Ideological Antecedents Research Articles

The Evolution of Legal Assistance

The article reveals the evolution of the legal foundations of legal support in the countries that gained independence in the post-Soviet era, as well as its socio-political and ideological antecedents based onthe example of Armenia. Particularly, it is shown, that in the Soviet state legal system, the positions regarding the advocacy, at least as a part of the state structure, have not been completely overcomed, but are accompanied by new excuses. On the other hand, we discussed the problem that formation of an advocacy called to guarantee the right to a fair trial is obstacled by the so-called «state mentality». In particular, an advocade is perceived as a litigant who defends criminals by all means, therefore a state is not obliged to «excessively» cover the needs of free legal support. The article thoroughly discusses the prerequisites for the evolution of legal assistance/legal support, especially the factor of legal culture, clear positions are expressed relating the issues arising from the scientific and practical dimension, and for overcoming the existing problems, and a number of legislative recommendations are offered, reference was made in a form of predictions.

Uncompromising Zionism in North Africa

ABSTRACT In July 1950, Moroccan Rabbi Yahya Ben Harosh wrote a letter to his students chastising those exposed to ultraOrthodox anti-Zionist influences for disparaging and denigrating Zionist leaders and the founders of the State of Israel. This article discusses the historical background to the letter, including the ideological foundation of the rabbi’s vigorous protest: from his position regarding the messianic concept to the religious affirmation of Zionism as a national-liberation movement. As such, Ben Harosh’s stimulating letter is not an isolated episode but a reflection of the longstanding religious and ideological antecedents of Zionism, dating back to the 16th century, which contained the main elements of the would-be Zionist endeavour. So much so that it is arguable that the 16th century set in motion a fundamental process worthy of being the departure point of Zionist historiography.

Christian nationalism, perceived anti‐Christian discrimination, and prioritising “religious freedom” in the 2020 presidential election

AbstractFor decades now and particularly during the 2020 presidential campaign, American conservatives have stressed the need to protect “religious freedom.” Building on research documenting a connection between Trump‐support, a desire to privilege conservative Christianity, and perceptions that conservative Christianity is persecuted due to its anti‐LGT (lesbian, gay, or transgender) views, we theorise such factors were the ideological driving force behind prioritising “religious freedom” in the 2020 presidential election. Drawing on national survey data from just after the November election, we find Christian nationalism and perceptions of anti‐Christian discrimination are strong predictors that (1) Americans feel “religious freedom” was an important factor influencing their vote and (2) that they ranked it the single greatest factor influencing their vote. In contrast, the perception that LGT persons are not discriminated against also predicts viewing religious freedom as important, as does a perception of anti‐Semitism, but never perceptions of anti‐atheist or anti‐Muslim discrimination. Findings suggest conservative Christian supremacism, fear of (Judeo‐)Christian persecution and belief that LGT persons are privileged are ideological antecedents of votes for “religious freedom.”

Authoritarian Neoliberalism: Its Ideological Antecedents and Policy Manifestations from Carl Schmitt’s Political Economy of Governance

The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a crisis response of the capitalist class to manage the conflict-ridden consequences of economic globalization; and, as an ideological project of a section of the ruling elites to justify the embedding of market-oriented development processes in a politically repressive government institution. To contribute to recent scholarship attempts at defining the character and tendencies of this emergent regime, the article traces one of its key ideological antecedents from Carl Schmitt’s earlier formulation for a “strong state, free economy”. It then presents a survey of how this concept articulating the compatibility of authoritarianism and capitalism has manifested in related theories and actual policies since the long twentieth century – notably in: German ordoliberalism, Thatcherism and Reaganomics, the Kirkpatrick Doctrine and Political Development Theory, the Asian Values discourse, and the Effective State and Good Governance agendas. The governing authority in this regime can be called an authoritarian-neoliberal state.

Not All Skepticism Is Equal: Exploring the Ideological Antecedents of Science Acceptance and Rejection.

Many topics that scientists investigate speak to people’s ideological worldviews. We report three studies—including an analysis of large-scale survey data—in which we systematically investigate the ideological antecedents of general faith in science and willingness to support science, as well as of science skepticism of climate change, vaccination, and genetic modification (GM). The main predictors are religiosity and political orientation, morality, and science understanding. Overall, science understanding is associated with vaccine and GM food acceptance, but not climate change acceptance. Importantly, different ideological predictors are related to the acceptance of different scientific findings. Political conservatism best predicts climate change skepticism. Religiosity, alongside moral purity concerns, best predicts vaccination skepticism. GM food skepticism is not fueled by religious or political ideology. Finally, religious conservatives consistently display a low faith in science and an unwillingness to support science. Thus, science acceptance and rejection have different ideological roots, depending on the topic of investigation.

The Ideological Antecedents of the First-Series Renminbi Worker-and-Peasant Banknote or What Mao Tse-tung May Have Owed to Dziga Vertov

This paper traces the history of an iconic Socialist Realist image — that of the worker, peasant, soldier, or leader viewed from below whilst gazing heroically into the symbolic dawn of a Socialist future — from its origins in mid-1920s Soviet Russia through its use on three banknotes in Communist China’s first renminbi series of 1949 to its effective dissolution in the iconography of Deng-era currency. It argues that this iconic type — familiar not only from Stalinist but also from Italian Fascist and German National Socialist imagery — arose initially as a consequence of the legitimation crisis provoked in the USSR by Lenin’s death in January 1924, and that it may have originated in cinema before spreading from there to photography and poster art. An examination especially of the film work of Dziga Vertov shows that the icon encodes in its visual syntax techniques of political, technological, and media pedagogy meant both to form the “new Soviet man” and to orient populations within a chain of symbolic identifications supporting the charismatic authority of their leaders. It is suggested that Mao’s documented decision to use this image on renminbi instead of his own otherwise ubiquitous portrait reflects a perception of the propagandistic value of this visual syntax, and that both Mao’s posthumous reappearance on Chinese currency and the icon’s transformation on fourth-series renminbi from class pairs gazing upward to ethnic pairs gazing laterally reflects, among other things, the Deng-era shift from a hieratic semantics of charismatic legitimation to a more sober strategy of legitimation by political and economic rationalization.

From Toussaint to Tupac: the black international since the age of revolution

This title reclaims a cross-national, radical black consciousness. Transcending geographic and cultural lines, From Toussaint to Tupac is an ambitious collection of essays exploring black internationalism and its implications for a black consciousness. At its core, black internationalism is a struggle against oppression, whether manifested in slavery, colonialism, or racism. The ten essays in this volume offer a comprehensive overview of the global movements that define black internationalism, from its origins in the colonial period to the present. From Toussaint to Tupac' focuses on three moments in global black history: the American and Haitian revolutions, the Garvey movement and the Communist International following World War I, and the Black Power movement of the late twentieth century. Contributors demonstrate how black internationalism emerged and influenced events in particular localities, how participants in the various struggles communicated across natural and man-made boundaries, and how the black international aided resistance on the local level, creating a collective consciousness. In sharp contrast to studies that confine Black Power to particular national locales, this volume demonstrates the global reach and resonance of the movement. The volume concludes with a discussion of hip hop, including its cultural and ideological antecedents in Black Power.

Mark's Empty Tomb and Other Translation Fables in Classical Antiquity

Struggling under the weight of contemporary, socioreligious demands, prevailing scholarship regarding Mark's enigmatic ending may prove nothing short of delusional. Several factors, in my view, conspire, prohibiting a clear understanding of how such a text would have likely performed in the ancient Mediterranean world. First, scholars tend to subsume Mark under a Judaic literary domain, thus seeking its primary semiotic indices and cultural conventions within early Jewish literature. There appears, however, to be little basis for this appetence, except a rather non-scholarly insistence on a pristine, non-pagan well from which the academy ought to draw nearly all cultural, literary, and ideological antecedents. Such aversion combines with what one may best describe as a fundamental misapprehension of the processes and principles governing Hellenistic literary production; that is, a given story, when juxtaposed with the array of analogous Mediterranean fabulae, must either match uniformly or the classification be summarily dismissed as nonapplicable. This not only comes as a false choice but betrays a gross misconception regarding the phenomena of syncretic adaptation in the Hellenistic Orient. Third, and perhaps most obstructive, the persistent sacred nature of the narrative, for many in a field overgrown with faith-based scholarship, has typically confused subject and object, yielding a paucity of effective historical, literary- critical treatments.1 With special attention to the second of these formidable obstacles, that is, pertaining to the composition of Levantine Greek literature in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, some measure of reappraisal may be in order. Though variously reconstituted, Hellenic convention invariably governed the Greek literary domain from the Hellenistic period through the Second Sophistic and late antiquity, not merely in early Christian instances. One indeed errs to consider Hellenism in the ancient Greek East a matter of mere influence, as though passively achieved through indirection and diffusion. The writer of Greek literature in the Hellenistic and Roman periods creatively and consciously applied a variegated pastiche of Hellenic conventions and cultural codes, often drawn from the Greek classical canon.2 Read as part of this broader cultural-literary domain, Mark applies indigenous cultural coloring, while artfully adapting his work, weaving it with Near Eastern motifs and nimble mimetic transvaluations; or, at other moments, Mark has with ingenuous superficiality assigned Palestinian nomenclature and cultural flourish (as though foreign decals placed upon a model).3 Such Judeo-Oriental dress thinly draped over the marble of another modulates the directing interpretive signals of the text, that is, a signification by abstraction and association.4 Any item, then, from the array of Romano-Greek literary works (i.e., Greek literature composed during the Roman period), by means of generic reconstitution, conventional variation, and superficial regional attire necessarily varies from its Hellenic predecessors and disparate Hellenistic contemporaries, while wholly relying on and varying on the established Mediterranean cultural codes and semiotic conventional inventory, the then current semiotic grammar of Mediterranean cultural history.5 One ought first to read the Gospel of Mark within this broader systemic literary context and not another. Mutatis mutandis, what likely process of signification would have directed the earliest readings of Mark's concluding episode? Mark 16:1-8 foregrounds not an evincing, postmortem appearance of a risen Jesus but a cenotaph with a body. This ending has seemed so strangely unsatisfying and unresolved that many scholars have supposed a ending for the narrative, lost early in the process of textual transmission.6 Given, however, the implications of the topos of the missing body in classical and late ancient Mediterranean literature, this supposition appears all too hasty. …

Early Modern Communism: The Diggers and Community of Goods

Early Modern CommunismThe Diggers and Community of Goods Ariel Hessayon Freedom is the man that will turn the world upside downe, therefore no wonder he hath enemies. —Gerrard Winstanley, A Watch-Word to the City of London and the Armie (1649), preface I. Positioning the Diggers within a Communist Tradition Since their rediscovery in the nineteenth century—first by Liberal, Socialist, and Marxist historians and then by Protestant nonconformists—the English Diggers of 1649–50 have been successively appropriated; their image refashioned in the service of new political doctrines that have sought legitimacy partly through emphasizing supposed ideological antecedents. In a previous article I demonstrated that recent attempts to incorporate the Diggers within a constructed Green heritage are unconvincing and that at worst these emerging “Green narratives” are insensitive to historical context.1 Similarly, here I want to show how, either through lack of understanding the finer points of Protestant theology or deliberate distortion, most explanations of the Diggers’ implementation of the doctrine of community of goods have been misleading. [End Page 1] Although the term “Communism” is anachronistic in an early modern context—the Chartist Goodwyn Barmby apparently coined it in 1840—Friedrich Engels nonetheless used it in his study of The Peasant War in Germany (summer 1850). Engels, at that time a journalist and political activist with republican sympathies, linked the revolutionary struggle of the German people in 1848 with the defeated uprising of their forebears.2 Moreover, since the 1890s a number of scholars writing in the wake of the emergence of British socialism and burgeoning trade union movement have used the word to describe an ideology that burst forth during the English Revolution. This recurring fascination with the antecedents of communism and concomitant positioning of the Diggers with a constructed if multifaceted communist tradition stretching continuously from the German Peasants’ War to the Russian Revolution—Gerrard Winstanley’s name appears eighth on a list of 19 European radicals commemorated on a twentieth-century obelisk known as the “Column of Revolution” erected in Alexander Garden, Moscow3—has, however, largely obscured an important theological aspect of the discussion. For although the Diggers’ radical activities are best understood as a practical response to the ravages of the English Civil Wars, widespread poverty, desperate food shortages, economic decay, and outbreaks of plague, their adoption of community of goods was based on a proscribed reading of a biblical text: And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart and of one soul: neither said any of them that ought of the things which he possessed was his own; but they had all things common. (Acts 4:32) Communal ownership of property and belongings had been a characteristic feature not only of several ancient Christian heresies but also of certain Protestant sects, all of whom envisaged themselves as communities imitating apostolic practice. Probably influenced by Baptist precedents,4 and perhaps aware of the examples of a handful of separatist congregations and even some teachings espoused by members of the Family of Love (a heretical sect founded in the mid-sixteenth century), Winstanley, who like his fellow Digger William Everard had been a believer in adult baptism, envisaged his little group as both a spiritual and temporal community of love and righteousness, members of Christ’s mystical body living in the last days before the destruction of Babylon and coming of the Lord, the King of Righteousness, who would [End Page 2] remove the curse placed upon the Creation and make the earth a common treasury. Indeed, although the Diggers welcomed newcomers who would willingly submit to their communal precepts, Winstanley thought that only those who had undergone an illuminating spiritual transformation could willingly dispense with their possessions and have all things common. Yet Winstanley was also careful to stress that his notion of community did not extend to sharing women; a stigma that had attached itself to the Anabaptists after their forerunners had seized the town of Münster in 1534, proclaiming it the New Jerusalem (Revelation 21:2) and forcefully establishing polygamy. Accordingly, Winstanley distanced himself from the perceived sexual excesses of the “Ranters,” condemning their conduct as carnal rather than spiritual. This emphasis on morality links...

The Latinamericanization of American Foreign Policy

The foreign policies of the George W. Bush administration, constructed by neo-conservative architects like Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle, have their ideological antecedents in United States policy toward Latin America. Although the neo-conservatives are not schooled in Latin American diplomatic history, the Bush Doctrine draws so extensively on previous Latin American policies and practices that it represents the Latin Americanization of American foreign policy. The neo-conservatives take inspiration from the policies and practices of Theodore Roosevelt, who applied his big stick policy preemptively in the Caribbean region. While the doctrine of preemption has its roots in the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, it goes beyond that policy by asserting a right to police not just Latin America, but Africa, the Middle East, and Asia as well. Unfortunately, the neo-conservatives ignored the nationalistic rebellions that American interventions produced in Latin America, exuding such confidence in their own moral superiority that they neglected obvious historical lessons from Latin America as well as the Middle East. They convinced themselves that the Iraqis would welcome American troops as liberators, apparently unaware that interventions in Latin America regularly produced militant and strongly nationalistic rebellions against United States occupation.

Linking beliefs to collective action: Politicized religious beliefs and the civil rights movement

Are religious ideological antecedents factors in the emergence of African American social protest? If so, how do these factors translate African American discontent into political action? Rather than proceed from standard renditions of social movement analysis that argue structural opportunities motivate people to act, this paper contends that culture motivates many people to become and remain involved in collective action. The civil rights movement in Arkansas is examined to explain how religious ideas enable movements to emerge and endure in the face of tremendous opposition and uncertain prospects for movement success. Findings suggest that in the context of oppression ideas can help motivate, guide, and give meaning to protest.

Les antécédents idéologiques de la Ligue nord

The ideological antecedents of the lega nord Since the early 1990s, the Lombard League, created and led by Umberto Bossi, has become an essential actor in the Italian political system. This fledgling party, whose earliest organizational roots can be traced to the late 1970s, seems to derive from no previous experience, and to constitute a totally new element in the Italian political universe. It is however possible to iden­tify ideological antecedents of this party in the 1940s and 1950s. They are found either within Christian Democracy, in 1945, or in a relationship of direct electoral competition with it, in 1956-1959. The present ideology of the Lega Nord is in fact an adaptation to the social and political situation of recent years of descriptions and prescriptions already present in the early years of the Italian Republic. It is therefore necessary to reconsider the Lega's present emer­gence in the light of the past failures of the forces to which it owes its heritage.

Participation Ideologies in Israeli Planning

The issue of public participation in the planning process can be examined from the vantage point of the general ideological antecedents of planning ideas. Unfortunately, participation studies usually avoid the issue of ideology and planners tend to be unaware of or unwilling to acknowledge the role of ideology in planning practice. Even though the importance of ideology in Israel's development is often mentioned, studies of Israeli planning seldom include ideology in their models. This is true even for studies looking in particular at participation. In this paper several orientations towards the theme of participation, set within the Israeli context, are looked at. The orientations suggested as characteristic of the Israeli pattern of development are: Ad-hocism, clientelism, populism and kibbutz democracy. The ideological origins of these orientations are traced relative to the three major political camps. Next, these orientations are compared with the theoretical positions and prospects for ideological change. The aim in this paper is to help clarify some basic conceptual issues that may help in improving the professional contact between planner and public and perhaps provide the planner with some self-awareness and sense of responsibility.