Human Rights Organizations Research Articles

Problematic aspects of the implementation of legal guarantees of human and citizen rights in Ukraine

The article describes the basic rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen, which are inalienable rights and freedoms enjoyed by a person from birth. They form the basis of the legal status enshrined in the state constitution and enjoy the highest legal protection. The most important and complex relations between people and the relations between the state and the person in legal form are regulated by formulating the rights, freedoms and obligations underlying the legal status of a person, which is one of the most important not only legal, but also juridical. also political categories. The most important features of the rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen are: naturalness, continuity, equality, social justification, respect for international standards, state guarantee. The problem of guaranteeing the rights and freedoms of a person by giving them a real character is not only of a practical nature. In the modern context of the development of the rule of law and civil society, it is important to develop a holistic scientific concept of human rights and freedoms, which covers a wide range of theoretical provisions regarding the essence and content of rights and freedoms, their structure and mechanism. Local self-government bodies play an important role in ensuring constitutional rights and freedoms. A real environment for the existence of human rights is possible in the conditions of a democratic state governed by the rule of law. Democracy, rule of law and human rights are inseparable. The rule of law is a guarantee of the reality of human rights in terms of protection from violations by the authorities, and human rights are the main condition and characteristic of democracy, the humanistic and human dimension of the rule of law. The article concludes that the basis of democracy in the state is the guarantee of the rights and freedoms of man and citizen by the Constitution of the state, not only formally, but also in practice. Therefore, taking into account the individual shortcomings of state bodies in regulating the system of human and citizen rights, the number of human rights organizations is growing day by day, both at the national and international levels. At the same time, the article concludes that it is impossible to build a legal state in a society with developed legal nihilism. And respect for the rights of society can be caused only by concern for the same rights of people and citizens.

The Dynamics of Civil Society Organisations and Cooperative Societies around Cocoa Governance Based on North-South Cooperation in Côte d'Ivoire

The cocoa sector in Côte d'Ivoire has around 3,000 cooperatives, whose stated objective is to fight for an improvement in the living conditions of producers by acting for a better marketing price for their produce. Despite their large numbers, these cooperatives struggle to integrate and influence decision-making bodies so that the needs of producers can be taken into account. It is against this backdrop that two non-governmental organisations, INADES [ ], and INKOTA-Netzwerk, launched a collaborative initiative in 2019 involving international civil society organisations, human rights organisations and cooperatives, with a view to helping them build an advocacy framework to have a greater impact on decision-making in the sector through the establishment in 2020, of the "Ivorian platform for sustainable cocoa". And this desire to bring together agricultural cooperatives as well as the Ivorian civil society (south) and their partners (north) so that they can play their full part in the decision-making process within this sector has been the subject of a study. The results, findings, observations and information gathered as part of this research are set out in this article. The data was collected through documentary research and semi-directive interviews with Inades-Formation managers, civil society organisations that are members of the platform, cooperative group managers and trade union structure managers. In terms of results, the pooling of synergies between civil society organisations in the north and south, which began in 2020 under the slogan "Ivorian platform for sustainable cocoa", has led to the development and publication of an advocacy guide. This activity has also helped improve the administrative and economic organisation of cooperative structures. In addition, the information and capacity-building sessions carried out by international civil society organisations have enabled cooperatives to revitalise their influence in the process of political and ......

Media Freedom and Censorship: A Comparative Case Study of Media Freedom under Previous and Current Taliban Governments

The study compares media freedom and censorship under the present Taliban regime in Afghanistan to that under the previous Taliban rule (1996–2001). It looks into how the two regimes' changes to media laws and regulations affected journalists and media organizations. The study questions are concerned with the variations in media freedom, certain types of censorship, and the influence of technology development on media freedom. The study uses a comparative case study methodology to examine the legal system, media regulation, and public access to media coverage in the past and present. Collecting data entails compiling facts from academic research, human rights reports, media observers, and news articles. The study indicates that Taliban regime has become flexible in their policies toward media freedom in contrast to total ban in Taliban’s initial regime on media freedom. The study's importance rests in giving policymakers, human rights organizations, and media professionals’ information on how media freedom was affected by the Taliban's control. This will help them support that Freedom and fight for journalists' rights in Afghanistan.

Death by Law: Restrictive Regulations and INGO Numbers

Does the adoption of restrictive regulations shape numbers of non-governmental organizations? Since the late 1990s, governments around the world have been enacting new legal measures designed to suppress civil society’s functions and organizational space to carry out advocacy and politically oriented work. Scholars have investigated the impact of these new regulations on foreign aid flows, voting behavior, and on organizations, but to date, we lack a systematic analysis about the cross-national global effects of these legal restrictions on numbers of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in particular, since it is these organizations (and their funders) that have been heavily targeted. In this research note, we fill this gap through an empirical analysis of the effects of various types of restrictive laws on INGO numbers in 96 countries between 1992 and 2018 and find that advocacy restrictions result in a reduction of transnational human rights organizations but not numbers of INGOs.

Security Patchworking in Lebanon: Infrastructuring Across Failing Infrastructures

In this paper we bring to light the infrastructuring work carried out by people in Lebanon to establish and maintain everyday security in response to multiple simultaneously failing infrastructures. We do so through interviews with 13 participants from 12 digital and human rights organisations and two weeks of ethnographically informed fieldwork in Beirut, Lebanon, in July 2022. Through our analysis we develop the notion of security patchworking that makes visible the infrastructuring work necessitated to secure basic needs such as electricity provision, identity authentication and financial resources. Such practices are rooted in differing mechanisms of protection that often result in new forms of insecurity. We discuss the implications for CSCW and HCI researchers and point to security patchworking as a lens to be used when designing technologies to support infrastructuring, while advocating for collaborative work across CSCW and security research.

The principle of non-refoulement: the legitimacy of refugee policies in Western countries

In recent years, affected by the influx of refugees, some Western countries have suffered blows in the security, economic, and other fields and are faced with the dilemma of safeguarding national interests and fulfilling the principle of non-refoulement under international law. Western countries are broadly adopting the following three policies to restrict and control the entry of refugees into their territories: the policy of extraterritorial refoulement, the policy of interception at sea, and the policy of safe third countries. They are adopting several flexible measures to circumvent the application of the principle of non-refoulement, believing that they are not violating the principle of non-refoulement. However, the United Nations and human rights organizations are still skeptical of the abovementioned policies. This thesis will mainly discuss the legality of these behaviors and make some suggestions based on the full understanding and respect of national sovereignty and territorial integrity, which can deal with the refugee problem more humanely and provide feasible ideas for solving the refugee problem.

Дискриминация русскоязычного этноса в Латвии по признаку гражданства: политико-правовые аспекты

Abstract 
 Throughout the entire post-Soviet period in Latvia, there has been a problem of finding the Russian-speaking population in the status of non-citizens with limited rights, including political ones. Currently, restrictions have also extended to Russian citizens with a residence permit in Latvia. The study is based on the case study method. Statistical data on the ethnic composition of the country's population are analyzed. Regulatory acts indicating restrictive mechanisms against non-citizens, as amended in 2022 and 2023, are being considered. Using the method of comparative studies, national legislation and legal regulations of the European Union (international standards) in the field of protection of human and civil rights and freedoms are compared. The results of the study show that the entire Russian–speaking population of Latvia is discriminated against, especially the most vulnerable - pensioners, for whom the new rules for obtaining a residence permit are a problem. This may threaten them with the loss of social security, up to and including forced expulsion from the country. The Russian-speaking population in Latvia cannot influence their own position in the country due to the lack of political rights. Throughout the entire period of independence, the Latvian government has been using this group of the population in its own political agenda, ensuring the legitimacy of its own power and decisions. Such internal political processes contribute to the division of society along ethnic lines and the development of discriminatory attitudes. The theoretical significance of the study lies in the systematization of the mechanism of discrimination against a certain group of the population. In turn, the practical significance lies, on the one hand, in drawing the attention of human rights organizations to the problem of discrimination, and on the other hand, it clearly shows the essence of the mechanism of discrimination and ways to improve it in states in the post-Soviet space. Consequently, the results of the study can be applied to the development of mechanisms for the protection of compatriots in other states where discrimination trends are at an early stage.

Гонения на верующих на Украине как индикатор кризиса института правозащиты

The article provides information about the inconsistency of the activities of foreign human rights organisations with the goals and objectives of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The author's idea is confirmed by the data of monitoring of observance of religious freedoms and rights of believers, carried out by the Russian Association for the Defence of Religious Freedom. It is concluded that it is necessary to establish new international mechanisms for the protection of human rights on the platforms of BRICS, SCO, and others.

Some issues of the status and functioning of the United Nations human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine

Today, the United Nations plays a leading role in the development of international law and cooperation among the world's states. Member states have pledged to realize their rights and fulfill their obligations under the UN Charter. The main objectives of the UN are envisaged in Article 1 of the Charter, where the key provision relating to human rights is reflected in paragraph 3 of Article 1. According to it, the UN aims to achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural and humanitarian character and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction of race, sex, language or religion [1]. As it can be seen, the Charter only calls on states parties to promote the protection of human rights, without establishing clear obligations to protect and guarantee them.
 Since 2014, i.e. since Russia launched its war against Ukraine, the aggressor has not stopped committing crimes against our country and our people. Russia's actions encroach not only on the sovereignty of our state, but also on human rights and freedoms. Under such circumstances, the international community cannot stand aside from these events. Many international human rights organizations have offices in Ukraine. Among them is the UN. On 31.07.2014, the Government of Ukraine and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights signed an agreement on the deployment of a short-term UN human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine.
 The legal status of UN monitoring missions in legal science has not been the subject of a separate study. Certain aspects of the activities and competence of such missions have been considered in the works of such scholars as I.A. Shumilo [14], F. Megre [13], K. Boyle [12] and others, which are devoted to the coverage of international mechanisms for the protection of human rights and freedoms, the status of the UN General Assembly and the UN Human Rights Council. Therefore, the task set out in this article is to analyze and establish the specifics of the legal status of the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission (hereinafter - the Mission), in particular, the one established for Ukraine, and the limits of the Mission's powers under the UN Charter, UN General Assembly resolutions, and international agreements between UN agencies and Ukraine. Therefore, the relevance of this article is beyond doubt. It has been established that the purpose of the Mission is to facilitate cooperation between the Government of Ukraine and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (hereinafter - OHCHR)[2] and it plays the role of a subsidiary mechanism for the protection of human rights and freedoms within the UN. The conclusions of the mission will undoubtedly serve as a convincing additional evidence base for Ukraine in international judicial and other bodies in protecting its interests and establishing the guilt of the Russian Federation for actions committed against our country.

Addressing Japan’s disposal of nuclear-contaminated water from the perspective of international human rights law

The discharge of nuclear-contaminated water containing radionuclides into the ocean by Japan will lead to its integration into the entire ecosystem through processes of circulation and biomagnification, eventually entering the human body via the food chain. This poses a substantial risk of irreversible damage to both the ecosystem and human health, a situation that will worsen with the ongoing discharge of such water. The respect and protection of human rights represent an international consensus, and safeguarding fundamental human rights is a substantial obligation that states must undertake in accordance with both international and domestic law. Since the Fukushima nuclear disaster, Japan has continuously violated its international legal obligations to protect human rights in several areas, including the resettlement of disaster victims, the reduction of nuclear radiation levels, and the handling of contaminated water. Such actions have compromised and will continue to compromise the basic human rights of not only its citizens but also those of people worldwide, including environmental rights, the right to life, development rights, and food rights. In the aftermath of the Fukushima meltdown, the public and workers involved in handling nuclear contaminants have been continually exposed to high radiation levels, endangering their rights to life, development, and health. Japan’s inadequate efforts in victim resettlement and environmental restoration have jeopardized the environmental and food rights of its citizens to live healthily and access food in an environment unaffected by nuclear radiation. The release of nuclear-contaminated water poses a risk of Japan’s nuclear pollution to the people of neighboring countries and the global population at large. The principle of human rights underpins the theory of a community with a shared future for humanity, and human rights are a crucial area of China’s active participation in United Nations affairs and global governance. By voicing concerns over Japan’s potential human rights violations globally, China demonstrates its role as a responsible major country. In response to Japan’s breach of legal obligations and human rights violations, China can adopt a reasoned and beneficial approach, including calling on the international community to hold Japan criminally accountable for crimes against humanity under the Rome Statute and advancing scholarly discussions on ecocide and crimes against the marine environment. Furthermore, China should persist in seeking advisory opinions from the International Court of Justice and strive for substantive accountability, utilizing the mechanisms of international human rights organizations to make its voice heard.

Collective Impunity for Transition? Consenso and the International Travels of a Spanish Paradigm

Abstract: Before South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation , there was the Spanish consenso . The idea of negotiated and peaceful consensus it embodied, as a way to overcome violent pasts after the end of dictatorship, was forged in the work of Communists, Socialists, Christian Democrats and human rights organisations both internationally and in Spain from the late 1950s onwards. Following the death of Franco and Spain's successful democratization from the late 1970s, it would then become an influential approach that travelled internationally for two decades. This article highlights the role of left politicians and organisations such as the Socialist International in the deradicalization of visions of post-dictatorial justice and in the circulation of this paradigm across Latin America and Eastern Europe. It concludes by tracing the way in which, in the twenty-first century, consenso-type settlements have been attacked for, variously, their acceptance of impunity; avoidance of questions of economic and structural justice; and incapacity to effect a revolutionary break sufficient to protect societies from corruption, inequality and a return to authoritarianism. Shorter Abstract: Before South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation , there was the Spanish consenso , understood not only as a commitment to a peaceful democratic exit from dictatorship, but also a way of forging an end to, and not falling back into, civil war. This article explores in particular the contribution of an international and domestic left in not only building the consenso in Spain, but also exporting its deradicalized vision of post-dictatorial justice across Latin America and Eastern Europe. It concludes by analysing why consenso-type settlements fell out of fashion after the Cold War and have been attacked in the twenty-first century.

Methods of protection of family rights and interests of the child by law enforcement bodies and organizations

In the paper a study of methods of protection of family rights and interests of the child by human rights bodies and organizations was carried out. On the basis of the conducted scientific research, the author came to the conclusion that the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, acting through his human rights representative and the Office for Monitoring Compliance with the Rights of the Child and Family, Youth and Sports, independently applies the following methods of protecting family rights and the interests of the child as: assisting parents in self-defense of family rights and interests of the child, which is manifested in the provision of legal information to parents necessary for self-defense, consideration of appeals from them and information about the best way to resolve the issue; monitoring the state of compliance with the family rights and interests of the child and promoting the restoration of the violated family rights and interests of the child by other state bodies, local self-government bodies, enterprises, institutions, and organizations by sending mandatory response acts. In this case, the protection of family rights and interests of the child by the Commissioner of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine for human rights is included in the content of the jurisdictional form of protection. The actions of public organizations and their implementation of human rights functions are united by the concept of "non-jurisdictional methods of protection", public human rights organizations in this context use such methods of protecting family rights and interests of the child as: organization of negotiations (mediation) between participants in family relations regarding the settlement of disputed issues, in including those related to the renewal of a violated, unrecognized or contested family right or interest, participation in the conclusion by the mediation parties of an agreement based on the results of the mediation, in which the obligations agreed upon by the mediation parties, the methods and terms of their implementation, as well as the consequences of their non-fulfilment or improper implementation.

Challenges and Reforms in Pakistan's Narcotics Law: A Critical Analysis of the Control of Narcotics Substances Act 1997

This research article examines the complex and diverse obstacles encountered by narcotics law enforcement and justice in Pakistan, as governed by the Control of Narcotics Substances Act (CNSA) of 1997. The study highlights key concerns, such as elevated rates of acquittal, inefficiencies within the system, and a backlog of cases in drug courts, emphasizing the necessity for comprehensive reforms. Furthermore, the article emphasizes the significance of tackling judicial corruption, enhancing human rights organizations, and implementing sophisticated reforms in sentencing and punishment to attain a fairer administration of justice. The research highlights the significance of diverse resources, such as enhanced investigative tools and police training, augmented resources for prosecutors, and the utilization of technology in law enforcement. Furthermore, it promotes the implementation of community-based initiatives to deter drug abuse and addiction, while emphasizing the essential role of research in guiding successful approaches. The author also proposed solutions that seek to achieve a harmonious equilibrium between the enforcement of laws and the administration of justice, thereby ensuring a more effective, equitable, and responsible approach to narcotics cases.

Researching Border Violence in an Indefensible Europe

ABSTRACT Significant documentation generated by activists, researchers, and human rights organisations has evidenced how violence is systematically deployed by European states to regulate the mobility and settlement of people on the move arriving from the Global South. While documenting violations at Europe’s borders is necessary to challenge states’ efforts to obscure violence and to enable accountability for border injustices, this article offers a critical reflection of the assumptions and performative effects of such research. Drawing on critical border studies literature and the critique of ‘damage-centred’ research (Tuck and Yang, 2014) offered by decolonial and feminist theorists, the article reflects on how efforts to render border harms visible in a Europe where violence against people on the move is normalised – and widely endorsed – risk reproducing the dehumanisation it seeks to challenge. I examine two strands of critique: firstly, of how research describing violence may unintendedly reify dominant representations that suggest an unbridgeable difference between those whose bodies can be injured, and those untouched by violence. Secondly, I suggest that provided the inherent violence of Europe’s borders and the affective attachments of European societies to the unequal world order they sustain, exposing violence may not necessarily contribute to ending it. I conclude with a discussion on how research may be deployed to challenge these affective attachments to violence. The article thus contributes with a critical reflection on the role of knowledge production in variably reproducing and challenging the borders of a Europe that, as Césaire (1950) has proposed, is indefensible.

Human rights organizations, equal opportunity, and violence against refugees

What factors influence levels of repression targeting refugee populations? In this paper, we explore the efficacy of top-down and bottom-up approaches to mitigating host-state repression, specifically highlighting the role of human rights organizations (HROs) and institutionalized equal opportunity in influencing states’ decision to violently repress refugees. In so doing, we argue that repression levels can be moderated through proper accommodation and integration of refugee populations via the activities of HROs in addition to increased institutionalized equal opportunities for displaced persons. Using a new dataset that captures state repression of refugee populations together with a zero-inflated ordered probit model and an estimation technique that addresses endogeneity, we find mixed support for our hypotheses.

Intimate partner violence among women in Togo: a generalised structural equation modeling approach

ObjectiveThis study aimed to assess the magnitude and identify associated factors with intimate partner violence (IPV) in Togo.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingTogo.ParticipantsWomen of reproductive age (15–49 years).Primary outcomeIntimate partner violence.MethodsThis study used data...

The role of non-governmental human rights organizations in ensuring the collection of evidence for the international criminal court in the context of the war in Ukraine

In Ukraine, starting from February 2022, every day servicemen of the Russian army commit crimes that are a direct violation of international humanitarian law, not only on the front line, but also in the depths of the country, in the central and western regions. The author of the article analyzes the procedure for pre-trial investigation of international criminal crimes and the role of non-governmental public human rights organizations in this process. In addition, the new functions assigned to NGOs as separate non-governmental human rights organizations that have been operating on the territory of Ukraine since the beginning of the full-scale invasion were considered. The legal mechanisms for the involvement of NGOs in the collection of evidence on the ground, as well as the possibility of taking into account the collected information by international justice bodies, were studied. Specific examples and initiatives of the public sector, within the scope of the issue being studied, are given, and the functions, competences, and opportunities for increasing the effectiveness of NGO activity in the conditions of war are defined.
 It was concluded that non-governmental organizations, including human rights organizations, during the war in Ukraine discovered new areas of work and expanded the possibility of cooperation with state bodies. In turn, law enforcement agencies have provided access to limited information for the NGOs themselves by internal orders, which together increases the effectiveness of the pre-trial investigation of committed crimes. Thanks to this, feedback has been established. Special attention should be paid to the work of foreign NGOs and volunteers, which contributes to the recording of war crimes and crimes against humanity, which current Ukrainian refugees witnessed or became victims of.
 It was concluded that the main areas of evidence-gathering NGO activity are the following: 1) dissemination of information in the mass media about the condition of refugees who suffered as a result of the crimes of the Russian military, documenting the stories of witnesses of such offenses. In particular, the facts of torture and sexual violence (from the testimonies of refugees from Ukraine) were reported by the mass media in many European countries and beyond; 2) provision of advisory assistance regarding high-quality recording of episodes of criminal acts in order to recognize such evidence as appropriate; 3) peaceful gatherings and protests of public organizations, the active public against Russia’s war crimes in Ukraine, which, of course, is of great importance for the international community to recognize their severity and massiveness.
 It was concluded that the wide international recognition of the war crimes of the Russian Federation creates opportunities for the successful initiation of the International Tribunal or other judicial formats (such as the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chamber) to bring the perpetrators to justice. All international actors collect evidence according to the clear requirements and standards of the International Criminal Court, and subsequently either transfer it to it or accumulate it in the prosecutor’s offices of certain countries for further referral to a designated responsible judicial body.

Identity digitalization as dispossession and entrenched displacement: digitalization at the nexus of migration “management” and climate change in Thailand and Türkiye

Digitalizing technologies are increasingly heralded by a range of powerful actors and some human rights organizations as appropriate and necessary tools for ‘managing migration’ and mitigating climate change. Yet, just as exclusionary and marginalizing discourses of “migration problems” serve to justify the digital surveillance of vulnerable and precariously statused people, the context of climate change, accelerating contestation over land and water, and discourses of catastrophe prove fertile ground for entrenching these practices and technologies in multiple ways. Researchers are identifying the dispossessive power of digitalization in the arena of personal identification and in relation to resource and land mapping, yet these dynamics are rarely interrogated in connection. In this comparative analysis, we draw from sustained ethnographic engagement and insights in critical digitalization studies and political economy to analyze the consequences of state efforts to digitalize identity and resources in Thailand and Türkiye in the age of the Anthropocene. Our research points to a need for greater attention to the ways that state efforts to digitalize identification and registration of immigrant, refugee, and stateless people link with, and can facilitate, more efficient dispossessions and displacements of precariously statused communities from vital and contested lands.

ПРОСТИТУЦИЯ И СЕКС-ТУРИЗМ В СОВРЕМЕННОМ МИРЕ КАК ПРИМЕР ИНДУСТРИИ ВПЕЧАТЛЕНИЙ

in the modern world, such a social phenomenon as prostitution and sex tourism is widely developed. This specific “experience industry” includes about a dozen states and regions of the world, such as, first of all, Thailand, Vietnam, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, partly China, and a number of other countries, if we talk about male clients. It is customary to consider such services as an unambiguously criminal and negative phenomenon, which must be fought both at the government level and on behalf of international public and human rights organizations, as a modern form of slavery, exploitation and objectification of women. There is also female sex tourism, for example, in Turkey, Zanzibar, therefore, in our opinion, it is impossible to see here only facts of female sexual exploitation. In this regard, we aim to conduct a qualitative analysis of these industries, to rethink the basic clichés about this area, without encroaching on justification, but without condemning both sex workers and their clients. Modern prostitution and sex tourism have long been established as a social phenomenon that has centuries-old historical and even religious roots and has embodied in an almost legalized experience industry.

منظمات حقوق الإنسان في فلسطين: النطاق، الفرص والتحديات

The study was designed to understand the scope, opportunites and challenges of human rights organizations (HROs) from the point of view of managers in the State of Palestine. The study adopted the quantitative method, using a probability sample of 39 managers in the HROs. A social survey, developed by the researchers, was used to collect the data after ensuring its reliability and validity. The data were analyzed with the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and are discussed with descriptive statistics. Against the background of the pervasive attacks by Israel on Palestine, the study revealed that HROs engage in a range of activities to protect and promote socio-economic and political rights. However, the goals of these HROs are challenged by the generally weak culture of human rights in the country, and institutional, legal and political factors. هدفت الدراسة إلى فهم النطاق والفرص والتحديات التي تواجه منظمات حقوق الإنسان الفلسطينية من وجهة نظر مديريها في دولة فلسطين، تنتمي هذه الدراسة إلى نمط الدراسات الوصفية بالاعتماد على المنهج الكمي باستخدام عينة احتمالية عن طريق المسح الاجتماعي، وقد بلغ عدد أفراد عينة الدراسة (39) مديراً. اعتمد الباحثان على استبانة من إعدادهما، وبعد التأكد من صدقها وثباتها، تمّ استخدام الرزمة الإحصائيـة للعلوم الاجتماعية (SPSS) لاستخراج النتائج وتحليلها ومناقشتها، وذلك بالاعتماد على مجموعة من المعالجات الإحصائية التي تتناسب مع طبيعة موضوع الدراسة. أظهرت النتائج أنه على خلفية الهجمات المتفشية من قبل إسرائيل على فلسطين أن موظفي حقوق الإنسان ينخرطون في مجموعة من الأنشطة لحماية وتعزيز الحقوق الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية. ومع ذلك، فإن أهداف موظفي حقوق الإنسان هؤلاء تواجه تحديًا بسبب ضعف ثقافة حقوق الإنسان في البلد بشكل عام، والعوامل المؤسسية والقانونية والسياسية.