Group Human Rights Research Articles

Child Marriage Discourse According to al-Qaradawi’s Fiqh Methodology

The polemic on the issue of child marriage has not only been debated among human rights groups in recent decades but has also been included in the discourse of contemporary Muslim scholars. Yusuf al-Qaradawi is a contemporary scholar who is responsive in discussing issues of women and girls that concern the international community, including child marriage. This article explores issue of child marriage from al-Qaradawi’s fiqh methodology, which offers solutions to contemporary societal issues according to the Islamic legal framework. Qualitative methods through a content analysis were used in al-Qaradawi’s work on Islamic law and child marriage. This article shows that al-Qaradawi’s position on the issue of child marriage is centred on the priority of protecting children’s rights from harmful traditional practices based on the Siyasah al-Shar’iyya. The government should adopt al-Qaradawi’s point of view to reforming the Islamic Family Law Enactment to protect the child’s best interest from this harmful practice.

Rethinking Insecurity and Scoping Security Threat in Nigeria: Looking Ahead

Early in the 2000s, Boko Haram emerged with an Islamisation agenda concentrating mostly on Nigeria the largest African economy. There is empirical evidence suggesting that the government of Nigeria has not successfully warded off this group’s hostility. Yet there are gaps in security threats and extant literature. This study therefore examined the instability and anomic conditions resulting from this insurgency using the document analysis method and the Containment Theory employed as the theoretical framework. The analysis showed that there is no clear reason why the Nigerian military has failed to contain the Boko Haram insurgency given the army’s undoubted gallantry after excelling in several international peacekeeping assignments. It was recommended that public programs for enlightenment through community engagement and transparency would influence positively the government’s efforts to contain these terrorist activities. Given the complex nature of terrorism, there is a need for robust empirical studies that have to be done before any meaningful policy implementation can be considered. This study will amplify the international awareness of violent extremist activities in this most populated African nation. It will significantly provide the Nigerian government, human rights groups, researchers, civil society, policymakers, and public and private security agents with more knowledge to understand these terrorists better. Keywords: Nigeria, Threat, Peace, Security, Boko Haram

The intimate geopolitics of evidence gathering in war crime investigation in Ukraine

The Russian invasion of Ukraine illustrates the increasingly judicialized nature of international relations and geopolitics. By viewing aspects of the invasion as illegal – in particular through the identification of war crimes and crimes against humanity – the international response draws attention to the political geographies of international criminal investigation. Human rights groups, academics, journalists, and open-source forensic investigations have joined forces to collect, evaluate and analyze the violent nature of war crimes. While similar shifts in evidence gathering have been observed in the case of the Bosnia-Herzegovina war and the Assad regime's violence against Syrian citizens, the use of evidence-gathering technologies and evidence-securing institutions in the case of Ukraine is distinctive. In this scholarly intervention we seek to illustrate the intimate geopolitics of evidence gathering by zooming in on two different elements that shape evidential procedures in Ukraine: i) the blurring of civilian/military boundaries; and ii) the challenges of access. By evaluating what is new and what is similar to previous war sites, we suggest that these two areas reflect a geopolitics of evidence gathering, highlighting its global-local intimacies. Both these areas are well positioned to foster new research on the (geo)legal nature of war crimes in political geography and beyond.

Navigating a ‘Shrinking Space’: Selective In/Visibilities and EU Engagement with Civil Society in Azerbaijan

In a context of legal and political repression, wherein even EU funding came to be politicised, Azerbaijan’s civic space has been shrinking. This article problematises EU engagement with civil society in the neighbourhood by examining its on-the-ground negotiation in a complex field of visibility. It argues that human rights groups in Azerbaijan strategically activate selective in/visibilities to navigate the competing understandings of civil society's role mobilised by the European Union and the authoritarian state. While EU support deepens the dichotomy of independent versus government-organised civil society, the emergence of new subject positions beyond the NGO realm prefigures a critique of neoliberal donor–recipient ties.

SDG 2030 Agenda and Human Rights in Nigeria: Assessing Legislative Challenges and Strategies to Foster Inclusivity

As the global community strives to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2030 Agenda, Nigeria, as Africa's most populous nation and largest economy, plays a critical responsibility in achieving these ambitious goals. The study critically assessed the legislative challenges that impede the realization of both human rights and the SDGs in Nigeria. Human rights have taken a significant role in international jurisdictions, transcending geographical boundaries, inclusive of rights inherent to all individuals by virtue of their humanity. While promoting the right of life, liberty, fair trial, and human dignity, are enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution, instances of human rights violations persist, despite the presence of human rights groups and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). This paper examined human rights scholarly literature in Nigeria, identifying key challenges facing the achievement of SDG 2030 of United Nations, whose main agenda seeks to enhance public access to information and protect human rights in line with national and international agreements. It highlights institutional barriers, and the need for improved policy coherence to create an enabling environment for sustainable development. This study identifies challenges stemming from inadequate monitoring systems, manipulation of adjudication processes, low salaries, indebtedness, and security deficiencies. To foster inclusivity and progress, the researcher proposes a multifaceted approach that combines legal reforms, policy interventions, and civil society engagement. Specific strategies include the enactment of comprehensive human rights legislation, targeted measures to address social and economic inequalities, accountability, judicial autonomy, public awareness and participation to empower the populace to seek redress for rights violations. These strategies aim to create a synergy between human rights and SDGs, aligning national priorities with global objective

Exploring transterranean activism as a research site beyond local protest sites

Increased interest in the spatial dimension of protests and activism has led to both the material spatial condition of protest activities and their spatial effect entering academic debate. With Social Movements being a dominant paradigm for activism which focuses on strategic localization and scalar tactics, an emphasis has been put on political activities in proximity to either centralized power or to actor communities and networks. On the fringes of Social Movements, however, smaller types of direct action have been emerging in places outside of conventional, landed spaces. Chinese and Japanese nationalists symbolically contesting national authority over islands in the Pacific, Environmentalists blockading oil platforms in the North Sea, refugee rights groups preventing air-based deportations and nationalists attempting to prevent human rights groups from saving drowning migrants have in common that the site of their activities are beyond the traditional power base of the state on solid ground and make use of specific sets of laws and regulations. This paper argues that transterranean spaces encompass an interplay of state and non-state actors heavily impacted by their location. As these spaces exist beyond the mainland, they share a lack of presence of both state and society. Both state agencies and activists have to adapt their strategies during successive contentions. I conceptualize this relationship as contentious configurations shaping these interactions: Vertical Activist-State, horizontal activist-activist and interconnected state-state contentious configurations. They serve as heuristic tool to analyze protest dynamics in transterranean spaces by highlighting both state power and actor’s engagement with it. With technological advancements and increased access to transterranean, such contentions are likely to increase.

Youth Unemployment and National Security in Nigeria: An Exploratory Study

The successful handing over of power from the military oligarchy to a neophyte political class and the consequent returned of the nation to civil rule on May 29, 1999 has shifted attention to how to nurture the fledging democracy to maturity such that it can no longer be truncated either by internal or external forces. The stability of the nation has become the concern of all both the government and the governed. Pro democracy groups, human rights groups, civil societies and others have been greatly involved in the democratic consolidation in Nigeria. In spite of the above not much seems to have been achieved in the area of national security. The issue of national security has become a subject of debate and a serious concern to all and sundry. This is due to the various security challenges facing the country. This paper, therefore looked at unemployment as one of the major challenges to national security. The use of content analysis of secondary sources from published books, journals, official documents, newspapers and magazines was employed in this work. Maslow Human Hierarchy of Needs theory was also used to illuminate the study. It was gathered that, of numerous factors responsible for the uncontrollable rate of insecurity in the nation, unemployment is noted to be at forefront since many youths who are capable and willing to work are affected by this menace. The paper finally recommended that for the problem of insecurity to be abated, the economy of the nation should be diversified as the total dependence on crude oil receipt has done havoc to the productive sectors of Nigerian economy. The government should set up a contingency fund for agricultural and industrial development, as urgent preliminary initiative. Furthermore, the paper recommended the need for collaborative arrangement between the public and private sectors and that the educational sector should be developed through adequate funding to a stage where job seekers and graduates can stand on their own without looking for white collar jobs that are not available. Keywords: Security, Unemployment, Social Vices, Insecurity, Nigeria, Economy, Democracy Journal Reference Format: Ibitoye, M.O., Owolabi, D. & Akinlade, M.T. (2023): Youth Unemployment and National Security in Nigeria: An Exploratory Study. Humanities, Management, Arts, Education & the Social Sciences Journal. Vol. 11. No. 2, Pp 45-58. www.isteams.net/humanitiesjournal. dx.doi.org/10.22624/AIMS/HUMANITIES/V11N2P5

Between two Acts: competing narratives, activism and governance in Singapore’s digital sphere

Civil society in Singapore has existed in the interstices of society with frequent instances of conflict with the government. The ruling People’s Action Party government has had a long history of quashing its political opponents, and this same approach has influenced how the government deals with social-political dissent, ranging from human rights groups being gazetted and their funding source curtailed, to opposition politicians and free speech advocates sued for libel and contempt of court. This paper examines how the Singapore government has made two significant moves towards online media that appears at once restrictive and accommodating towards dissent. The first is the increase in legal and regulatory burdens on the media, while the second is a perceptibly generous invitation for media freedom advocates to discuss and debate about such legal frameworks. We contend that this dualism, far from signalling inclusive governance with a firm hand, only affirms the Singapore government’s authoritarian tendencies towards media freedom advocates. This paper juxtaposes the evolution of narratives of dissent between the 2013 Amendment to the Broadcasting Act to the 2019 public debate on the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA). We explore the dynamics of resistance and posit that, even with the enlarged space for free speech in Singapore, the practice in public discourse points to further curtailment of such free speech.

The missing piece. The perceived marginalization of CSOs and HRGs in SOSTs' decision-making processes: a review.

This review represents the first contribution of a research diptych which stems from the activities implemented in the framework of the H2020 ARESIBO project (Augmented Reality Enriched Situation awareness for Border security). The general objective of ARESIBO is to improve the efficiency of border surveillance systems by providing the operational teams, as well as the tactical command and control level with accurate and comprehensive information related to border control considering different issues and perspectives. These perspectives also include the analysis of the level of engagement and the (possible) enhancement of citizens' involvement in the development and decision making related to border surveillance. The principal human rights and migration International Organisations (IOs), as well as EU institutions dealing with security and external borders (i.e., Frontex), agree and state that human rights groups (HRGs) and civil society organisations (CSOs) should be more involved and integrated in border surveillance. That stated, the main goal of this paper is to analyse this perceived marginalisation of CSOs and HRGs, as it emerges from several HRGs' and CSOs' statements on that regard in order to explore the reasons of this perceived marginalisation, as well as the elements that on the contrary seem to make this marginalisation less substantial. The results of this non-systematic review in the framework of ARESIBO led to the elaboration of an innovative participatory model that will be analysed in detail in the second article of this research diptych, entitled "Towards the engagement of citizens in SOSTs decision-making: participatory models setting a common ground for border surveillance and respect of fundamental rights. The case of ARESIBO H2020 project".

Cross-group friendship and collective action in community solidarity initiatives with displaced people and resident/nationals.

Introduction: In Ireland, people seeking asylum (displaced people) receive accommodation in a system called "Direct Provision" (DP) while they wait for their applications for protection to be processed. The living conditions of DP have been described as illegal and inhumane by national and international human rights groups, and the system exacerbates the social exclusion of displaced people. Community responses to DP by displaced people and resident/nationals of Ireland include the creation of informal groups called community solidarity initiatives (CSI), through which cross-group friendships are forged by participation in shared cultural activities. We hypothesized that, compared to non-CSI participants, participants of CSI would report more cross-group friendships, and that more cross-group friendships would predict stronger collective action intentions to support the campaign to end DP, especially among resident/nationals. Methods: We recruited residents/nationals and displaced persons with and without CSI experience to complete a self-report questionnaire (n = 199), measuring cross-group friendship, collective action intentions, and intergroup attitudes. Data were collected between July 2020 and March 2021, using a combination of online and paper surveys. We conducted ANOVA and conditional process analyses on the data to test our hypotheses. Results: As predicted, CSI participants reported more contact with cross-group friends and stronger collective action intentions than non-participators. Conditional process analysis indicated that CSI participation facilitated resident/nationals' political solidarity with displaced people through cross-group friendship. Discussion: Findings identify the role of group membership in the relationship between contact and collective action for migrant justice, illustrating the potential of CSI to bolster intergroup solidarity and social cohesion through shared activities and cross-group friendship. As such, findings make an important contribution to the literature on intergroup contact, solidarity, and social cohesion, and will be relevant for community practitioners, civil society organisations, NGOs, and policy makers.

Far-right digital memory activism: Transnational circulation of memes and memory of Yugoslav wars

The terrorist attacks in Norway in 2011 and New Zealand in 2019 have revealed that the far-right worldwide uses the memory of the Yugoslav wars for online mobilization. Scholars working on memory activism usually deal with the liberal, self-critical memory emerging from the bottom-up activism of human rights groups while neglecting the activism of the far-right. This article fills the gap by addressing the global circulation of two memes, Remove Kebab and Pepe the Frog, as examples of far-right memory activism. In order to address the transnational circulation of memes as memory activism, this article employs the concept of ‘traveling memory’ while relying on multimodal discourse analysis to unveil the processes of memetic transformation, imitation, iconization and narrativization. The analysis reveals an alternative memory of Yugoslav wars that depicts Serbia as the first case of ‘white genocide’ in Europe, reversing the roles of war criminals and victims while propagating violence and celebrating genocide. The article argues that memory studies can no longer ignore memory production of far-right communities and, at the same time, outlines the method for examining far-right digital memory activism, revealing a whole set of mnemonic practices developed among the anonymous fringe communities of the far-right.

Doubly Robust Capture-Recapture Methods for Estimating Population Size

Estimation of population size using incomplete lists has a long history across many biological and social sciences. For example, human rights groups often construct partial lists of victims of armed conflicts, to estimate the total number of victims. Earlier statistical methods for this setup often use parametric assumptions, or rely on suboptimal plug-in-type nonparametric estimators; but both approaches can lead to substantial bias, the former via model misspecification and the latter via smoothing. Under an identifying assumption that two lists are conditionally independent given measured covariates, we make several contributions. First, we derive the nonparametric efficiency bound for estimating the capture probability, which indicates the best possible performance of any estimator, and sheds light on the statistical limits of capture-recapture methods. Then we present a new estimator, that has a double robustness property new to capture-recapture, and is near-optimal in a nonasymptotic sense, under relatively mild nonparametric conditions. Next, we give a confidence interval construction method for total population size from generic capture probability estimators, and prove nonasymptotic near-validity. Finally, we apply them to estimate the number of killings and disappearances in Peru during its internal armed conflict between 1980 and 2000. Supplementary materials for this article are available online.

NGOs' approach to human rights and the challenges in Bangladesh

Motivation Human rights non-governmental organizations (HR NGOs) play a significant role in the protection and promotion of human rights, particularly in the global south. In Bangladesh, human rights violations are a major concern. The government's approach to helping victims of abuses and upholding human rights has become contentious. Therefore, in this context, NGOs' approach to and activism in helping victims, public education, and putting pressure on the government to uphold human rights have been considered vital. Purpose The article evaluates and explores the key challenges HR NGOs in Bangladesh face in safeguarding human rights. Methods and approach For this qualitative study, primary data was collected through in-depth interviews with 25 human rights activists, victims of human rights violations and their family members, journalists, NGO officials, and academics. The 25 participants were selected on the basis of purposive and snowball sampling techniques. Findings The findings suggest that the overall role of HR NGOs in Bangladesh is dubious. The HR NGOs in Bangladesh cannot play an effective role in promoting human rights, and the government's role and its responsibility to help victims and safeguard human rights is not upheld. Bangladesh's government tries to limit the function of human rights groups. The key challenges faced by HR NGOs include the ruling elite's intervention in their activities, the government's oppression and harassment of NGO officials, the country's culture of impunity, NGOs' dependence on foreign donations, restrictive laws used to control the growth of HR NGOs, the HR NGOs' financial condition and political interest, and the ineffectiveness of human rights institutions in Bangladesh. These challenges restrict the growth of the HR NGOs in the country and result in their poor performance. However, although their role and influence are limited due to the many forms of government control and oppression, HR NGOs appear to be more active than the government in upholding human rights. Policy implications The collective efforts of the HR NGOs, civil society, the government, and general citizens are crucial to protect and support human rights. HR NGOs, civil society organizations (CSOs), journalists, and the general public should not remain silent on gross violations of human rights but should make the utmost effort to encourage citizens to break the culture of impunity and raise their voices against human rights abuses. In this regard, citizens need to understand the concept of human rights. The state's co-operation in protecting human rights is critical, as the fundamental duty of the state is to ensure the rights of its citizens. Human rights NGOs should monitor human rights situations, help victims of violations, and engage in popular education. The voices of HR NGOs and CSOs should be neutral and united in order to exert enough pressure on the government to change its behaviour regarding human rights. In addition, the judiciary, NHRC, and Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) should play an active role in ensuring equality and justice.

The missing piece. The perceived marginalization of CSOs and HRGs in SOSTs’ decision-making processes: a review

This review represents the first contribution of a research diptych which stems from the activities implemented in the framework of the H2020 ARESIBO project (Augmented Reality Enriched Situation awareness for Border security). The general objective of ARESIBO is to improve the efficiency of border surveillance systems by providing the operational teams, as well as the tactical command and control level with accurate and comprehensive information related to border control considering different issues and perspectives. These perspectives also include the analysis of the level of engagement and the (possible) enhancement of citizens’ involvement in the development and decision making related to border surveillance. The principal human rights and migration International Organisations (IOs), as well as EU institutions dealing with security and external borders (i.e., Frontex), agree and state that human rights groups (HRGs) and civil society organisations (CSOs) should be more involved and integrated in border surveillance. That stated, the main goal of this paper is to analyse this perceived marginalisation of CSOs and HRGs, as it emerges from several HRGs’ and CSOs’ statements on that regard in order to explore the reasons of this perceived marginalisation, as well as the elements that on the contrary seem to make this marginalisation less sustantial. The results of this systematic review in the framework of ARESIBO led to the elaboration of an innovative participatory model that will be analysed in detail in the second article of this research diptych, entitled “Towards the engagement of citizens in SOSTs decision-making: participatory models setting a common ground for border surveillance and respect of fundamental rights. The case of ARESIBO H2020 project”.

Towards the engagement of citizens in SOSTs decision-making: participatory models setting a common ground for border surveillance and respect of fundamental rights. Findings from ARESIBO H2020 project.

ARESIBO is an H2020 project aiming to improve the efficiency of border surveillance systems by providing the operational teams, as well as the tactical command and control level with accurate and comprehensive information related to border control by different perspectives. Human Rights Groups' (HRGs) and Civil Society Organisations' (CSOs) involvement and participation in decision making related Surveillance-Oriented Security Technologies (SOSTs) for border surveillance is considered as a key-factor to ensure the coexistence of two only apparently opposite needs: security and respect of fundamental rights (i.e., privacy, refugees etc.). Starting from this general approach, the paper represents the second part of a research diptych dedicated to present the main achievements and methods proposed by ARESIBO to enhance participation in border surveillance. It outlines the ARESIBO Participatory Model (APM) as a tool to improve HRGs, CSOs, and ultimately citizens' involvement related to border surveillance in general and the adoption of specific SOSTs for borders' control. The first part of the paper introduces some key elements included in the ARESIBO desk research that led to the elaboration of the APM (i.e., literature review, semantic analysis), describing who were the targets of that approach (i.e., stakeholders, end-users, actors). After a contextualization on the three interlaced dimensions of surveillance, security and privacy related borders' control, the paper presents the three components of the methodological framework within which this citizens' involvement process has been developed (i.e., ARESIBO Participation Framework, ARESIBO Participation Strategy, ARESIBO Participation Action Plan). In the conclusions, by outlining the first partial application of the model within the ARESIBO framework, the paper argues that APM can represent a pilot for a more structured and duplicable participatory model, also through additional research regarding participatory models applied to SOSTs development processes.

An Appraisal of Violence against Women in the 21st Century Nigeria: Gender Perspective

The persistent rise in violence against women in Nigeria is alarming despising the 1993 United Nations General Assembly Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women. This deliberate disregard to international law in Nigeria despite being a signatory to several human rights instruments has become a growing concern to human rights groups, hence international attention. The paper interrogates violence against women in the 21st Nigeria with focus on its Gender affinity. The paper adopts a content analysis which automatically limit the source of data to secondary source. It identified lack of political will, inadequate resources, lack of systematic effort in addressing the menace, slow in ongoing criminal justice reformation and lack of evaluation among others as major challenges in tackling the vice. The paper concluded by recommending amongst political will, availability of adequate fund, systematic effort to address the menace, speedy of ongoing criminal justice reformation process and creation of more research centre for evaluation purpose. Collective efforts in eradicating violence against women in Nigeria is also apt.

МАРІУПОЛЬСЬКА ДРАМА: МЕМОРАТИВНІ ПРАКТИКИ, СВІДЧЕННЯ, ІДЕНТИЧНІСТЬ, ТЕАТРАЛЬНИЙ КОД

The article examines the dramatic work "Mariupol Drama", created by Transcarpathian playwright Oleksandr Gavrosh based on interviews with actors Igor Kitrysh, Olena Bila, Dmytro Murantsev, Vira Lebedynska, who survived the bombing of the theater building in Mariupol and are now reviving the Ukrainian Mariupol Theater in Uzhhorod. It was found that the play was not intended to be performed on the stages of other theaters by other professional actors, so it is not printed and is not included in open electronic anthologies of modern dramatic works about the war. This is one of the first attempts to dramaturgically and theatrically memorize the tragedy of the Mariupol Theater as a Russian crime against humanity and as a war crime. Therefore, it is logical to apply the optics of memory studies to the interpretation of this work and place the "Mariupol drama" in the context of other visual artefacts of the marker identification of the memorial remembrance about the Mariupol drama theater (radio film-podcast "Let's meet at the Drama", investigative film "Russian Airstrike on the Mariupol Drama Theater, Part 1. City in the Theater", 3-D tour of the Mariupol Drama Theater, video interviews with eyewitnesses from various human rights groups) and about the tragedy of Mariupol in general (documentaries "Mariupol. Unlost hope", "Mariupol... out of the zone", "Mariupol. Chronicles of Hell", "We stepped over corpses", "Mariupol. Human stories", "20 days in Mariupol", "Mariupol 2"). It was established that the leading intentions of the "Mariupol Drama" correspond to a large array of documentary and commemorative sources, many of which appeared before the anniversary of the tragedy of the Mariupol Theater. It was found out that the playwright and actors managed to fully implement several discourses very important for the Ukrainian collective memory in a small dramatic work: Mariupol, which resisted the aggressor while being completely surrounded; wars as unprocessed collective traumas and cancellation of narratives imposed by Russian propaganda; of the new collective Ukrainian identity, which is formed in this war; after all, the theater as a special mystical space. Unlike the story about the building of the theater, from which only a ruined facade remains, the story of the human community inside this building is endowed with a colossal vitalistic potential, largely connected with how a new collective Ukrainian identity emerges in the crucible of war in a former pro-Russian city. Since crimes against humanity, as well as war crimes, do not have a statute of limitations, and their fixation and research are very important for further work with collective memory and the traumatic past, the documentary play "Mariupol Drama" is a valuable artistic material for modern Ukrainian studies of memory, which are quickly included in the development of the events of the new phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war, offer relevant angles of their interpretations, supported by eyewitness accounts and documentary commemorative practices. Key words: war, theater, identity, memory, collective trauma, coming of age of a nation, commemoration.

탈북민 강제북송 재발 방지 대책 고찰

Forced repatriation of North Korean defectors has been and continues to be done mainly by the Chinese government. After the South Korean government rescued the fishermen who were drifting at sea, if they hoped to return to North Korea, they were repatriated through Panmunjom.
 However, in November 2019, two North Korean defectors announced their intention to defect to the South Korean government, but on November 7, due to their crime and intention to defect, they tied them with a rope and put an eye patch on them and transported them to Panmunjom. There was an unprecedented case that removed the. At that time, the government insisted on the legitimacy of forced repatriation, but domestic and international human rights groups and international organizations condemned it as a violation of domestic and international laws and demanded countermeasures. The common view of the majority of legal experts is that the case is a violation of domestic and international law.
 With this in mind, this article analyzed the actual situation of North Korean defectors' forced repatriation to North Korea and, as countermeasures, specifically suggested a change in the public's awareness of North Korean defectors, formation of public opinion on the status of North Korean defectors as 'refugee sur place', legal measures, and provision of institutional arrangements. This study can be used as evidence to prevent the forced repatriation and repatriation of North Korean defectors.

Beautiful Game, Ugly Truth?

Abstract The human cost of the FIFA World Cup 2022 troubles human rights groups and football fans alike. However, measuring it is extremely difficult due to elusive, vague and misleading data sources on worker deaths, as Megan Price explains

Advancing global health and the sustainable development goals through transdisciplinary research and equitable publication practices

Advancing global health and the sustainable development goals through transdisciplinary research and equitable publication practices