Idea Of Solidarity Research Articles

THE HUMAN RIGHT TO A CLEAN ENVIRONMENT BETWEEN THE SYSTEMS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DOMESTIC LAW COMPARATIVE STUDY

The right to a clean environment is one of the most important rights in the field of public rights and freedoms. It belongs to the third generation of human rights. It is based on the idea of solidarity among the peoples of the world. It is not possible to eliminate the various damage to the environment that does not limit international borders, Only through the concerted efforts of international efforts to preserve the environment. The difficulty of proving the damage caused by pollution of the environment, especially across the international border (whether as a result of legitimate or illegal work), lies in the mechanism of establishing the causal link between pollution and damage because the effects of pollution do not directly affect the individual or the State, Therefore, it is necessary to resort to what is known as international responsibility for risk, objectivity or absolute. As the state in international law is the executive authority, it must make the necessary effort to fulfill its obligations so as not to violate the environmental human rights within the state. Therefore, it is necessary to spread the international awareness and hold international conferences to push countries to participate in international conventions that guarantee changing their constitutions and national laws Which guarantees the right to a clean environment through the right to health. It was concluded that the human right to a clean environment has become one of the fundamental rights enshrined in many international conventions, especially those of international organizations, which has made it an international right protected by international law. Therefore, it was recommended that environmental laws should be unified with regard to the various elements of the environment, and that they should be placed in a single legal code for easy access to them and subjecting environmental disputes to a specialized jurisdiction

Dialektyka solidarności a państwo prawa

The article concerns the significance of the idea of solidarity for the rule of law within contemporary constitutional democracies. The author presents, with reference to P. Ricouer’s philosophy, the dialectical nature of solidarity which mediatises ideals of love and justice. He also presents the solidarity’s place within liberal and republican political thought. The author points the limitations imposed on the idea of solidarity by the model of liberal constitutionalism. At the same time he emphasises that legal recognition related to liberal culture of human rights gains its social complement in the idea of solidarity. He argues that the idea of solidarity might determine the concept of legitimization of power in its modern formula. The idea of solidarity and the concept of rule of law both realise – in different ways and on different levels – the common values oriented towards elimination of arbitrariness of power and ensuring conditions for cooperation between members of political community. The constitutional justice may perform a leading role in fulfilment the idea of solidarity as it watches over distribution of political power and secures processes of free communication within political community.

Solidarity or hierarchy?: India’s identification with Africa and the postcolonial politics of race

ABSTRACTThe idea of solidarity between India and Africa has long drawn heavily from historical sources, including the anti-colonial legacies of Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, and ongoing frustration with a hierarchical world order that subordinates them from international decision-making. In this article, I consider the historical ambivalence embedded within the ways in which India now identifies with and talks about “Africa.” I argue that elements of the Modi government’s political project is changing the meaning of India’s identification with “Africa.” After a brief theoretical discussion and a consideration of the historical context, I look at two recent examples in which India’s relationship with Africa was narrated: the 2015 India–Africa Forum Summit and the recent furor over attacks on African students in India. This has already caused upset between India and specific African states. Although still premised on shared resistance to hierarchy, there are signs that the idea of “India-Africa relations” itself can become a hierarchical discourse.

O “nós” da formação da vontade democrática: solidariedade e cidadania na teoria da justiça de Axel Honneth

No presente artigo analisamos a ideia de solidariedade na teoria da justiça de Axel Honneth. Honneth em sua obra atualiza a teoria hegeliana da eticidade e concebe a existência de esferas de liberdade, sendo que uma delas é a liberdade social, na qual se situam relações pessoais, mercado e instituições políticas. Em O Direito da Liberdade Honneth desenvolve uma teoria em que busca analisar os problemas de desenvolvimento da democracia nas sociedades contemporâneas, e erige a solidariedade como um dos pressupostos normativos para a construção de uma democracia virtuosa, ancorada na participação cidadã.

ІДЕОЛОГІЯ ЯК ЧИННИК КОНСОЛІДАЦІЇ УКРАЇНЦІВ У ПОСТКОЛОНІАЛЬНУ ДОБУ

The article is devoted to the disclosure of the place and role of ideology as a factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians in the post-colonial era. It is proved that in the Ukrainian state-building process the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians is relevant and complex, and still remains one of the most important. As Ukrainian progress, which opens up new opportunities for the socio-economic, political and spiritual development of Ukrainian society, depends on its solution. It is emphasized that effective work of subjects of consolidation of Ukrainians depends on a complex of socio-economic, political and spiritual factors. One of the determining factors in the spiritual sphere is ideology, which should be national in its essence, since it is intended to unite all representatives of ethnic and national minorities of Ukrainian society, based on the ideas of spirituality, social justice and national patriotism, taking into account historical traditions and existing realities of the modern world. Exactly this kind of unifying ideology should determine the main direction of the Ukrainian policy of the unity of society, the system of its ideals and values. Therefore, the search for such an ideology is an important factor in the consolidation of Ukrainians, especially in today post-colonial era. World experience clearly shows that those societies that have an ideological consolidation core, which is understandable and supported by every citizen, are developing more dynamically. According to its status, this consolidation core is one of the ideological foundations of state ideology, the discussion on its development is still ongoing. Its acuteness intensifies the existing confrontation of the various, though not formed party ideologies, which somehow still claim to state status, trying to revise the legislative norm, according to which the most important carrier of state ideology is the Constitution. And other bearers of state ideology have the right, within their powers and ideological directions, to use the fundamental principles of state ideology, such as: to defend state independence and sovereignty, democratic social order, civil society, human rights, etc., but they shoyd not revise these fundamental basics of statehood. A special protection needs a consolidation aspect of state ideology, since it is a kind of manifestation of civic education and the core of person politicization. In each state, ideology is called differently - Americanism, Russianism, Polonism, Zionism, and so on. In Ukraine, due to the kind of scientific ostracism that appeared (and quite well-grounded) after the proclamation of independence in connection with the contemporary ideology and mono-ideology that was in the Soviet Union, it is difficult to name the ideology. Nowadays, a number of scholars and party ideologists are inclined to think that the term "solidarism", based on the ideas of the consolidation of the ideology of Ukrainians, could be used, based on the ideas that only solidarity of just cooperation and mutual assistance of all members of society is the basis of social, economic and political progress. It is noteworthy that some Ukrainian political parties in their updated (after the Revolution of Dignity) programs use the term "solidarism" to consolidate Ukrainians. In particular, the political party, the People's Front, defines its programmatic task to restore the territorial integrity of Ukraine, liberate it from terrorists, foreign troops, mercenaries, and to conduct reforms. The PF ideologists associate these tasks with the consolidation of Ukrainians. Ideologists of the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR) political party proceed from the assumption that only a consolidated country can be effective and competitive in the world. "We must realize, - stated in the UDAR program, that the goals that unite us are more important than the historical myths and ideologies that can separate us." A lot of attention is paid to the problem of consolidation of Ukrainians through the disclosure of the idea of solidarity in the program of the political party "Petro Poroshenko Bloc Solidarity "(new edition). In this program it is declared for the first time that the party puts the idea of solidarity at the basis of its ideology. The idea of solidarity in the «Batkivshchyna» Party, whose program was adopted in 1999, has its own story, but as long as this solidarity spirit is officially not reflected as an ideology in its program. The article contains a recommendation for Ukrainian political forces to study more thoroughly the ideological grounds of solidarity ideas with a view to their possible use in their political and ideological activities.

Learning from the Past: Considering the Ethics of Appropriation

Learning from the Past: Considering the Ethics of Appropriation

Idea of solidarity in contemporary legal and political philosophy

In contemporary philosophy of law and political philosophy, relatively little pace is devoted to the problem of solidarity. In Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence and political philosophy, this concept barely makes an appearance. In the relevant European literature, including that in Polish, references usually have a historical focus, and deal with the sociological concepts of Emil Durkheim (the division into mechanical and organic solidarity) and Ferdinand Tönnies (the distinction of Gesellschaft and Gemeinschaft), and their legal application by Leon Duguit (socialization of law as an expression of social soldarization). But if solidarity appears in contemporary philosophical-legal analyses, this is most frequently not expressis verbis, but in a manner that is concealed in one way or another by justice, especially in considerations of broadly conceived social justice.

Sisterhood in Movement: Feminist Solidarity in France and the United States

Sisterhood in MovementFeminist Solidarity in France and the United States Kelli Zaytoun (bio) and Judith Ezekiel (bio) A poignant letter was published several years ago in off our backs: a young woman, Amy Johnson, tells of her quest to break the isolation of living in what she referred to as her ultraconservative, sexist hometown. She goes to college and makes it to a Women’s Studies department, only to be taught that the bonds of sisterhood she sought were illusory because “women” don’t exist, and the notion of sisterhood is retrograde.1 How can we, as feminists, respond to her sense of isolation and demobilization? How can we build and maintain a social movement without our sense of connection to, and belief in, one another? To have a movement, social movement theorists around the world agree, a group needs to pull together and have some form of bond. French and US labor movements called for solidarity; the US Civil Rights movement had its beloved community. The Women’s Liberation movement was predicated upon the idea of solidarity among women, once commonly referred to as “sisterhood.” Yet in no other movement has this notion been so dissected and criticized. Today the very term sisterhood seems somehow quaint, viewed by some as naïve or anachronistic, by others as ethnocentric and dogmatic. Not only is sisterhood in mothballs; so is the term solidarity. Providing basic necessities to all has been reframed in US society as “entitlement,” justified by even so-called liberals with the argument that citizens have paid for them; that is, the state is just keeping guard over a collection of piggy banks for individuals. Those who wish to go beyond the “piggy bank model,” like old-school Christians, often do so via acts of “charity” or, as some French put it, “générosité.” To the contrary, with solidarity or sisterhood, we do not “get what we pay for,” nor do we know who the “good Samaritans” are; in fact, it should not be known. We decide collectively what is needed for the common good, and we provide it through systemic means. It works horizontally, as a meeting among equals with shared vision. [End Page 195] The critiques of sisterhood have come not just from antifeminists and neo-conservatives but also from within the feminist movement, indeed since the beginning of the contemporary movement. Radical feminists saw sisterhood contradicted by emotional violence within the movement. Socialist, Marxist, and materialist feminists rejected any essentialization of “woman.” Feminists of color on both sides of the Atlantic have argued that assumptions of commonality, seemingly necessary for sisterhood, negated the antagonistic situations and interests of white women and women of color. More recently, Queer and Trans Studies have gone beyond the challenge of dualities to deconstruct and reconceptualize sex and gender as nonlinear and conditional. However, despite these historical, political, and philosophical critiques, we question whether feminism can exist without “women” and the deep bonding that “sisterhood” was meant to represent. Using a Franco-American perspective, we advocate a sisterhood not rooted in the physical classifications or identity of its participants but conceptualized as a political process, project, and struggle, built around lived experiences and consciousness and traversed by multiple social relations. Such a sisterhood would be a part of broad liberatory practices. This article reflects upon the post–World War II history and concept of feminist sisterhood, as distinct from female solidarity, in the United States and France, Judith’s country of adoption for nearly forty years. France and the United States, both wealthy Western nations, may seem similar on a global scale. Both feminist movements have international resonance, not least through theoretical writings, beginning with the foundational influence of Simone de Beauvoir. Representations and misrepresentations of French and US feminism are interwoven into the other nation’s social movement’s narrative.2 Actually, much transatlantic dialogue and cross-fertilization have occurred throughout feminism’s Second Wave. To give just a few early examples, the first French feminist demonstration, Women’s Strike Day on August 26, 1970, corresponded to the fiftieth anniversary of US women’s suffrage, and that same year the first French anthology contained many translations from early...

SOCIAL-PHILOSOPHICAL THEORY OF M.M. FILIPPOV

The article is focused on social and philosophical ideas of M.M. Filippov, the Russian scientist and thinker of the second half of the XIX century. The author thinks that historically the concept of the scientist is interesting in the aspect of building up an objective picture of the main trends and directions in Russian philosophy of the specified period. Conceptually, the theoretical judgments of the thinker are topical in regard to the issues of human evolution, progressive development of society, solutions of contemporary global problems of society. The article states that the originality of Filippov's philosophy is determined by combining the naturalscientific principles of evolution, philosophical theory of realism and social ideas of solidarity in determining the conditions of social progress. Such approach is considered as an alternative to the traditional formational approach. The idea of multifactor evolutionary process and existence of a dominant factor of development in a certain historical stage is denoted as the main philosophical concept of Filippov. Compared to subjectivist judgments of Mikhailovsky, it is shown that solidary activities of humans are a natural and progressive mechanism of society evolution. The dominant factor of this development is the intellect (the mind). The conclusion is that social and philosophical ideas of Filippov demonstrate an important point of origin of a new cognitive paradigm, namely, for the construction of knowledge and experience in comprehension of human existence, of essential importance is the individual, his psychological characteristics, his objective and intellectual ability to interpret creatively the facts of the reality.

Sport and the obligation of solidarity

The paper departs from an analysis of the case of Michelle Dumaresq, a transgender female downhill mountain biker who experienced marginalization within her sport. The analysis is based on Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition. The Dumaresq case is particularly relevant to Honneth’s ideas of solidarity, which provide insight into the dynamics of social integration. Honneth’s theory of recognition also provides a conceptual framework and a methodology that gives new perspectives on the ethical significance of sport. In the paper, an analysis is presented of the lack of solidarity experienced by Dumaresq. The argument is made that sport has a particular potential for realizing solidarity among its practitioners. Realizing solidarity however depends to a large degree upon that the rules of sport are perceived as fair and just. In the Dumaresq case, challenges to solidarity came from what her competitors considered to be unfair classification rules. Summing up, it is argued that, as long as the rules of a sport is perceived as fair and just, voluntary engagement gives rise not only to obligations on fair play but to a moral obligation on solidarity as well.

Producing Solidarity, Inequality and Exclusion Through Insurance

The article presents two main arguments. First, we claim that in contemporary societies, insurance enacts peculiar kinds of solidarities as well as inequality and exclusion. Especially important in this respect are life, health, disability and old age pension insurance, both in compulsory and voluntary forms. Second, the article maintains that the ideas of solidarity, inequality and exclusion are transformed by the machinery of insurance. In other words, the concrete ways in which insurance relations are practically arranged have an effect on the ways in which the related moral and political concepts are perceived. We elaborate on three different forms of insurance solidarity, which we call chance, risk and income solidarity. The existence of multiple forms of solidarity relevant to insurance is significant because practices of insurance require decisions concerning what kind of solidarity is emphasised, when it is emphasised, and on what grounds. Moreover, what is solidarity for some can entail exclusion and inequality for others. Showing these internal tensions within insurance practice underlines the inherently political and moral nature of insurance.

L'esclusione e la paura. La sicurezza è (anche) una questione di stile

A major problem for analyses of the words fear and social exclusion reminds to social discontent which is fuelled by socio-cultural and economic changes. The impact of socioeconomic development on cultural change operates in various phases. From the industrialization and the rise of post-industrial society the idea of the complexity of fear has become one of the side of a global crisis where the new trend toward the increasing emphasis on individual autonomy and selfexpression values have changed the idea of solidarity.

Kantovo pojetí míru: Spory řešit pokojnou cestou

This essay is focused upon the concept of Perpetual Peace (1795) by the German Philosopher Immanuel Kant. To reach this goal, he advocated the establishment of a word federation of republican states. But some key prerequisites (s.c. preliminary and definitive articles) must be completed. The authoress compares the Kant's concepts with the ideas of solidarity by the Czech philosopher Jan Patočka. The readers themselves must pass the judgement whether Kant's prerequisites of eternal peace-even for more then two centuries-are fulfilled, or not. This subject matter belongs to a relatively young field of study dealing with war and peace, the so-called paxology, the theory how peace can be maintained in the world. This essay is focused upon the concept of Perpetual Peace (1795) by the German Philosopher Immanuel Kant. To reach this goal, he advocated the establishment of a word federation of republican states. But some key prerequisites (s.c. preliminary and definitive articles) must be completed. The authoress compares the Kant's concepts with the ideas of solidarity by the Czech philosopher Jan Patočka. The readers themselves must pass the judgement whether Kant's prerequisites of eternal peace-even for more then two centuries-are fulfilled, or not. This subject matter belongs to a relatively young field of study dealing with war and peace, the so-called paxology, the theory how peace can be maintained in the world.

Kantovo pojetí míru: Spory řešit pokojnou cestou

This essay is focused upon the concept of Perpetual Peace (1795) by the German Philosopher Immanuel Kant. To reach this goal, he advocated the establishment of a word federation of republican states. But some key prerequisites (s.c. preliminary and definitive articles) must be completed. The authoress compares the Kant's concepts with the ideas of solidarity by the Czech philosopher Jan Patočka. The readers themselves must pass the judgement whether Kant's prerequisites of eternal peace-even for more then two centuries-are fulfilled, or not. This subject matter belongs to a relatively young field of study dealing with war and peace, the so-called paxology, the theory how peace can be maintained in the world. This essay is focused upon the concept of Perpetual Peace (1795) by the German Philosopher Immanuel Kant. To reach this goal, he advocated the establishment of a word federation of republican states. But some key prerequisites (s.c. preliminary and definitive articles) must be completed. The authoress compares the Kant's concepts with the ideas of solidarity by the Czech philosopher Jan Patočka. The readers themselves must pass the judgement whether Kant's prerequisites of eternal peace-even for more then two centuries-are fulfilled, or not. This subject matter belongs to a relatively young field of study dealing with war and peace, the so-called paxology, the theory how peace can be maintained in the world.

連帯と承認をめぐる理念の生成と変容

U.ベックは, ローカル次元において連帯と承認を作り出す仕組みとして市民労働という政策理念を提案した. この理念が現実社会との関連でいかに変容したか, 他方で社会においてはいかなる変化がもたらされているか, これらを考察することが本稿の目的である.研究の結果次のようなことが判明した. 市民労働の政策理念は, 政策的実践に移される過程で, ある部分が市民参加に, 別の部分が市民労働という名のワークフェア政策としてのモデル事業に採用され, 分裂していった. 現在の市民労働と市民参加は, ベックの市民労働の構成要素をそれぞれ部分的に継承しつつ, 中間集団や福祉国家の機能を部分的に代替している. 政策的実践としての市民労働と市民参加の存在は, 「家事労働」「市民参加」「ケア活動」といった概念の境界を流動化したが, 「職業労働」概念の境界は相対的に強固なままである.ベックの市民労働には, 元来, 社会変革の意図が含まれていた. すなわち, この政策理念は, 職業労働と市民参加と家事労働やケア活動の境界を流動化し, それらの活動すべてを包括するような方向, すなわち労働概念の意味変容へ向かうことを意図して提案された試みであった. しかし, 現状においては, そもそもの批判対象であった職業労働の構造を強化する政策にこの市民労働の名称が使われている. 他方, 市民参加においては, 部分的にではあるが, 市民労働の政策理念が生かされ一定の成果をあげている.

Solidarity between States in the Global Legal Space

Since the creation of the United Nations and the end of World War II, the importance of solidarity has been growing constantly. The use of this term in treaties, conventions, resolutions, recommendations, declarations and other kinds of international documents is ever-increasing. But what does solidarity exactly mean in international law? Is it an idea, a value or a principle? Or is it all of these? There are no conclusive answers to these questions, because solidarity can often wear more coats and operate both as a value and as a principle. Solidarity shares the features of the global legal space, which is made of thousands of – often inter-connected – regulatory regimes. To address these issues, this article will first provide some historical and theoretical remarks on the idea of solidarity and its multiple meanings. Thereafter, it will focus on the solidarity both as a value, in its constitutional dimension, and as a principle, in its administrative dimension. It will then examine the ambiguous relationship between solidarity and sovereignty. Finally, the key role of solidarity in the global legal space will be outlined: if fraternite helped French legal scholars to build domestic administrative law to also be a machine that addresses collective interests, solidarity appears to be capable of strengthening the normative claims of many of the legal projects ideated to tame global governance.

The importance of being connected: urban poor women's experience of self-help discourse in Cambodia

This article discusses and analyses the experience of women involved in a non-government organisation-funded women's empowerment project in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Women involved in the project encounter ideas about community development and urban poverty reduction – in particular, outsider-imposed notions of self-help group formation, women's empowerment, and community solidarity. The article explores the ways in which power dynamics and social structures in this post-conflict setting affect the outcome of women's self-help groups. We argue that for some women, vulnerability and social exclusion are reinforced, because of assumptions that both ‘the community’ and ‘women’ are homogenous groupings. In fact, unequal power and diversity among women can derail ideas of solidarity and shared interests in women's self-help groups.

Solidaridad de intereses: la transformación del derecho social como dominación en Lorenz von Stein

Lorenz von Stein es un filósofo y jurista alemán, tradicionalmente citado como uno de los precursores del Estado Social. Sin embargo, ha sido poco estudiado en los ámbitos hispano y angloparlante. Con base en una lectura concreta del libro Movimientos sociales y monarquía, el propósito de este trabajo es argumentar cómo, ante las dificultades históricas a las que se enfrenta la monarquía, con la construcción práctica de una República del interés recíproco, Von Stein distingue una nueva dimensión del derecho social que Gurvitch no tuvo en cuenta. A partir las ideas de solidaridad e intereses recíprocos, Von Stein construye una nueva dimensión del derecho social, que se transforma, ya no a partir del Estado, sino del movimiento mismo de la sociedad y los intereses de clase.

Solidarity as a unifying idea in building an East Asian community: toward an ethos of collective responsibility1

This article examines prospects for solidarity, defined as an ethos of collective responsibility that works across a political community's normative values and policy decisions, as a unifying idea that can inspire and promote steps toward regional political community across East Asia. Just as the European Union's (EU) founders and its past and present visionaries have appealed consistently to an inclusive, transnational model of solidarity in framing and pursuing European integration, notions of solidarity also contain important affinities with prospects for building an East Asian community. First, the paper examines how the idea of solidarity has evolved in European political thought and especially how solidarity has emerged repeatedly as one of the important concepts throughout the political development of the EU. Then, the paper turns to East Asia and considers the relevance of solidarity as an important principle in aspirations and endeavors toward the creation of an East Asian community. We base our analysis upon a variety of sources, including statements and speeches from key political actors, scholarly books and articles, and news accounts and commentaries. We illustrate how earlier manifestations of solidarity in East Asia have often been cast in ways that set the region apart from the rest of the world and have framed particular groupings of Asian countries in opposition to the West, and we argue that a redeployment of solidarity is needed in East Asia that instead emphasizes an ethos of collective responsibility among the principal national actors and external stakeholders within the region and beyond. In contrast with interpretations that suggest that the conditions for developing East Asian community are inescapably distinct from the circumstances in Europe during the second half of the twentieth century, we argue that the idea of solidarity has great potential to advance regional collaboration in East Asia.

Mazzini and the making of the republican ideology

This article examines Giuseppe Mazzini's contribution to republicanism envisaged as an ideology and a political program whose aim was the formation of a political party capable of competing in the electoral process of a representative and constitutional government. The central theme is the role of republican ideology before and after Unification. Through an analysis of Mazzini's three great polemical ruptures with liberalism (over the idea of liberty) with class-based socialism (over the idea of solidarity) and with democratic ideology (over the idea of legitimacy), the article seeks to highlight the key components of the ideological identity that Mazzini sought to give first to the republican movement and then to the republican party.