Hybrid Political Regimes Research Articles

Regional political elite: formation principles and mechanisms (Ivano-Frankivsk region as an example)

The article is dedicated to the problem related to the process of the formation of the political elite of Ivano-Frankivsk region. The main political actors of the regional political elite were specified by the formal features (their influence on the strategic political decisions) and its main groups were investigated (national deputies of Ukraine, heads of local governments and state authorities, heads of regional organizations of leading political parties, business elite, ideological and communicative elite, etc.). The main focus of the study was on the formation through elections and appointments of deputies (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, regional council), as well as public authorities (regional state administration and its structures), which allowed to identify and analyze the main procedures and mechanisms of elite formation in the region, reflecting the complex processes of its change/reproduction on its own basis, renewal through the involvement of new members of society. Based on the analysis of a broad empirical base, the correlation of the process of elite formation of IvanoFrankivsk region with the general tendencies of transformation of the political system of Ukraine, the influence of the center-peripheral paradigm is confirmed. Thus, in the conditions of formation of a hybrid political regime, despite the significant dynamics of renewal of the main institutions of power in the region, this process at the turn of the XX−XXI centuries took place mostly in the form of circulation or reproductive circulation − a limited, formal process of renewal of the political elite, which was under the influence of leading political and economic groups. There was a gradual narrowing of institutional channels for recruiting political elites in the region, which turned it into a social group with incomplete social representation. Significant weight in the process of forming the political elite of Ivano-Frankivsk region „closed” procedures and nomenclature mechanisms, frequent changes during the elections and appointments of leading political actors, which did not always happen with heredity, significantly reduced the overall potential of the regional political elite, which is still not realized in the full measure. Key words: regional political elite, Ivano-Frankivsk region, formation of political elite.

Voices from the Soviet Edge: Southern Migrants in Leningrad and Moscow by Jeff Sahadeo, and: Migration and Hybrid Political Regimes Navigating the Legal Landscape in Russia by Rustamjon Urinboyev

Voices from the Soviet Edge: Southern Migrants in Leningrad and Moscow by Jeff Sahadeo, and: Migration and Hybrid Political Regimes Navigating the Legal Landscape in Russia by Rustamjon Urinboyev

Migration policy and international human rights frameworks in Morocco: tensions and contradictions

ABSTRACT In 2013, Morocco announced the adoption of a new, ‘humane’ migration policy. The implementation of the reform, however, has been characterised by an apparent contradiction: while Morocco has leveraged the humanitarian and international orientation of the policy as a foreign policy tool, this new political framework has not so far been translated into law and has been accompanied by persisting violations of migrants’ rights, especially in border areas. Most literature on the topic observes these discrepancies as a sign of the incomplete or ‘indecisive’ character of Moroccan migration policies. Building on the literature on human rights politics and migration policy, in this article we ask instead: what do these contradictions tell us about the trajectory of the Moroccan state, and its relation to the international human rights regime? These discrepancies, we argue, speak to the process of regime hybridisation that has characterised Morocco’s political transition since the 1990s. Morocco’s transition from authoritarianism to a hybrid political regime has been marked by political openings towards liberalism, social mobilisation, and closer engagement with the international human rights framework, which have helped Morocco recraft its international image as a ‘modern’ and ‘stable’ country. These phenomena, however, have coexisted alongside the survival of practices of authoritarian rule. The National Strategy on Immigration and Asylum (SNIA) conforms to Morocco’s formal alignment to the international human rights regime. However, the lack of legal harmonisation grants the state the flexibility to manoeuvre the policy according to its European and African foreign political interests, thus leaving the progress in terms of migrants’ rights vulnerable to sudden setbacks.

Особенности регионального парламентаризма в современном российском гибридном политическом режиме

Based on the concepts of hybrid regimes and elec-toral authoritarianism, the paper defines the features of regional parliamentarism in the modern Russian hybrid political regime. It is concluded that the hy-brid nature of the Russian political regime with a predominant authoritarian component has a signifi-cant restraining effect on the practice of regional parliamentarism. At the same time, the very fact of the nominal existence of regional parliamentarism in Russia is indicative of the presence of hidden dem-ocratic opportunities in the Russian political system. The author suggests a model of analysis of features of formation and evolution of regional parliamentar-ism. The main elements of this model are political institutions (political parties, with the leading role of the “United Russia”, the Parliament, as well as for-mal and informal rules of interaction), political cul-ture (and attitudes of the political elite), the nature and direction of actual actions of political parties (in comparison with the functions stated in their сhar-ters), and groups of the political elite that implement their own strategies through political parties.

Explaining the killing of journalists in the contemporary era: The importance of hybrid regimes and subnational variations

Explanations for an increase in the killing of journalists worldwide over the last quarter century include the dangers of war coverage and unsafe conditions in formally democratic countries. Analyzing 1812 killings of journalists from 1992 to 2016, we find that countries with hybrid political regimes mixing liberal and illiberal elements create by far the most dangerous context for journalists, while a particular spatial configuration within those countries, subnational authoritarianism, clarifies the logic of the killings. In short, the study finds that most journalists died in countries where formal democratic norms and practices at the national level encourage investigative reporting in local arenas where powerholders have incentives to violently suppress critical press coverage. On a theoretical level, the synthesis of spatial analysis, comparative politics and journalism studies opens a fruitful path for theorizing anti-press violence and journalist safety. In terms of policy, international action should increase costs to national governments that overlook local misbehavior in return for political support. Discourse spotlighting local journalists’ contributions to human rights and democratic accountability may also be helpful.

It’s the politics, stupid: China’s relations with Muslim countries on the background of Xinjiang crackdown

ABSTRACT The goal of this paper is to present an explanation of why the Muslim governments largely abstained from even bringing up the Uyghur case with China, while the Rohingya issue provoked official condemnations by the governments in many Muslim countries. Although economic factors are most often consulted internationally, this article puts forward political factors as sufficient to explain the Muslim governments’ responses to the Xinjiang issue – primarily the domestic politics, and secondarily seeking of strategic alternatives to balance the West. In the context of hybrid political regimes in many Muslim countries, the domestic public opinion played an important role in deciding whether the government would address the issue. Effectively only Turkey presents the case where the public pays attention to the Uyghurs, and the government felt obliged to raise the issue at least to some extent.

State advertising as an instrument of transformation of the media market in Hungary

ABSTRACTThe study uses a comparative-historical perspective to examine the practice of state advertising in the Hungarian media by looking at the relevant practices of three governments. Using previous economic and political theoretical assumptions and data on Hungarian state advertising between 2006 and 2017, we argue that state advertising is a powerful tool of political favouritism as well as an instrument of market distortion, censorship and building an uncritical media empire aligned with the government. This practice can be viewed as part of a broader set of instruments deployed by illiberal states and hybrid political regimes to consolidate their hold on power.

СОЦІАЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНІ РОЗМЕЖУВАННЯ В СЛОВАЦЬКОМУ СУСПІЛЬСТВІ:

Проаналізовано соціально-політичні розмежування як чинник партійно-політичного розвитку в Словаччині. Простежено аналогійну відповідність класичних соціально-політичних розмежувань словацькому соціально-структурному контексту. Виокремлено нестандартні конфліктні лінії, які ситуативно та кон’юнктурно загострювалися в умовах переходу Словаччини до демократії. Падіння комуністичного режиму та плюралізація суспільно-політичного життя на поч. 1990-х рр. зумовила інституціоналізацію численних соціально-політичних розмежувань. Консолідація демократичного політичного режиму сприяла послабленню суспільно-політичної напруги в Словаччині й актуалізувала стандартні суперечності в соціально-економічній, етнічній, ліберально-консервативній площинах.

“Je suis Satisfaction:” Russian politics in the age of hybrid media

ABSTRACTThis article traces a hybrid media event that unfolded in Russia in January 2018. Started on YouTube as a homoerotic music video, the so-called Satisfaction Challenge turned into a meme with hundreds of participants, millions of followers, and national media coverage. Using digital ethnography, we examine the interaction of Russian officials, publics, and media throughout this multi-sited, multi-actor, and multi-voiced event. In so doing, we pose questions about the relationship between hybrid media and political regimes, particularly, the interplay between traditional and digital media as it plays out in the realm of social contention in Russia.

PRESS FREEDOM LEVEL AS AN INDICATOR OF DEMOCRACY’S DEVELOPMENT

Problem setting. Among the democratic freedoms defined by the Constitution of Ukraine is the freedom of speech, which is considered not only in itself, but also as freedom of the press. But legally declared freedoms in a democratic society necessarily require the existence of real mechanisms for their implementation in various spheres ofpublic life, as well as the state’s ability to protect them from any encroachment.Recent research and publications analysis. The problem of press freedom is very interesting for scientists and the public. In addition, the situation with the development of freedom of speech in Ukraine is the subject of monitoring of domestic and international organizations.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to investigate the factors that influence the degree of development offreedom of the press in Ukraine, as well as to show the interdependence of the level offreedom of the media and the state of democracy in the country.Paper main body. Based on the structure ofpress freedom, one can analyze the extent of this freedom.Economic independence of the media. Most of the media in Ukraine is privately owned and controlled by a small group of wealthy people who use their resource to ensure personal interests.This, in turn, could threaten society by limiting the pluralism of ideas, the principles of freedom of speech and the press.Legal component. Constitutional and legal regulation of media in Ukraine is one of the most progressive in Eastern Europe, despite the fact that legal guarantees of media activities are not always implemented in practice. The rights and obligations of the media are regulated by a number of legislative acts, as well as resolutions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the government of our state, presidential decrees.Legal protection ofjournalistic activity freedom. Freedom of the press becomes real where the legal protection of freedom of journalistic activity is implemented. Ukraine remains one of the most dangerous countries for journalists and journalistic activities - physical attacks on journalists, arbitrary detention and intimidation, kidnapping, murder ofjournalists and media workers do not promote the principles of freedom of the press and create psychological pressure on domestic media workers.Political aspect. An indicator offreedom of speech and freedom of the press is the presence/absence of censorship in relation to the media itself and to the materials distributed. The Constitution of Ukraine emphasizes the prohibition of censorship, while there are certain limitations that can sometimes be motivation for sanctions, broadcasting stops, ban of certain media and internet pages.Freedom of the media is a necessary element of the functioning of a democratic political regime. The state offreedom of the press directly influences the level of development of democracy in the state. «Partly Free» Ukrainian Media is one of the reasons «hybrid political regime» in the ranking of countries in terms of democracy.Conclusions of the research. It should be noted that press freedom in Ukraine as one of the indicators of democracy in general strengthened its position. At the same time, there remain reasons for concern: the monopolization of media markets, the concentration of private media in the hands of a small group of wealthy businessmen (and the possibility of their influence on political processes), different methods of reacting to pro-Russian propaganda and violence against journalists in the country, especially in the East.

PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS

Three countries: Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have concluded European Union Association Agreements, under similar terms and conditions of European Partnership. Analytical review allowed determining that in their political integrative development, they have similar problems and ways to overcome them. They are distinguished by a relatively high level of democratic freedoms and political pluralism; however, none of them can be considered as a consolidated democracy, these countries have hybrid political regimes. Among the main obstacles occurring on the way of their integration processes, one can distinguish problems associated with ethical, regional, and cultural conflicts; specific features of the formation of constitutional systems; features of the formation of PR technologies of government and society; deep-rooted corruption and influence of oligarchs in party systems and, as a consequence, propensity to use non-constitutional means of political struggle and economic development. Despite these structural problems, favouring European values and norms demonstrated by societies of the three countries holds the promise of consolidating democratic institutions and overcoming problems. The purpose of the article is to determine problems and prospects of deepening relations of the EU with three countries: Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, and to substantiate theses stating that consistent and reinforced integration of the European Union in this region is crucial for further success and development of all actors of this process. Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine do not compose a single region (both in a geographical and economic context); however, since 2014 they are developing according to the same scenarios. Their aspiration to integration has provoked problems in relations with Russia and intensified opposition to the policy of Europeanisation within the countries. In Ukraine, the most difficult and severe events took place: it passed through government overthrow, loss of territory, and military actions in Donbas caused by Russia, which continue to this day. For Moldova and Georgia, the choice of democratic imperatives also had grave consequences. In Georgia, they were identified as two long-term wars for the separation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; ended with the defeat of central authorities and creation of two unrecognized states. Moldova has faced a similar problem in Transnistria in 1992. In all countries, Russian armed forces were important actors who played an important role in determining the results of these conflicts. According to the Democracy Index, Moldova is evaluated as “imperfect democracy”; Georgia – as “hybrid regime”; Ukraine has moved below, from the category of “imperfect democracy” to the lowest “hybrid regime”. Over the political pressure of Russia, the EU and Ukraine postpone the provisional application of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area) to January 1, 2019. There are marked positive consequences of Ukrainian export to the EU, which volume has increased by 30% in 2017. The structure of exports to the EU has shifted towards machines and equipment, fats and oils of vegetable or animal origin, ready-made meals, and products of animal origin. The EU share in Ukrainian exports and imports has also increased due to a significant reduction in trade with Russia. The application of the EU tariff quotas for agricultural production has increased over the 2014–2017 years because Ukrainian producers have gradually overcome the problems with food safety and weak demand for their production. European choice is an extremely important factor for continuous democratization of all these three countries. In spite of competition among European and Eurasian identities, each of them considers itself a European country. The choice to continue the path of association with Europe, made by these countries, despite obvious political risks (especially severe for Ukraine), is the best evidence of their real adherence to European development path.

Subnational Variations in Government-Nonprofit Relations: A Comparative Analysis of Regional Differences within Russia

This article discusses the evolution of government-nonprofit relations at the regional level in Russia against the background of national-level restrictions on NGOs. Russia recently also introduced supportive policies and the article aims to trace the regional administrations’ reactions to the dual realities of the federal government’s posture towards nonprofits. Considerable variation was found in regional government-nonprofit relationships as well as deviation from national policy stances. Using a subnational comparative framework, this article addresses a gap in the literature and lays the groundwork for future cross-national comparisons of subnational variations of government-nonprofit relations in other authoritarian and hybrid political regimes.

Політичний режим в Словаччині в 1994-1998 рр.: боротьба авторитарних і демократичних тенденцій розвитку.

The author of the article examines political development of Slovak Republic in 1994-1998 years through the prism of manifestation of authoritarian and democratic characteristics. A conclusion is made about the functioning of the hybrid political regime with a clear tendency towards authoritarianism. The following undemocratic features of the political regime in 1994-1998 were highlighted: the power in the country is concentrated in the hands of the parliamentary-governmental coalition led by a charismatic leader; attempts to change institutional rules of political development in order to concentrate power; the transformation of the parliament (a parliamentary majority) into an instrument of influence of the head of the executive branch; neglect of the rights of the parliamentary opposition, obstructing its activities; the use of law enforcement services, special services for political struggle, prosecution of opposition representatives; restrictions and violations of the rules of electoral competition and democratic expression of the will of the citizens; strengthening control over the media; incitement of national intolerance and increase of value fragmentation of society; foreign policy goals were sacrificed to domestic political tasks regarding the concentration of power; non-transparent privatization and corruption. At the same time, democratic features can be noted alongside authoritarian ones: activity of civil society, opposition parties, non-governmental organizations; crystallization of the political interests of society in the planes «pro-Meciar–anti-Meciar » and «East–West»; citizens' awareness of the undemocratic actions of the government and the desire to resist it, especially in the context of the 1998 elections; relatively independent and critical position of institutions included in the system of power distribution (President, Constitutional Court, parliamentary opposition). Factors and preconditions, which did not promote democratization, were found out: imperfect institutional structure, conflict type of political culture, differentiation of the political elite, actualization of the national question, weak distribution of democratic values, social economic difficulties, etc.

SULTANISM AND SEMI-AUTHORITARIANISM IN POST-SOVIET AZERBAIJAN

The article is devoted to the research of hybrid political regime in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. The aim of the research is to apply a new conceptual framework, proposed by political scholar Farid Guliyev, combining concepts of sultanism and semi-authoritarianism. The research concludes that sultanistic semi-authoritarianism can be suitable model to study systemic political transformations of Azerbaijan at the beginning of XXI century.

SAMARA TOWN COUNCIL VS CENTRAL COUNCIL OF RESIDENTIAL QUARTERS: THE FINISHING TOUCHES TO THE FEATURE OF POLITICAL REGIME OF CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY COMMITTEE MEMBER

Researchers define the political regime of Komuch as a democracy or a dictatorship that used democratic rhetoric as cover. To have a deep understanding of the problem the article considers a particular topic – a conflict of Samara Central council of residential quarters and Samara Town Council. In historiography, there are some different variants of the conflict events’ description and its interpretation.In summer 1917, Samara residential quarters emerged, and in spring 1918 they came into conflict with Soviet regime. Samara Central council was organized. After anti-Bolshevist take-over, the Central council of residential quarters got a subsidy from Samara Town Council and the rights to temporary perform some of its functions, but claimed to participate in making decisions on wider range of problems, actively interacted with government and military institutions. Towards the end of July – beginning of August 1918, Samara Town Council limited interference of quarters organizations in its work. Komuch flabbily resisted, then supported the Town Council. The Central council of residential quarters lost the subsidy and self-occupied premises, polled 0,5 votes during city elections, and left the political arena. Society and government referred the Central council of residential quarters to the democratic organizations, evaluating its position, but not lawfulness of its work and legitimacy of its origin.The author comes to the conclusion that Komuch was not able to develop a clear position concerning the place of voluntary organizations in the government structure, was a hybrid political regime (dictablanda), functioning without any distinct regulatory grounds.

Problem of miscommunication in management relations and reconstitution of the political order

The establishment of the fact that the really existing political order is incongruent to the institutional component of the political system takes up the matter with us of thanks to what is its functioning maintained. This problem is relevant due to the fact that in this case, the informality of such order tends to the semi-legal basis of the authorization rather than to the value-symbolic component of being. Institutional practices that made political order, can be reproduced as informal regulators of political communication or, by normative formalization, become an institutionalized component of the political system. It is possible to assume that one of the mechanisms for establishing the non-institutional political order is its self-maintaining through the use by actors of policy of specific interaction practices. Communicative practices, amongst others, have a decisive influence on the said processes, since their open and rational implementation allows to reach the level of discussing rules for the organization of power relations.It is substantiated that in political systems being transformed, the said initial incongruence can be firmly established as a result of the distortion of the content essence in the communication while applying manipulative technologies (including, through the system of education). If informal political discourse even goes beyond the control of formalized institutions (at least indirectly) but becomes effective, then it is considered necessary, as long as it justifies the existing political order, no matter how paradoxical it was. In our opinion, this is one of prerequisites for the emergence of hybrid political regimes, in which the deliberately stimulated coexistence of the formal (legal) and the efficient produces the uncertainty and, at the same time, is its result. In similar circumstances, individuals apply the kind of communication practices (for example, para-dialogue) contributing to the reconstitution of the political order, by which they were designed or adapted in the social environment. The habituation to the double bind situation can be regarded as one of elements for the formation of the double institutionalization in the socio-political environment, which would explain the stability of the latter in the context of the macro-system inefficiency.

Security Assistance in a Post-interventionist Era: The Impact on Limited Statehood in Lebanon and Tunisia

Post-interventionist security assistance is premised on non-normative security understandings and flexible arrangements between external and local actors. In hybrid political regimes or areas of limited statehood, these forms of assistance, while strengthening specific aspects of a country’s security context, reinforce some domestic actors vis-à-vis others thanks to processes of selective borrowing by local political elites. This paper demonstrates how such processes contribute to the proliferation of hybrid elements in the country’s security sector. In two contrasting case studies, we illustrate how security assistance packages in Lebanon and Tunisia have diluted emerging democratic reforms, producing more coercive manifestation of state power.

Ціннісні передумови функціонування демократичних політичних інститутів в Україні.

The article analyzes the interconnection of political values and the effectiveness of democratic political institutions. The expediency of considering freedom of expression as the main value in the structure of democratic political culture is substantiated. It is proved that democratic institutions can function effectively only if they are in line with the public values of citizens. Historical facts show that both values and democratic institutions can be primary. However, in conditions of hybrid political regimes, despite the formal presence of democratic institutions, values remain authoritarian in connection with the establishment of informal, non-institutionalized political relations.A hypothesis concerning the rapid formation of democratic values during the Revolution of Dignity has been refuted. In Ukraine, due to the long authoritarian past, the leading feature of political culture is state paternalism, social apathy, lack of personal responsibility and initiative. Therefore, despite the significant activation of social capital, citizens have resorted to non-conventional forms of political participation, which testifies to the hybrid non-institutionalized nature of democracy. At the present stage, the vast majority of citizens are inclined to adhere to democratic values for the sake of security. This is due to the crisis of the functioning of the political system, constant social shifts and conflicts.It is indicated on the necessity of solving the value dilemma of freedom versus security in the context of further institutionalization of democracy. It is revealed that the main mechanism of stimulation of personality self-expression is based on the activation of social capital through the development of alternative forms of group identification, the creation of a network of voluntary organizations, and the establishment of horizontal communicative ties.

Market and Policy in Argentina: Exploring the Non- Market Strategies and Government in A Hybrid Regime

<p>This paper investigates the nature of non-market strategies in the case of expanding business in Argentinian. Result of the enquiry presents a new conceptual framework that allow us to understand the Argentine reality in a proper manner. The full investigation suggests that in other countries the non-market strategies are being studied, without establishing a discipline. Academic material and specific courses have been developed in the business schools of the universities, but, except in specific and small cases, there is no research field and cases developed in Argentina. The expanded research hypothesis argues that companies in Argentina do not understand how to approach the political decisions of the State of hybrid political regimes in matters that concern them. Companies focus on market logic without understanding the logic of "non-market" environments. </p>

Democracy, protest and public sphere in Russia after the 2011–2012 anti-government protests: digital media at stake

The 2011–2012 Russian protest mobilisations were largely enabled by the rise of social networks. Social and technological advancements paired to pave the way for the ‘biggest protests since the fall of USSR’. Ubiquitous and uncensored social media facilitated the networking and mobilisation for this protest activity: Liberal masses were able to share and discuss their grievances, unite and coordinate online for the offline protest. The digitally savvy protest public developed to confront the government, which appeared to be astonished by the scale of protest. Those mobilisations marked an important gap between the government’s conception of the society and the real state of resistance. This article studies three main hypotheses regarding the potential of the protest movement in Russia. The hypotheses were drawn from recent sociological, political and media studies on Russian resistance. Current research aims to contribute to the debate from the digital media perspective. It therefore evaluates three main assumptions: Digital media have the potential to empower, dependent upon the relevant political, social and economic factors; digital media isolates protest publics and therefore may be more useful for the government than the resistance; and recent censorship of digital media communication signals a tightening of both formal and informal restrictions against opposition and protest politics. This article uses theoretical and factual evidence on the limitations of democracy and the public sphere and conceptualises the government’s management of resistance in Russia during and after the 2011–2012 protests. It studies how the hybrid political regime in Russia balances restrictions on freedom of speech with strengthened state propaganda and how it mediates media oppression and invites self-censorship. Finally, it examines how the state communication watchdog has recently focused its attention at the digital realm. This move confirms the importance of the online protest communication for the Russian political environment. Yet the state’s acknowledgement of digital political resistance may lead to further oppression and curbing of this emerging component of Russian politics.