussion of the events of the Revolution into a simplistic ideological opposition exerted (and arguably continue to exert) a powerful influence on political discourse in Hungary, in spite of numerous challenges issued against the validity of this opposition by historians and political scientists. It is possible that literature may offer new perspectives from which the terms that have exercised such a constrictive influence on this discourse can be reevaluated. This discussion of works of poetry by French, German, and American poets on the events of 1956 in Hungary examines the ways in which not only these events, but also the terms in which they were cast were perceived and thrown into question by writers living outside Hungary, several of whom also wrote influential essays on politics. Moreover, it considers how literary theory, specifically because it makes language and the creation of meaning the object of its inquiry, provides critical strategies through which the terms of this discourse can be deconstructed and deflated, creating opportunities for new (re)constructions of our understanding of these events.

Ideas, thinkers, and social networks: The process of grievance construction in the anti-genetic engineering movement

Popular commentaries suggest that the movement against genetic engineering in agriculture (anti-GE movement) was born in Europe, rooted in European cultural approaches to food, and sparked by recent food-safety scares such as “mad cow” disease. Yet few realize that the anti-GE movement's origins date back thirty years, that opposition to agricultural biotechnology emerged with the technology itself, and that the movement originated in the United States rather than Europe. We argue here that neither the explosion of the GE food issue in the late 1990s nor the concomitant expansion of the movement can be understood without recognizing the importance of the intellectual work carried out by a “critical community” of activists during the two-decade-long period prior to the 1990s. We show how these early critics forged an oppositional ideology and concrete set of grievances upon which a movement could later be built. Our analysis advances social movement theory by establishing the importance of the intellectual work that activists engage in during the “proto-mobilizational” phase of collective action, and by identifying the cognitive and social processes by which activists develop a critical, analytical framework. Our elaboration of four specific dimensions of idea/ideology formation pushes the literature toward a more complete understanding of the role of ideas and idea-makers in social movements, and suggests a process of grievance construction that is more “organic” than strategic (pace the framing literature).

“The Right Achieved and the Wrong Way Conquered”: J. H. Jackson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Conflict over Civil Rights

AbstractThe infamous conflict between Joseph Harrison Jackson, longtime president of the National Baptist Convention, Inc. (NBC), and Martin Luther King, Jr., has attracted considerable scholarly attention. For nearly a decade, the two Baptist clerics fought for control of the largest African American religious organization in the country as King sought to use it as the “institutional basis for the Civil Rights Movement.” Treated as a simple confrontation between the “radicalism” of King and the”conservatism” of Jackson, however, the conflict has been misinterpreted and, therefore, undervalued by scholars. It was not a struggle between conservative and progressive forces within the NBC, and Jackson and King were not ideological polar opposites. Their conflict was essentially religious in nature and was predicated on questions regarding what constituted church work among black Baptists. In retaining control of the NBC, Jackson wanted to make sure that the answers to those questions would reflect what he perceived to be the “vital center” of American culture. He was convinced that his commitment to “correct” the social ills of society through national and religious unity would achieve that which was right while conquering that which was wrong. Faced also with the challenges of an increasingly global context within which black religious leaders were compelled to operate, Jackson envisioned the NBC as an organization involved with efforts to bring peace and economic parity around the world. In Jackson's view, King's aim to use the NBC as the “institutional basis for the Civil Rights Movement” was both “anti-American” and limited in scope. Jackson's “gradual” stance on civil rights and his confidence in the democratic process to bring about social change reveal one of the many options employed in post -WWII African American religious and political culture.

Catullus, Caesar and Roman Masculine Identity

One of the hallmarks of Latin love poetry is its seemingly oppositional stance toward traditional Roman values. As I and others have recently argued, however, critical approaches that merely focus on a search for oppositional ideology in Roman poetry are not only reductionist but also fail to do justice to the complex literary strategies at work in those texts. As Matthew Santirocco suggests, Augustan literature does not simply reflect a pre-existing ideology but rather participates interactively in its production. It seems to me that mis applies equally well to Catullus. By problematizing the poet's relationship to male public culture, Catullus sets the stage not only for the elegists’ ambivalent stance toward political life, but also for their ambiguous gender identifications.

HIV/AIDS in the transitional countries of eastern Europe and central Asia

In the 1990s, HIV/AIDS became a major threat to health, economic stability and human development in countries in eastern Europe and central Asia. Social, political and economic transition exacerbated the structural conditions that allowed HIV/AIDS to flourish as dramatic changes led to increasing drug injection, economic decline and failing health and healthcare systems. There is a need to address the professional and ideological opposition - even in countries considered to be fully functioning democracies - to evidence-based public health interventions like harm reduction, coupled with treating HIV/AIDS for all those in need, if countries are to provide a more effective response.

The Bonus Army: An American Epic (review)

Reviewed by: The Bonus Army: An American Epic G. Kurt Piehler The Bonus Army: An American Epic. By Paul Dickson and Thomas B. Allen. New York: Walker and Company, 2004. ISBN 0-8027-1440-4. Maps. Photographs. Appendixes. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Pp. 370. $27.00. Drawing on an impressive range of primary and secondary sources, Bonus Army offers a riveting account of the struggle by World War I veterans to secure adjusted compensation—a bonus—from the federal government. Paul Dickson and Thomas Allen are not the first historians to write about the long struggle that began shortly after Armistice Day and continued until the bonus was finally paid in 1936, but they have offered a richly textured narrative that pays particular attention to experiences of the rank and file who participated in the Bonus Expeditionary Force. Dickson and Hart are at their best in describing how the corrosive impact of the Great Depression resulted in thousands of desperate veterans descending on the nation's capital in the summer of 1932 demanding an early payment of their bonuses. Living in abandoned government buildings and open fields in Anacostia Park in Washington, these proud veterans tried to maintain their dignity under trying circumstances. Despite the widely held belief of the Military Intelligence Division, General Douglas MacArthur, and the Hoover administration, more wives and children could be found among the bonus marchers than communists. For scholars, one of the strengths of Bonus Army is the focus on the question of race. Although the nation's capital remained a segregated southern city, the bonus encampments were integrated; moreover, black and white veterans marched together when they paraded on Pennsylvania Avenue or gathered on the Capitol grounds. Dickson and Allen are empathetic to the plight and grievances of the World War I veterans who sought a bonus. They skewer the Hoover administration for its insensitivity toward these veterans and lambast MacArthur for driving them out of Washington, D.C., at the point of a bayonet. They are also critical of the Roosevelt administration's effort to diffuse later bonus marches by sending destitute veterans to CCC camps in Florida where many would be killed tragically by a hurricane in 1935. Dickson and Allen write with sincere passion, but Bonus Army would have been a stronger book if the authors grappled with the question at the heart of the debate over the adjusted compensation: What does the nation owe to returning veterans? Do veterans have a special claim on the federal government? This reviewer wishes the authors had given the opponents of the bonus more of their due, especially given the diverse ideological opposition to it. Four presidents—Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, and Franklin Roosevelt—were against it. Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover opposed it because they envisioned a limited role for the federal government and feared the immense cost to the public treasury. Roosevelt had fewer reservations about an expanded federal role and believed the national government should aid Americans buffeted by the Great Depression. He did not, however, believe healthy veterans, by virtue of their wartime service, should receive special benefits. [End Page 857] Dickson and Allen see the passage of the G.I. Bill of Rights in 1944 as a legacy of the Bonus March. Surprisingly, their account of the passage of this groundbreaking legislation does not draw upon the scholarship of either Davis R. B. Ross or Keith Olson, but relies on the superficial work of Milton Greenberg. In many ways, the Second World War veterans did not have to fight the same battles as their World War I counterparts. But the lingering debate over how to treat returning veterans continued after both Korea and Vietnam. In his forthcoming dissertation focusing on the G.I. Bill of Rights and the Vietnam Veteran, Mark Boulton of the University of Tennessee argues that the 1944 G.I. Bill of Rights did not permanently settle the debate central to the Bonus March. As presidents, both Dwight Eisenhower (an aide to MacArthur during the Bonus March) and later Lyndon B. Johnson sought to place strict limits on veterans' benefits. Like his Republican counterparts of the interwar years, Eisenhower believed in a more limited...

The Quality of Terror

I present a model of the interaction between a government, a terrorist organization, and potential terrorist volunteers in which, as a result of an endogenous choice, individuals with low ability or little education are most likely to volunteer to join the terrorist organization. However, the terrorist organization screens the volunteers for quality. Consequently, the model is consistent with two seemingly contradictory empirical findings. Actual terrorist operatives are not poor or lacking in education. And yet lack of economic opportunity and recessionary economies are positively correlated with terrorism. The model also endogenizes the effect of government counterterrorism on mobilization. Government crackdowns have competing effects on mobilization: they decrease the ability of terrorists to carry out effective attacks (making mobilization less attractive), and they foment ideological opposition to the government and impose negative economic externalities (making mobilization more attractive). This provides conditions under which government crackdowns increase or decrease mobilization.

The Quality of Terror

I present a model of the interaction between a government, a terrorist organization, and potential terrorist volunteers in which, as a result of an endogenous choice, individuals with low ability or little education are most likely to volunteer to join the terrorist organization. However, the terrorist organization screens the volunteers for quality. Consequently, the model is consistent with two seemingly contradictory empirical findings. Actual terrorist operatives are not poor or lacking in education. And yet lack of economic opportunity and recessionary economies are positively correlated with terrorism. The model also endogenizes the effect of government counterterrorism on mobilization. Government crackdowns have competing effects on mobilization: they decrease the ability of terrorists to carry out effective attacks (making mobilization less attractive), and they foment ideological opposition to the government and impose negative economic externalities (making mobilization more attractive). This provides conditions under which government crackdowns increase or decrease mobilization.

Reelpolitik: Political Ideologies in '30s and '40s Films, and: Reelpolitik II: Political Ideologies in '50s and '60s Films (review)

Beverly Merrill Kelly. Reelpolitik: Political Ideologies in '30s and '40s Films. Praeger, 1998. 194 pages; $22.95. Reelpolitik II: Political Ideologies in '50s and '60s Films. Rowman & Littlefield, 2004. 284 pages; $27.95. Author Beverly Merrill Kelly, professor of communication studies and "novice" film scholar has produced two in her planned three volume series examining "reelpolitik's" or "political ideologies" found in selected popular Hollywood films. Ms. Kelly provides film scholars and their students with an articulate engaging writing style coupled with an expertly crafted, thoroughly researched analysis, examining films chosen for their presumed political ideologies. Volume one examines films from the 1930's and 1940's while its companion volume discusses films produced during the 1950's and 1960's. The author's much anticipated volume three focuses on political films produced during the 1970's and 1980's. Readily available on videotape, popular DVD formats and showcased on premier cable outlets such as American Movie Classics and Turner Classic Films, the current Reelpolitik series provides an excellent resource for scholars and students interested in political/ideological films. According to the author, the first two volumes, and including volume three, differ in their narrative discourse and film analysis but all will share a common theme crafted as textbooks for use by government, history, political science, and film scholars. The impetus behind the series lay in a film symposium organized by the author and her fellow colleagues at California Lutheran University that encouraged their students to examine the "reel" political/historical ideologies portrayed in 30's and 40's films. Amid student objections about viewing films in "black and white?" and "who are these actors?" the author determined that this "oppositional discourse" provided a perfect opportunity for analyzing the "reelpolitiks" found in Hollywood films. Ms. Kelley, and fellow contributors, chose eight films for Reelpolitik I that portray oppositional political ideologies to capitalism such as populism, fascism, communism, and military interventionism during a time when Americans were stunned by the Great Depression and wary of "foreign entanglements." Included are the films Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939), The Magnificent Ambersons (1948), Gabriel over the White House (1933), Citizen Kane (1941), Casablanca (1942), All Quiet on the Western Front (1930), Our Daily Bread (1934), and The Fountainhead (1939). In an interesting counter analysis each film is also examined for "contrast[ing] ideologies" (pg. 3). This includes elitism, antifascism, anticommunism, and isolationism. …

Pictorialism in Spanish Photography: ‘Forgotten’ Pioneers

This article examines the work of Pictorialist photographers in Spain, making particular reference to the photographs of Jose Ortiz-Echagiie, the Count of Ventosa, Santa María del Villa and Antonio Cánovas del Castillo (known as Kaulak). These photographers have been largely ignored, in part because of a restricted view among historians regarding the nature of photography, and in part because of ideological opposition to the style engendered by the perception that it was associated with dictatorship of General Franco. These political and aesthetic prejudices have until now prevented a proper understanding of this exceptional body of work in the history of Spanish photography. Pictorialism in fact represented the avant-garde in Spain, and the fact that it was so widely accepted for so long should be recognized as a sign of its validity and vigour.

Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X: A Common Solution

Years after the deaths of Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X the two men still remain fixed images in the American con sciousness: Martin Luther King, Jr., an advocate of nonvio lence, delivering his I Have a Dream speech from the steps ofthe Lincoln Memorial, and Malcolm X, the black nationalist, encouraging African Americans to fight racial oppression any means neces sary. Were these two men really ideological opposites? Did they share any common ground? Were their thoughts about each other and the struggle for African American liberation changing in the years leading up to their assassinations? Is it possible that the two leaders may have converged, if not for their untimely deaths? While many students are familiar with Martin Luther King, Jr., the civil rights leader, most are totally unfamiliar with his call to bring an end to the Vietnam War or his efforts to bring about economic justice. Students' knowledge of Malcolm X is even more limited; few, if any, know of X's efforts to correspond with King or ofthe dramatic shift in his racial attitudes that followed his trip to Mecca. The primary goal of this lesson is to challenge students' precon ceived notions about Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcolm X and the roles they played in the African American struggle for freedom. While there is certainly much to be learned by examining the different philosophies and tactics of each leader, these two men, who combined their religious leadership with political action, have much more to teach us as we explore how their visions for racial justice developed into a call for social and economic equality and human rights.

Rent Control in the New Lochner Era

CONTENTS I. Introduction II. Recent Developments III. The Takings Clause A. Fifth Amendment 1. Background Principles 2. Fractional Property B. Possessory Takings 1. General Rule 2. Rent Control C. Regulatory Takings 1. Economic Impact 2. Substantially Advancing Prong D. Unconstitutional Conditions 1. Discretionary Benefits and Relinquished Rights 2. Exactions 3. Individual Adjudicative Discretionary Actions E. Temporary vs Permanent Takings 1. Doctrinal Origins 2. Regulatory Delay IV. Due Process Clause A. The Theory of 1. Modern Standard for Confiscation 2. Particular Problems in Confiscation B. Preference for Takings Analysis V. Conclusion I. INTRODUCTION Housing is one of the necessities of life. (1) It also comprises a large share of most Americans' disposable income. Unlike other consumables, competition in supply and demand does not result in effective market restrictions on price. First, there is a limited supply of housing. The limit is both natural (there is a finite amount of land) and artificial (zoning restrictions limit housing supply). Second, consumers of rental housing do not have the same market power as do consumers of other goods. This is principally because substituting one product or brand for another, say at lease renewal time, exacts a high transaction cost--the considerable expense and inconvenience of relocating. Since rental housing is not fungible, each landlord is a demi-monopolist. (2) This is not meant as a pejorative, only to describe the owner's market power. The absence of a free market in rental housing (at least in an idealized sense) often leads to exploitation by housing providers. This is especially true in times of economic stress, when the nation's resources are devoted to more pressing needs (e.g., wartime), or during periods of high inflation and real estate speculation. It is during these times that government policy makers often consider restrictions on rent increases and other forms of tenant protection. (3) Of course, there are other means to overcome market inefficiencies in housing. Tax and cash subsidies can encourage housing production or assist with rent payments. Zoning incentives can do likewise. But federal and state governments are not as concerned with housing as they once were; the issue is currently perceived as one of local concern. As a result, municipalities are left holding the bag, so to speak, with a dwindling arsenal of regulatory means available to them in addressing housing shortages. Rent control is one of those still-remaining means. Rent controls were first enacted in the United States during World War I. Since then, the Supreme Court has considered the constitutionality of rent control at least a dozen times, upholding the challenged law on every occasion save one. (4) It is somewhat remarkable that even during periods of extraordinary judicial protection of property rights, rent control laws have nonetheless survived. This was true in the Lochner era, (5) as well as during the modern resurgence of property rights activism, at least at the Supreme Court. Despite long-standing judicial acceptance of rent regulation, the attack on rent control has been unrelenting. For some reason, rent control triggers greater emotional and ideological opposition than do most other forms of economic regulation. Virtually every constitutional theory has been tried. Most challenges are based on the takings and due process clauses, but the contracts clause (6) and even the first (7) and thirteenth amendments (8) and equal protection (9) have made their way into the opinions. Creative statutory claims have also been mounted, such as the argument that rent control is an illegal form of price fixing. …

La position sociale des dèmiourgoi et leur intégration dans la politeia au VIe siècle

Miriam Valdés Guía, The social Position of the Attic dèmiourgoi and their Integration in the politeia in the VIth Century ВС, DHA 31/1, 2005, 9-24. Abstract: The social position of the Greek dèmiourgoi in archaic and classical times has been disputed in modern authors, mainly their integration/exclusion in the citizenship, their image and the considerations about manuel labour. It is necessary to distinguish, given the complexity reality, between different periods and, even, between artisans. It is possible to differenciate between two opposite ideologies on this subject in the archaic and classical polis. Nevertheless, in the VIth Century ВС, with the integration in the citizenship of dèmiourgoi and /or of thetes, one can more consideration towards the artisan work or, at least, the promotion of artisans and their integration in the centre of the myth of autochthony, through Hephaestus, Athena Ergane and the Chnlkein (linked with the Panathenaia).

Vernacular Religions and the Invention of Identities Behind the Finno-Ugric Wall

In the following I discuss vernacular religion as a tool for conesting and manifesting identities in Estonia. The stud takes a look at an overwhelming impact of the Soviet system of state atheism combined with constraining sociopolitical norms and oppression of cultural individuality on the religious ideology that emerged in the modern, secularised Estonian society under the Soviet rule. In such a context vernacular forms of religiosity were perceived and practised in Estonia with obvious political connotations. Afther regaining idependence on August 20, 1991 this ideology of opposition had not ceased, but carried on up to the present-day. This analysis of interdisciplinary approach will focus on the historical overview of the emergence of particular religious movements, though the main emphasis will be placed on developments in the 1990s. The given examination draws mostly on published material and documented manifestations available in print, as well as on ethnographic observation of social interaction, although no individual or detailed interviews were carried out by the author. The aim of this contribution is therefore a general mapping of a particular situation under the circumstances of the most turbulent transitional phase in recent Estonian history, while focusing on the social visibility of those religious identities and the image projected to the general public.

A Beira Town in Protest: Memory, Populism and Democracy

At a time when representative democracy and traditional systems of representation are in crisis, the history and activities of a local Portuguese social movement are analyzed. This movement, based on an ideology of radical egalitarianism and opposition to the hegemonic powers, produced alternative political sociabilities, giving voice and right to the citizenship of the different groups in the locality. Special emphasis is also given to the role of the emotions and of violence in the definition of the personal and collective identities of the participants in the movement. An important issue is the active participation of women, which raises tensions between an emancipatory political practice and the reinforcement of a patriarchal dynamic in the household.

The Escape of the "Sea": Ideology and The Awakening

Nineteenth-century feminist discourse was an oppositional ideology, resistance to obstacles to female fulfillment. The hegemonic institutions of nineteenth-century society required women to be objects in marriage and in motherhood, existing as vessels of maternity and sexuality, with little opportunity for individuality. As critic Margit Stange asserts, self-ownership was central to project of nineteenth-century feminism (506). Self-ownership connoted woman's right to have possession of own fully realized human identity. Inherent in this concept was not only sexual freedom and other aspects of personhood, but also a sense of place in community and universe at large, through love, connection, maternity, and other aspects of fulfillment (Toth 242). Kate Chopin's The Awakening is, as Chopin biographer Emily Toth posits, a case study of nineteenth-century feminism (242). Indeed, Edna Pontellier's first consciousness of awakening is described in terms that echo nineteenth-century feminist concept of female identity: Mrs. Pontellier was beginning to realize position in universe as human being, and to recognize relations as an individual to world within and about her (Chopin 57). Her awakening makes visible position in patriarchal society and gives desire to seek alternative roles. The female roles portrayed in The Awakening are rooted in an ideological system. Louis Althusser's Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses provides an ideological framework for female roles and experiences portrayed in novel. This framework also implicates ideological system of nineteenth-century society as ultimate culprit in Edna's fate. According to Althusser, mechanism of hegemony is interpellation, recognition and adoption of an ideology and its practices (299). Edna's awakening allows to resist various interpellations of dominant patriarchal ideology and experiment with both alternative and oppositional roles. Her new consciousness makes ill-suited for limited female roles, those of hegemonic ideal and those opposed to this ideal, offered by nineteenth-century society. Edna experiments with two roles in particular, embodied by central female characters in novel, Adele Ratignolle and Mademoiselle Reisz. In addition, Edna also experiments with an oppositional role that, significantly, is not embodied by any female character in novel, role in she is both freely sexual and autonomous. Because of strong interpellation as mother, role dictated for married women by hegemonic ideology in society, she finds that she cannot exist in an alternative or oppositional female role. However, because of awakening to herself as an individual, she cannot exist in female roles sanctioned by patriarchal ideology. Her only escape from this ideology is death, and hence, Edna commits suicide at site of awakening, the sea (Chopin 57). Edna takes drastic action to elude ideological system into she is born. She is repressed by cultural forces that she does not understand and cannot articulate. Althusser's theory provides clear language, as well as systematic mechanism, to account for ubiquitous presence of nineteenth-century cultural force and its perpetuation of hegemonic ideology. Althusser's cultural theory explains structure and function of ideology, his central thesis stemming from Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony. In cultural theory, term describes dynamic by which dominant class wins willing consent of subordinate class to system that ensures their subordination (Fiske 310). Consent is not static, but must be won and rewon (Fiske 310). Althusserian theory accounts for manner in ruling, or hegemonic, discourses and institutions perpetuate necessary consent for their dominance. Ideology, powerful force behind dominance of hegemonic institutions, is defined by Althusser as an imaginary relation to real relations of existence (299). …

Remodeling the Competition for Capital: How Domestic Politics Erases the Race to the Bottom

This paper proposes and tests a new formal model of the competition for capital, using the analogy of a “tournament” as a substitute for the ”race-to-the-bottom” model. Our key insight is that political costs that accompany legislating have both direct and indirect effects on the likelihood and scale of reforms. While countries with higher political costs are less likely themselves to enact reforms, the presence of these costs also reduces competing countries' incentives to reform regardless of their own political costs. Domestic politics therefore mitigates the pressures for downward convergence of tax policy despite increased capital mobility. We examine the capital tax policies in OECD countries during the period from 1980 to 1997 and find that states are sensitive to tax reforms in competitor countries, although their responses to reforms are mediated by their own domestic costs to reform. We define two potential sources of political costs of reform: transaction costs, due to the presence of multiple veto players in the legislative process, and constituency costs, due to ideological opposition to policy changes that benefit capital. Our evidence reveals that a reduction in these costs either domestically or abroad increases the likelihood that a country enacts tax reforms.

Discourse and Ideology in Nabokov’s Prose ed. by David H. J. Larmour (review)

560 Reviews Discourse and Ideology in Nabokov's Prose. Ed. by David H. J.Larmour. (Studies in Russian and European Literature, 8). London and New York: Routledge. 2002. ix+176 pp. $80. ISBN 0-415-28658-1. One of the best-known phrases by Nabokov, often reproduced in works about the author, is the intention of the protagonist of Nabokov's last Russian novel, The Gift, to write as ifon the brink of parody. Critics often tend to use this phrase to preface a discussion of Nabokov's own use of parody and puns. It is, however, predominantly the author as parodying, and inevitably controlling, that emerges, and much less at? tention is given to parodying Nabokov himself, i.e. using his own terms to destabilize the interpretation he wishes the reader to adopt. Nabokov is usually admired forhis trickstercommand rather than derided forit. Yet trickstercommand occupies a whole spectrum ranging from amusement to danger, and it is this spectrum that is addressed in this new collection of articles on Nabokov's writings. The introduction by David H. J. Larmour delineates the direction ofthe volume, and at the same time exposes the tension inherent in it. Larmour explains that at the hub of the book is the view that 'ideology is a web of discursive effects in the real world of the reader's lived experience' (p. 1). Such a statement assumes that reading is to be located outside the lived experience and, moreover, outside reality.The reality of reading is exiled to the margins of the reader's experience, yet the very fact that reading and text are emphasized throughout the volume assumes a preoccupation with a mental construct not less real than the extra-literary phenomenal world sur? rounding it. The attempt to encamp 'the discursive utterances and practices in and around' the text (p. 3, my emphasis) is initially marked as paradoxical when the tech? nique favoured is that of textual analysis, yet the reader is called upon to concentrate on the extra-textual. The emphasis on Nabokov's writing being anything other than ideologically naive is fully justified. Both in his fictional and non-fictional writings Nabokov has made his political and social views clear, and the volume's stress on the fact that such tendentiousness is of the same kind as other engaged forms of writing?socialist, metaphysical, queer?against which Nabokov had much to say is an important declaration. However, such a correction in the perception of Nabokov's views does not necessarily entail an ideological view of all of the aspects of his fictional writing. It is important to strike a balance between being awe-struck and dazzled by Nabokov's manipulative command so as to ignore logical and moral contradictions in his writing, and equating Nabokov's literary ceuvre with a political agenda. I would like to stress thatthe volume makes forfascinating reading, and mypolemics with it should, in fact, accentuate this. While not agreeing with quite a number of points made in the various chapters, I enjoyed reading and pondering upon them. The centrepiece of the volume is a pair of articles containing juxtaposed readings of Lolita, in which the tension I discuss here is apparent in its more glaring and exciting form. Elizabeth Pantoe accuses Lolita of being a text that, especially in the context of the classroom, constitutes an attack on victims of child molestation. Tony Moore claims that in spite of Humbert's attempt to control the narrative, he is not able to do so as the novel gives full narrative voice to Dolores. Both views are dramatically challenging and brilliantly argued. Other chapters emphasize the extra-literary ideo? logical context of Nabokov's writing: Galya Diment looks at the relationship between Nabokov and Wilson; Paul Ellen Miller studies classical dichotomies in the percep? tion of culture and gender and the way they are illustrated in Pale Fire; and D. Barton Johnson and Suellen Stringer-Hye portray the influence of Nabokov's writing on popular culture, especially in the US. The remaining chapters give prominence to a textual reading: Brian D. Walter looks at the duality of ideological opposition in Bend Sinister, Galina Rylkova delineates trances of Kuzmin...

Feminism and Women's Health Professions in Ontario

ABSTRACT Historically, prevailing gender ideologies were an important element in both the exclusionary strategies employed by male occupational groups and the countervailing responses by female groups. The way in which evolving gender ideologies, and feminism in particular, influence the continuing struggle for greater status and recognition by female professions, however, remains to be fully explored. In this paper, we examine the impact and the role of feminism and feminist ideologies within three female professional projects: nursing, dental hygiene and midwifery in Ontario. We argue that feminism provides an ideology of opposition that enables leaders in these professions to battle against professional inequalities by laying bare the gender inequalities that underlie them. Framing their struggles in feminist terms, female professions also seek recognition for the uniquely female contribution they make to the health care division of labour. At the same time, there exists a tension between ideals of feminism and ideals of professionalism, that has the potential to undermine female professional projects.