Ideological Neutrality Research Articles

The Ethics of Teaching Business Ethics

This paper takes the form of a reflective dialogue between three teachers of business ethics working in different continents. Originating as a conference debate, it takes as its theme the notion of ideological neutrality and the role of the business ethics teacher. A position statement outlines an argument for restraint as a modern day Aristotleian mean to protect student academic freedom. Two responses follow. The first of these provides a moderate advocacy position based on Socratic principles. The second response outlines the notion of teaching as a relational process necessitating delayed disclosure and moral courage on the part of the teacher. The paper concludes with a brief reflection by the author of the position statement.

The role of formal and informal theory in the training of student teachers

In the mid‐1990s, primary teacher education is searching for an accepted theoretical underpinning of its activity and rubric for the preparation of the next generation of teachers. This paper cites four such theoretical foundations. The first three arise from formal theory and political considerations and are labelled ideological neutrality, modern progressivism and a fusion between symbolic interactionism and social constructivism. The fourth however represents a paradigm shift. This model seeks to validate informal theory generated during the practical teaching experiences of serving teachers and in particular the interaction between student teachers and teacher mentors. It proposes an adaptation of Rowland's (1987) model of teacher‐pupil interaction to the context of student teacher professional development.

Representing Nationality in This Land is Mine

In its very title, This Land is Mine (Renoir, 1943) registers both the historical crises the film seeks to represent and the representational crises this history engenders. Like those of other war-time Hollywood melodramas that deal with European fascism-The Moon is Down (Pichel, 1943), for instance, or Hangmen Also Die (Lang, 1943)-Renoir's title produces by way of its earnest sententiousness, its pared-down declarative grammar, a forceful rhetorical gesture of reclamation. Yet the title's blunt assertion of ownership necessarily recalls the interrogative challenge to which it responds: Whose land is it? In answer to this otherwise unasked question, in fact, the title may be understood as asserting either reclamation or usurpation, signifying either the triumphal liberation the film's rhetoric heralds or, alternatively, the fascist occupation of a small European town that its narrative chronicles. In spite of the title's first-person form and the sense of immediacy it implies, the sentence is spoken by no character in the film itself, but appears as the patriotic slogan at the head of a leaflet distributed by underground resisters of the occupation. At a crucial moment in the narrative, the meekly apolitical schoolmaster Albert Lory (Charles Laughton) pockets the leaflet instead of discarding it, leading to his subsequent arrest. The Nazi officers who discover the leaflet on his person understand the slogan as evidence of Lory's guilt, but since the audience has witnessed Lory's repeated failures to resist the occupation, his arrest invests the title with a third potential level of significance, designating a third position possible in relation to the titular assertion of ownership, that of ideological neutrality. One of the lessons

Prisoners of Foreign Policy: An Argument for Ideological Neutrality in Asylum

Prisoners of Foreign Policy: An Argument for Ideological Neutrality in Asylum

New Political Values for a World in Crisis

The world is in a state of crisis which endangers its future. This statement is the starting point for the thinking and action of the Club of Rome. The latter feels, in fact, that humanity is faced with a series of problems which are worldwide and which require immediate action. The extraordinary development of science and technology together with exponential and anarchic growth are at the basis of these complex, interdependent, and universal problems which face us and which could threaten the very survival of the species. The Club of Rome draws our attention to these problems in the search for common remedial action. They suggest various approaches-a state of equilibrium, organic growth, a new international order "world solidarity revolution," a new humanism-always claiming to transcend all ideological commitments. This article attempts to examine the political options which the Club of Rome puts forward through these various approaches that all have the same goal, the survival of humanity. It challenges the claim of ideological neutrality showing that these political options are based on very precise ideological positions that are not at all new.

Paul VI et la paix Analyse de sept discours pontificaux

Starting from the statement that the great religions support the idea that peace is intimately linked to their vision of the universe, the author analyzes seven recent speeches of Pope Paul VI on this subject. He successively examines the following questions : 1) to whom is the Pope addressing himself and what does he say to each of his addrcssees ? 2) what is the ideological content of the pontifical messages ? The conclusions show that the Pope's speeches are situated on the abstract level of a pure announcement of peace and of an individual ethical exhorta tion. The social problems considered are those which have already been recognized by the institutionalized social author ities. Thus the ideological neutrality of the Pope is relatively limited.

The Komsomol and the Hitler Jugend

HE SOVIET order cannot tolerate the of the young in | the spirit of indifference to Soviet politics, in the spirit of a devil1 may-care attitude and ideological neutrality. 1 There can be only one German Youth movement because there is only one of youth . . . This new Reich will give its youth to no one but will itself take youth and give to youth its own and its own upbringing. 2 These clear and authoritative statements emphasize the place given to ( education 3 of a very special kind) as an instrument of social control in dictatorship countries. To illustrate this, by comparing the handbooks of the Soviet youth movement and of the Hitler Youth, ss the purpose of this article. To do so is, of course, neither to deny that and upbringing has this controlling role in other countries, nor to ignore those senses in which all taking place in a society has a political aspect. In our own democratic society, for example, the transmission of value-systems from teachers to pupils produces in some Stateaided schools a variety of tensions and pedagogic difficulties; and these tensions are clearly related to the socio-political divisions inherited, or created, by the modern democratic State. Nor can aspects be totally absent in analysing those ultimate issues upon which Sir Walter Moberly has urged our Universities to adopt a ' positive ' and not ' negative ' neutrality.4 These considerations do not, however, narrow the important gaps between democratic and dictatorship countries. In the former free enterpnse 2' in is a solid (and, indeed, highly profitable) 6 reality; moral pioneers and educational heretics do emerge; youth movements abound, spend their slender budgets and operate at various levels of responsibility. The educational institutions are no more ideology-free than the society in which they are embedded; but the values which permeate and influence them (and

Ideological Neutrality

Ideological Neutrality