Keywords: kinship, law, social capital, resource management Introduction(1)Painstaking and prolonged fieldwork provides many anthropologists with an understanding of both the centrality of and the flexibility in kinship rules for distributing rights in and for managing use of resources. However, conceptualizing and communicating that importance across disciplinary boundaries is often very difficult. The specialized language of kinship, taken together with the myriad and highly complex, non-Western tenure arrangements, often makes for a difficult process of translating what we know into language that is understandable to those without anthropological background. And yet, translation of that specialized knowledge takes on increasing urgency in a world where resource sustainability has become the elusive Holy Grail. Some recent publications that explore the role of cultural capital in ecological resilience without adequate cognizance of the basic building blocks of social life are but one outcome of that translation difficulty.(2) When kinship systems are considered in relation to rights in resources, simple, ahistorical, linear arguments and functionalist assumptions are common (Aswani, 1999: 418).(3)The dangers in this type of thinking are exacerbated when new technical methods of modelling relations between the human and physical landscapes are brought to bear. Kinship software (Widlock, 2000), GIS mapping (Aldenderfer and Maschner, 1996), and recent three-dimensional tree software (Card, MacKinlay and Shneiderman, 1999) offer significant opportunities to translate and make more visible non-Western social organization, especially when used in combination.(4)The mutual compatibility of these developments is apparent. Any anthropologist who views the fisheye cone trees in the Card et alii volume will be immediately reminded of what McKinnon (2000: 43) calls the elegantly abstract skeleton of kinship diagrams. What concerns us here are the many questions about the relationship between such abstractions and the actual on-the-ground kin-based behavior and resource management. This paper began with an exploration of such developments. We quickly realized, however, that the possibilities inherent in such software raise salient theoretical and ethical questions about kinship theory, about the adaptive functions of various kinship forms, and about the dangers of the increased legibility of such local adaptations (Scott, 1998). The original and quite simple question we asked was can we make complex, kin-based rights structures and their impact on resource use more visible? But this simple question rapidly generated a host of more complex questions, and at the head of the list was the question: should we?There seemed several compelling reasons to pursue increased visibility for kinship and its possible connection to resource management and use. First, we were interested in the possibility of exploring the role of kinship in cultural capital, as the term is used by Berkes (1996), Berkes and Folke (1998), Hanna, Folke and Maler (1996) and other scholars exploring traditional ecological knowledge and its possible role in livelihood resilience and sustainable ecological adaptations. Capital is defined by Berkes (1996: 91) as a stock resource with a value embedded in its ability to produce a flow of benefits (see also Ostrom and Schlager, 1996: 129). The sustainability literature defines three types including natural capital (assets from the ecosystem), cultural capital (assets from cultural organization and values)(5) and human-made capital (assets created through use of human technology). These three types of capital are said to be interconnected such that the characteristics of the group and the technology they utilize are the key to understanding their relationship with the ecosystem, as are the property rights that organize the interface with natural resources (Berkes and Folke, 1998: 16-17). …
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