Idealistic Approach Research Articles

POPULISM IN BRAZIL’S 2018 GENERAL ELECTIONS: AN ANALYSIS OF BOLSONARO’S CAMPAIGN SPEECHES

Abstract Through an analysis of Bolsonaro’s speeches during his official campaign, we aim to identify the presence of populist traits in his discourse. Preliminary results suggest that Bolsonaro’s discourse have, compared to its predecessors, higher levels of populism. As a theoretical framework, we use the ideational approach to populism. The data was collected and analyzed by Team Populism using the “holistic grading” textual analysis method. Results revealed that, despite his anti-elite, polarizing, and Manichean speech, Bolsonaro is an incomplete populist. In his rhetoric, populist traits vie for space with patriotic elements.

The Art of Jihad: Realism in Islamic Political Thought (By Malik Mufti)

Reviewed by: The Art of Jihad: Realism in Islamic Political Thought by Malik Mufti Cyrus Ali Contractor (bio) The Art of Jihad: Realism in Islamic Political Thought Malik Mufti Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2019. 217 Pages. This work is a look at the state of the state in the Muslim world. The Art of Jihad is replete with theoretical argumentation and highly recommended for an audience familiar with the philosophies of Ibn Sina, Ibn Rushd, and Ibn Khaldun, among others. It is an important contribution to the development of more pragmatic Muslim polities and states in the contemporary world. In the face of an ever increasing militant revolutionary idealism and a modernist agenda aimed at defanging Islam, the author argues for a "Rushdian revival," involving a "third alternative for Islamic polities – a realist political tradition, as indigenous as can be, that can help them navigate through the current upheaval because it has already anticipated some of the most critical challenges of the emergent culture" (p. xiv). In this context, The Art of Jihad offers an appropriate theoretical discussion that breaks away from the tired dichotomy of "extremism" versus "modernity." While popular debates and discussions and American policymakers have been trite in their discourse, Mufti's contribution is refreshing, and if nothing else, provides a rebuttal to so-called conventional wisdom. We are briefly introduced to realism in the Western tradition, with all the familiar theorists (Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Clausewitz of the earliest brand, and Morgenthau, Gilpin and Waltz of the neo-variations) and assumptions about the state of nature, the necessity of a restraining force to curtail avarice and bellicosity, and the grasp for power as the means to both attack and defend against potential and real enemies. Although anarchy is not explicitly mentioned, it is present between the lines. Mufti, almost sardonically, mocks the embracing of liberalism, and by extension subsumes the "compelling communal commitments under an overarching valorization of the liberated and autonomous self" (p. xvii). With the realist-liberal debate fresh in our minds, The Art of Jihad is then divided into five chapters, some of which are reworkings of previous publications by the author. Mufti initiates the discussion with a look at what he terms "competing visions of jihad." The familiar dichotomy of militants versus modernists is presented as two competing idealist approaches. Using Sayid Qutb's rationale, the former group argues for, and in some instances carries out, an uncompromising offensive jihad with the aim of ordaining Islam as the one and only regime in the world. Mufti elucidates, that militant and revolutionary ideologues wage this offensive and defensive jihad because war is the norm while peace is fleeting. [End Page 100] Modernists, on the other hand, "assert full compatibility between Islam's teachings and contemporary norms of international relations, including the imperative of striving for permanent peace" (p. xix). Accordingly, similar to (neo)liberal institutionalists in the realm of international relations, Islamic modernists espouse the belief in the use of force only to restore normative peace. Students studying international relations, even at the undergraduate level, will recognize the concepts of balancing, iterated interaction, confidence building, and institutions with moral and ethical obligations to one another as important factors in maintaining peace. While militants and modernists seem diametrically opposed, they are both hampered by their idealism, and lack the necessary pragmatism to navigate today's world. In fact, the unbending revolutionary stance of the militant leads to a crisis between what is legally binding (per Qur'an and Sunnah) and what is realistically necessary. This, in and of itself, is a crisis of leadership. As Mufti delineates, because these militant revolutionary groups do not form strong leadership cadres, they are often jumping from skirmish to skirmish rather than focusing on what the militant writer Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi argues for: the formation of a state on a contiguous body of land. Al-Maqdisi himself criticized the Jordanian militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi for his indiscriminate and wanton use of violence. Similarly, al-Zawahiri and al-Qaeda, no strangers to the use of brutal violence, would ultimately condemn ISIS as being excessive in the violence they meted out. The irony here...

Perspectives on The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa during the Cold War

Perspectives on <i>The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa during the Cold War</i>

SANAT-SANATÇI VE BİR META NESNESİ OLARAK SANAT ESERİ

Art and artists have occupied a focal interest for people over the centuries, and this interest has had a continuous effect in every section of the society starting from prehistory. The artworks produced in areas of fine arts, architecture, literature, music, and performance arts, have an undeniable importance in shaping the human history. Although we agree about the importance of art, it is difficult to find answers for such questions of ‘what is art? ‘How is it conceived?’ or ‘what does it contribute to?’ Definition of art is mostly based on ambiguous criteria, and in reality, because artists make use of this ambiguity, it will probably continue to remain as it is. Idealist approach claims that art should only be serving art instead of financial interests. Therefore, ‘art for the society’ is not even accepted as art. Even though it is widely acknowledged that such an idealist attitude is not sufficient for the artistic development, when earning profit through art making is on the agenda, people usually prefer to keep quite. However, monetization of artworks is very crucial, as it is the case for everything else. In this article, although we may find it ethically challenging, the effect of monetary gains on the development of art and artists will be examined.

‘We won’t let Brussels dictate us’: Eurosceptic populism in Hungary and Poland

ABSTRACT As a result of various crises, the European Union (EU) witnessed the rise of Eurosceptic and/or populist parties in its member states. However, the link between Euroscepticism and populism remains under-theorized, and the East-Central European (ECE) region is still surprisingly under-studied. This paper aims to fill these gaps by studying the development of Eurosceptic populist narratives in Hungary and Poland. Connecting the literature on Euroscepticism and the ideational approach to populism, it is shown through Orbán’s and Kaczyński’s discourses how (1) the EU is equated with ‘the corrupt elite’ that stands in conflict with ‘the pure people’, the Hungarians and Poles, and (2) how the EU is claimed to act against the notion of popular sovereignty. While the article highlights differences between the Eurosceptic populist narratives of the two party leaders, a politically driven ‘anti-imperialist’ theme prevails in both cases, which differentiates them from their Western-European counterparts as well.

Станет ли Европейский союз мировым центром силы?

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the EU potential to become a real power center in the global politics. No doubt, European Integration is the greatest project of all times. But it is also true that the European Union is currently experiencing the most difficult period in its entire history being under the pressure of several crises &ndash; consequences of the world economic and financial crisis, new risks of a global economic slowdown as a result of the coronavirus outbreak, migration crisis, troubled relations with the U.S., China and Russia, etc. The end of the East-West confrontation that removed the threat of a global conflict has resulted in the crisis of the Euro-Atlantic partnership, namely the growing gap between the USA and the EU in the security sector, the emergence of a new China with global ambitions, the rise of a self-assertive post-Soviet Russia and numerous regional actors &ndash; India, Japan, Turkey, Iran, Brazil and other. However, the modern polycentric world is strongly influenced by the evolving balance between two opposite trends &ndash; the trend towards multilateral cooperation on global challenges and the trend towards a new bipolarity. This new bipolarity is developing within the same capitalist system and can be defined as a growing split between the liberal and authoritarian capitalism. The former is most vividly represented by the European Union, USA and their allies, while the latter &ndash; by China and Russia. Strictly speaking, nowadays, the only full-fledged power center is the United States, whose economic and military potential guarantees its political influence in world affairs. China is approaching these standards. The European Union and Russia represent two opposite models. The EU is an economic power center while Russia is a military power center. In order to become an influential power center capable to protect its integrationist model globally, the European Union needs to learn Realpolitik, rethink its previous idealistic approach towards the postbipolar world and acquire strategic autonomy capabilities. Aside from this, the EU leadership should resolve numerous existential problems, beginning with the challenge of nationalism, which is fueled by the crisis of liberal democracy, and ending with the necessity to define future contours of the European construct. The COVID-19 pandemic has made adjustments to the existing postbipolar world order and &ldquo;Great Power&rdquo; competition, having weakened two leaders of globalization &ndash; USA and China - and opened a new window of opportunity for EU.

Concerning the COVID-19 Event

This article focuses on Alain Badiou’s surprisingly moderate response to the COVID-19 pandemic. It is shown that his dismissal of the virus as a familiar problem best dealt with by bureaucratic managers stems from an overly idealist approach to one of his key philosophical topics: the event.

Роль консерватизма в развитии правового популизма в Европе

The main aim of this article is to analyze the role of conservatism in the political development of the right-wing populism following the UK case. The ideational approach to the right-wing populism, emphasizing the ideological closeness of the Conservative Party and the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) as the British version of the European right-wing populism, allows us to focus on their interactions. On the one hand, conservatism has emerged as an ideological and programmatic resource for the UKIP through the use of the Eurosceptic and anti-immigrant rhetoric, populism, and &ldquo;playing the referendum card&rdquo; on the &ldquo;European issue&rdquo; in the parties&rsquo; competition process. This combination is reflected during the UKIP&rsquo;s evolution from the Eurosceptic &ldquo;single-issue&rdquo; to the right-populist party, while conservatism, trying to move to the center of the political spectrum, has lost its monopolistic position on the right flank of British politics. On the other hand, the reaction of conservatism in response to the establishment of the UKIP as a third force in British politics was expressed in the implementation of the UKIP&rsquo;s main programmatic element &ndash; a referendum on the membership in the EU, which led to the party&rsquo;s disorientation and the loss of its conceptual basis. The main findings are: (1) dominance of the traditionalist or modernizing line in the Conservative Party determines the limits of possibilities of the right-wing populism; (2) the role of conservatism in the political development of right-wing populism is dual. On the one hand, right-wing populism uses the ideological and programmatic practices of conservatives, on the other hand, it loses its conceptual basis and electoral support when conservatism implements the main elements of its program.

The Emergence of Gerakan Arah Baru Indonesia (Garbi) and Factionalism in Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS)

This article discusses factionalism in Islamic political parties in contemporary Indonesian politics, especially within Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party). The factionalism inside the party has occurred since the 2004 elections due to differences in the party management between those who prefer an idealist approach and pragmatism. However, the differences between the proponents of each approach do not produce any friction leading to the emergence of a splinter group until the current leadership. It is only after the commencement of the 2015–2020 PKS leadership has the factionalism finally given birth to a new organization, Garbi (Gerakan Arah Baru Indonesia or Indonesian New Direction Movement). This study will discuss the emergence of splinter groups in PKS by using Boucek’s factionalism theory. The case of Garbi shows that stages of factionalism in PKS tend to be cooperative and leading to competition. However, before the rise of Garbi itself, which is declared as a movement instead of a political party, the factionalism within PKS has yet entered the competitive stage. This study argues that the factionalism has been heavily influenced by deep-rooted doctrinal values among its cadres that may hinder any severe impacts of competitive or even degenerative factionalism. Therefore, even though the factionalism appears to move towards degeneration in the near future, PKS appears to have managed the impact of the process with relative smooth and is able to maintain its solidity at certain level.

Reimagining the Populism and Leadership of Miss Fatima Jinnah

This article explores dynamics of Miss Fatima Jinnah’s leadership qualities by applying the Ideational approach. The article aims to re-think the scenario of Pakistan at the eve of presidential elections 1965 with regarding populism. It underscores causes, events and consequences of the 1965’s Elections by re-contextualizing the views and actions of Miss Jinnah. She won the elections, but a large-scale rigging deprived her of becoming the first lady President of Pakistan and in Islamic World. She did not play an active part in the political arena until the Presidential elections challenging the military dictator. This study attempts to answer why the Mother of the land opted for the politics of resistance; how she took an active part in the election campaign, and what were the implications of her participation in the elections by situating her role in national politics through the theoretical lens of populism.

Is populism the third dimension? The quest for political alliances in post-crisis Spain

In this article, we defend the ideational approach to populism by arguing that populist discourses have consequences for government formation and the coalition choices of political parties. Using two attempts of government formation in Spain during 2016 as an example, we show that incorporating a populist dimension of competition alongside the two traditional relevant cleavages in Spain (left-right and center-periphery) can successfully explain agreements where approaches restricted to the two traditional dimensions fail. Essentially, populism forms a third, ideational dimension with its own content, one that can be considered alongside thick ideological dimensions in formal spatial analysis, shaping alliances among political parties.

В.В. Розанов о детерминантах и специфике русского сознания

The article reconstructs V.V. Rozanov’s concepts of the essential characteristics of the Russian individual and social consciousness based on analytical review of the problems of foreign influence, and opposition to appearances and materialities, national civil infantilism and others in his works of various years. Conclusions are made on V.V. Rozanov’s methodology as the combination of idealistic and naturalistic approaches and reliance on the concept of the various trends of “Russian Idea” philosophy, on the gradual strengthening of his ideas on the evolution of Russian consciousness as the degradation of the family-patriotic-religious feeling, not based on the mind.

Homer’s Odyssey: from classical poetry to threshold graphic narratives for dual readership

This article’s focus is some unconventional adaptations of the Odyssey in graphic language, belonging to the threshold literary field and contextualized in different historical and cultural milieus. Since ancient Greek literature in general and Homer in particular, ceased to be considered as sacred scripts, they discarded the centuries-long formalistic and idealistic approach and served as a vehicle for criticism or as a mirror of each receiving culture’s present. The kind of relation established between each adaptation and its pre-text is defined by the inscribed meta-narratives in its body. The graphic adaptations under discussion, countercultural, demystifying or even subversive, participate in the so called “cross-audience phenomenon”, addressing a dual readership, both children and adults. They aim at undermining the heroic ethos, provoking skepticism and criticizing allusively the contemporary politics. They also trivialize the original by means of humorous, satiric or ironic imitation. This way they facilitate dialogue between past and present, by creating a contact zone within which pluralism is the major trait.&#x0D; Key words: The Odyssey, classics’ reception, comic book adaptations, threshold literature, pluralism

Mapping Antiglobalist Populism

Abstract This article argues that the current explosion of right-wing national-populism is intricately connected to shifting perceptions of globalization in the world. I contend that a return to the once dominant but now frequently criticized ideational approach to the study of populism as ideology or discourse can provide insightful, if incomplete, explanations of the current populist moment. After a brief opening overview of some influential conceptual perspectives on populism, the article offers an appraisal of some major criticisms leveled against the ideological paradigm by advocates of competing approaches. I argue that the widespread portrayal of populism as a “thin-centered” ideology does not capture the ideational constellation of what I call antiglobalist populism. The currently dominant strain is reflected most prominently in “Trumpism” and similar European manifestations. To make my case, I apply the qualitative method of morphological discourse analysis (MDA) to key 2016 campaign speeches delivered by then presidential candidate Donald J. Trump and to related public remarks presented by British national-populist leader Nigel Farage on American soil. The research findings presented in this article suggest that globalization-related concepts have moved to the core and adjacent symbolic environment of antiglobalist populism. Thus, the general assumption of a “thin” conceptual core of national-populism no longer holds because its morphology has been significantly enriched. Bringing ideology back into populism studies serves the much-needed rehabilitation of a valuable perspective that has been written off too prematurely by many populism scholars.

Beyond the Innocence of Globalization: The Abiding Necessity of Carlos Bulosan's Anti-Imperialist Imagination

This essay analyzes Carlos Bulosan’s writing in terms of the way he works todevelop an aesthetic that comprehends and cognitively maps the repetitive dynamicsof US and global colonial capitalism. More precisely, the essay examines howBulosan’s aesthetic practice both grapples with the question of how an individualand collective consciousness can grasp the systemic processes that conditionexperience and also how it fosters that consciousness in the way it representsthe relationships among experience, the larger class and colonial dynamics thatproduce that experience, and the ideological processes that intervene in ourcomprehension of those dynamics. In developing an aesthetic that aligns ideologyand experience and grasps the dynamics of the global colonial system, Bulosan’sfiction, this essay argues, generates a narrative of class struggle and a consciousnessthat grasps the national dimension of the Filipino working-class, comprehendingthe need for national liberation.The essay explores the way Bulosan’s political narratives work through andconfront ideological tensions between a facile internationalism and a more concretenational liberation politics in his fiction by deploying, at times, an innocent narratorwhose idealistic values and approach to the world are challenged through thatcharacter’s experiences of racial and economic injustice, violence, exploitation, anddeprivation. This technique allows Bulosan to articulate a utopian worldview, thatis, an ideal sense of what a world framed on principles of justice would entail, andalso to address the political and economic realities that betray that ideal and thus require repair and transformation through collective political struggle. Typically, inconstructing plots that move through innocence to experience, Bulosan works tocreate an aesthetic that aligns representation and the lived experience of Filipinos inthe United States and the Philippines in ways that highlight the national dimensionsof Filipino life and foster a national consciousness, challenging a premature orunder-theorized internationalism or universalism.

Populism and the Risks of Conceptual Overreach: A Case Study from Indonesia

ABSTRACTThis paper examines the competing political styles of the two presidential candidates in the 2014 and 2019 Indonesian national elections: current Indonesian President Joko Widodo (better known as Jokowi) and his challenger Prabowo Subianto. While both have been described as populists, we draw on the most recent ideational approach to the concept of populism to argue that only one of these political figures (Prabowo) should be defined as a populist. Jokowi’s political style, on the other hand, is better understood by applying the concept of technocracy. In identifying the competition between Jokowi’s technocratic style and Prabowo’s populist style, we argue that this case study from Indonesia points to the potential for the concept of populism to be misapplied where other concepts such as technocracy are more appropriate.

Oscar Wilde's Writing Style in "The Happy Prince" in View of Transitivity Analysis

This study was aimed to discover the types of processes used and how they influence the author’s writing style in Oscar Wilde’s short story entitled “The Happy Prince”. The methodology used in this study was descriptive-qualitative so the analysis was presented in the form of words, phrases, sentences, and utterances. The study focused on discourse analysis employing ideational function approach, which analyzed the short story from the point of view of linguistics especially Transitivity, a theory developed by M. A. K. Halliday. As a result, there were seven types of processes found in the story namely material, mental, behavioral, verbal, relational, existential, and meteorological. The results of the study showed that material process was the most frequently used process (37%) conducted by the author. Yet, the six others were each employed for about 1% - 25%. This indicated that the use of the type of process influenced the writing style of the author in constructing the story where the different process emphasized different portrayal. The use of material process as the most dominant process might reflect the author’s eagerness to do what he cannot do in his real life. However, it was also supported by the author’s previous career and achievement as a journalist, editor, and critic before he wrote the story. Ultimately, the researcher found that Oscar Wilde’s writing style incorporates the vivid descriptions, aesthetic appearance, conversational style, repetitive pattern, simple and clear language.&#x0D; &#x0D; Keywords: Oscar Wilde; Writing Style; Discourse Analysis; Ideational Meaning; Transitivity

Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries

AbstractDespite the explosion of populism research, there is a shortage of comprehensive analyses of the ideational varieties of populist parties and of the different roles they play in contemporary party systems. In order to overcome such limitations, I provide a state-of-the-art review of the literature on the classification of populist parties and make three innovative contributions to populism research. First, by adopting a truly pan-European perspective to cover, in addition to EU member countries, contexts that are generally overlooked, including but not limited to Liechtenstein, Russia, Serbia and Ukraine, this review article provides an empirical application of the ideational approach to populism to 66 contemporary parties. Second, it highlights the major shortcomings of common approaches to the study of populist parties in contemporary party systems, which almost invariably treat them as ‘challengers’ or ‘outsiders’. Finally, it pushes the agenda further by providing a classification and empirical overview of the three interactive patterns characterizing the 66 populist parties under analysis: non-integration, negative integration and positive integration.

Open borders and the ideality of approaches

Do liberal states have a moral duty to admit immigrants? According to what has been called the “conventional view”, this question is to be answered in the negative. One of the most prominent critics of the conventional view is Joseph Carens. In the past 30 years Carens’ contributions to the open borders debate have gradually taken on a different complexion. This is explained by the varying “ideality” of his approaches. Sometimes Carens attempts to figure out what states would be obliged to do under otherwise perfectly just conditions (i.e., he attempts to establish an ideal). At other times, he is more interested in what to do, given the (not fully just) world that we actually live in. In my view, the relevance of the ideal/non-ideal theory debate to the open borders debate (and the ethics of migration more generally) has not yet received sufficient attention. My aim in this paper therefore is to show in detail how Carens’ varying approaches affect his critique of the conventional view. To this effect I analyse three of his papers: “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders” (1987), “Realistic and Idealistic Approaches to the Ethics of Migration” (1996), and “Who Should get in? The Ethics of Immigration Admissions” (2003).

Vloga prve skrbstvene sestre Angele Boškin pri profesionalizaciji slovenske zdravstvene nege

Uvod: Razumevanje zgodovine razvoja zdravstvene nege poveča moč in pozitivno samopodobo strokovnjakov, razvije veščine kritičnega mišljenja in delovanja. Cilj raziskave je bil raziskati profesionalno delo Angele Boškin skozi teoretični okvir elementov profesionalizacije v zdravstveni negi.Metode: Uporabljena sta bila zgodovinsko raziskovanje z idealistično tradicijo in biografski pristop. V vsebinsko analizo in sintezo spoznanj je bilo vključenih 16 virov različne tipologije. Uporabljene so bile naslednje metode: parafraziranje, kronološki klasifikacijski sistem, vsebinska kategorizacija in tematizacija. Zanesljivost in veljavnost raziskave sta bili preverjeni z zunanjo in lastno kritiko virov, vsebinskim ravnovesjem in seznanitvijo z zgodovinskim obdobjem.Rezultati: Oblikovanih je bilo 122 parafraz, združenih v 31 kategorij in 10 tem, ki opišejo prispevek Angele Boškin k profesionalizaciji slovenske zdravstvene nege v obdobju od 1912 do 1944. Teme so bile osnova za zapis zgodbe in zaključnih spoznanj.Diskusija in zaključek: Angela Boškin je vzpostavila začetno ekspertizo stroke zdravstvene nege v Sloveniji, začetke njene avtonomije, profesionalne prepoznavnosti in ugleda. S prvo šolo je osnovala razvoj temeljnega strokovnega znanja in standardiziranega izobraževanja. Vzpostavila je avtonomijo dela na področju preventive mater in otrok na terenu, pripomogla k sprejemu zakonskih podlag za delovanje zaščitne sestre na področju preventive. Z vodenjem profesionalnega združenja je začrtala smer razvoja zdravstvene nege ter jo umestila v slovenski in mednarodni kontekst.