Women's Human Rights Research Articles

Awareness and perceptions of women regarding human rights related to maternal health in rural Bangladesh.

BackgroundThe global development community has increasingly come to frame preventable maternal mortality and morbidity principally as a violation of women’s basic human rights, necessitating a human rights-based approach to be appropriately addressed. In this article, we explore how human rights are understood and perceived in relation to maternal health at the local level in rural Bangladesh. This is essential given the momentum at the global level to promote rights and apply rights-based approaches to maternal health.MethodsA community-based, cross-sectional household survey was conducted in three upazilas (sub-districts) of Brahmanbaria district, Bangladesh in 2018. A total of 1367 women with a birth outcome in the past 12 months were interviewed. Descriptive statistics were used to report the awareness and perceptions of human rights related to maternal health. Multiple logistic regression was used to identify the associations between awareness and perceptions of human rights and background characteristics and, finally, with the use of skilled maternal health services.ResultsOver two-thirds of women reported that they were aware that women have human rights related to maternal health. However, less than 10% were able to mention at least three specific human rights related to maternal health. Half of the women mentioned husbands as duty-bearers, while only 20% mentioned the government as a duty-bearer. One-third of women reported that they are able to realize their rights related to maternal health satisfactorily. Awareness and perceptions of human rights related to maternal health were significantly associated with higher educational attainment and wealth status. They were also associated with increased use of antenatal care.ConclusionsThese findings suggest that interventions promoting the awareness of human rights related to maternal health would be appropriate within the communities of rural Bangladesh as part of a broader human rights-based approach to improving maternal health.

A VIOLAÇÃO DA GARANTIA CONSTITUCIONAL À SAÚDE DA MULHER EM DECORRÊNCIA DA CRIMINALIZAÇÃO DO ABORTO NO BRASIL

Trago neste artigo um questionamento e ao mesmo tempo uma reflexão acerca da participação das mulheres brasileiras na política e nas leis que estão sendo formuladas a respeito de seu gênero em um espaço político dominado pela representatividade masculina. Tendo essa realidade no parlamentarismo brasileiro o questionamento seria, até que ponto este sistema patriarcal tem capacidade de defender os direitos humanos da mulher, trago neste contexto uma reflexão acerca da tentativa de criminalização do aborto para todos os casos conforme ocorreu com a proposta de emenda constitucional denominada de PEC 181, sucessivamente trago uma reflexão acerca da ADPF Nº 54 e do Habeas Corpus 84.025.

WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN WOMEN’S NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS

Women’s NGOs in Sarawak plays a substantial role to provide a unique opportunity for leaders in gender equality and women’s empowerment to influence the United Nation’s agenda. This includes advocating the human rights of women and girls and supports the United Nations’ consensus documents such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and other UN agreements such as the Declaration on Population and Development and the Vienna Declaration on Human Rights.This study revealed that the factors that motivate women’s participation in women’s NGOs are to contribute and serve the society, to gain knowledge and skills, to develop networking, to enhance career path and to develop self-esteem. Meanwhile factors that hinders women for being actively involved in women’s NGOs are lack of time due to their focus on family and house matters, men still think that women can’t do what men can do, lack of awareness on benefits in joining the women’s NGOs, limited access to knowledge on NGOs and women feel intimidate and not confident to be socialize in NGOs

Resource Extraction and the Human Rights of Women and Girls

Resource Extraction and the Human Rights of Women and Girls

Human Rights for Women's Development in Multidimensional: A Step towards Gender Equality in Education

Women's educational human rights and gender equality is one of the burning topics nowadays. Following the gender equality framework proposed by United Nations in its Millennium Summit in 2000 declared "Gender equality and women empowerment". This present study tries to review gender equality for women in many aspects, including the major concern in this review, i.e., education and human right. After analyzing several documents in the net during the collection period, this study sees that women have achieved a lot. However, yes still they are lagging in terms of equality in education and human right. The fact showed women are far lagging and leave alone on the question of gender equality. The present paper explores and highlighted these issues as the central questions related to women's rights and also attempts to wrestle with the few challenges that faced by the women education system in India as a specific example. At last, this paper also try to highlight some strategy as to upgrade the status of women in society, ever since this study believes that Educating a woman will uplifts her life as well as the quality of the nation.

"We're Going to Leave You for Last, Because of How You Are": Transgender Women's Experiences of Gender-Based Violence in Healthcare, Education, and Police Encounters in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Transgender (trans) women experience gender-based violence (GBV) throughout their lives, which impedes their access to services and contributes to poor health outcomes and quality of life. To inform policies and health programs, trans women worked with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID)- and President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR)-supported LINKAGES project, the United Nations Development Programme, The University of the West Indies, and local organizations to document experiences of GBV and transphobia in healthcare, education, and police encounters. Trans women conducted 74 structured interviews with other trans women in El Salvador, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, and Haiti in 2016. We conducted qualitative applied thematic analysis to understand the nature and consequences of GBV and transphobia and descriptive quantitative analysis to identify the proportion who experienced GBV in each context. A high proportion experienced GBV in education (85.1%), healthcare (82.9%), from police (80.0%), and other state institutions (66.1%). Emotional abuse was the most common in all contexts and included gossiping, insults, and refusal to use their chosen name. Participants also experienced economic, physical, and sexual violence, and other human rights violations based on their gender identity and expression. At school, participants were physically threatened and assaulted, harassed in bathrooms, and denied education. In healthcare, participants were given lower priority and received substandard care. Healthcare workers and police blamed participants for their health and legal problems, and denied them services. From police, participants also experienced physical and sexual assault, theft, extortion for sex or money, and arbitrary arrest and detention. Participants had difficulty obtaining identification documents that matched their gender identity, sometimes being forced to alter their appearance or being denied an identification card. Service providers not only failed to meet the specific needs of trans women but also discriminated against them when they sought services, exacerbating their economic, health, and social vulnerability. Although international and regional resolutions call for the legal protection of transgender people, states do not meet these obligations. To respect, promote, and fulfill trans women's human rights, governments should enact and enforce antidiscrimination and gender-affirming laws and policies. Governments should also sensitize providers to deliver gender-affirming services.

전주 선미촌 도시재생의 특징에 관한 연구 : 거버넌스 활동과 ‘경계허물기’를 중심으로

This study started with interest in the urban regeneration of Seonmichon, a red-light district in Jeonju. Because prostitution is illegal in Korea, red-light district is illegal city space, and have spatial, social and cognitive boundaries. So most of the brothel district in Korea have been demolished by urban development. But Seonmichon is regenerating as art village that preserve the historical nature as a place of prostitution and highlight the human rights issues of prostitutes. This study focused on the process of urban regeneration in Seonmichon and confirms that public - private governance played a major role as the stern village regeneration integrated with the restoration process of the adjoining old settlements. In this process particularly the Jeonbuk Women’s Human Rights Center has long been concerned about the human rights of women in Seonmichon and carrying out a program called “Walk with the public in Seomichon”. These activities break down the spatial, social and cognitive boundaries of the special place of the city, which is a redlight district, and it is a major feature of the Seonmichon regeneration.

Women's marital liberty and the missing negative right in article 23 of ICCPR

The article calls international attention to the need to augment the right to marry, which is the focus of Article 23 of ICCPR. While the current content of Article 23 refers only to the positive right to marry, it fails to acknowledge an important negative right regarding marriage. Specifically, there are many cases divorced women who are proscribed from marrying their partners. As a case study, I use the forbidden marriage of a divorced woman and a Cohen (a descendant of Jewish Priests) in Israel. In order to illustrate the plight experienced by women who wish to marry their beloved spouses and are restricted by law, I provide an auto-ethnography and share my own experience as a formerly divorcée who was not allowed to marry a Cohen. I conclude with sociological and philosophical insights into marital transgressions and offer suggestions for future advancement of women's marital and familial human rights.

Better Together: A Model for Women and LGBTQ Equality in the Workplace.

Much has been achieved in terms of human rights for women and people of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual, and queer (LGBTQ) community. However, human resources management (HRM) initiatives for gender equality in the workplace focus almost exclusively on white, heterosexual, cisgender women, leaving the problems of other gender, and social minorities out of the analysis. This article develops an integrative model of gender equality in the workplace for HRM academics and practitioners. First, it analyzes relevant antecedents and consequences of gender-based discrimination and harassment (GBDH) in the workplace. Second, it incorporates the feminist, queer, and intersectional perspectives in the analysis. Third, it integrates literature findings about women and the LGBTQ at work, making the case for an inclusive HRM. The authors underscore the importance of industry-university collaboration and offer a starters' toolkit that includes suggestions for diagnosis, intervention, and applied research on GBDH. Finally, avenues for future research are identified to explore gendered practices that hinder the career development of women and the LGBTQ in the workplace.

The Use of the ‘Vulnerability’ Label by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women: Protecting or Stigmatizing Women and Girls in the Forced Migration Context?

This article sheds light on the explicit identification and labelling of forced migrant women and girls as vulnerable and the effect this seems to have on their human rights protection under the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (cedaw). The article focuses on the principal international body directly concerned with the human rights of women and girls, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (cedaw Committee) and combines legal doctrinal analysis with a critical reflection in light of the normative-theoretical notion of universal vulnerability. The notion of universal vulnerability has been suggested to close protection gaps and contribute to a more inclusive human rights framework; yet, the vulnerability label has been criticized as potentially stigmatizing and paternalizing. The article therefore critically assesses whether and to what extent explicit vulnerability references by the cedaw Committee contribute to the protection and/or stigmatization of forced migrant women and girls. The analysis reveals that the vulnerability label adopted by the cedaw Committee is not (yet) entirely in line with the universal vulne-rability notion’s potential for the protection of human rights. Yet, the article suggests that vulnerability references can nevertheless contribute to human rights protection since they help to identify protection priorities and clarify state obligations towards those identified as vulnerable. This positive effect for the protection of human rights is likely to be highest the more attention is being paid to the avoidance of stigmatization.

Abortion and Human Rights for Women in Argentina

Abortion and Human Rights for Women in Argentina Barbara Sutton (bio) and Elizabeth Borland (bio) introduction Legal abortion is one among several dimensions of a reproductive justice agenda, and yet it continues to be at the center of controversy in many places around the world. While in countries such as the United States abortion is legal but contested,1 in places such as Argentina, abortion is largely illegal, with few exceptions.2 Despite its criminalization, it is estimated that up to 522,000 abortions take place annually in Argentina.3 Abortion is also a leading cause of maternal mortality, and the clandestinity of the practice especially hurts the most destitute women.4 In this context, women's movement and feminist activists in Argentina have long advocated for the legalization of abortion. Their cause gained momentum in the last decade. Unlike the more narrow emphasis on "choice" that has been prevalent in the United States and other contexts,5 and critiqued by scholars and activists advocating for "reproductive justice,"6 abortion rights activists in Argentina have included expansive frames in their discursive repertoire, even as they concentrate on legalizing abortion. One of these expansive frames pertains to the notion of human rights. The proliferation of human rights discourse as a recognized and shared language across national borders and cultures—for example, as evidenced by international human rights treaties—suggests the need to examine how this frame works in practice and whether it has local resonance in different national contexts. According to Elizabeth Jay Friedman, from a feminist perspective, part of the power of the human rights frame derives from its ability to "provide legitimacy to political demands, given both its political acceptance and its 'machinery,' or instruments for its realization."7 Furthermore, the notion that "women's rights are human rights" was increasingly deployed in the global arena during the 1990s and is still being invoked in prominent activist spaces in different locales, including the 2017 Women's March on Washington.8 Still, [End Page 27] as we shall see, this frame is not without critics, including among feminists who have taken issue with its usefulness both philosophically and in terms of its concrete application in specific national contexts.9 Thus the question emerges: Is the human rights frame useful or viable when it comes to articulating long-standing feminist demands such as abortion rights? If so, in which circumstances? In the case of Argentina, why have abortion rights activists chosen to incorporate the language of human rights as an important component of their discursive repertoire? Within Argentina, the movement for abortion rights needs to be situated in the context of broader struggles for social justice, democracy, and gender and sexuality rights. In the last two decades several progressive laws were passed in Argentina, including legislation on sexual and reproductive health (2002), comprehensive sex education (2006), ending violence against women (2009), marriage equality (2010), and self-determination of gender identity (2012). These changes followed a historic turning point marked by a severe economic and political crisis in 2001, when a variety of social movements were agitating for new and old demands.10 However, despite legislative progress on matters of sexual and reproductive rights, legalizing abortion has proven more difficult to achieve. This article examines activist efforts to decriminalize and legalize abortion, paying special attention to the strategic use of a human rights frame. The prominent coalition to demand the legalization and decriminalization of abortion in Argentina is the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion, launched in 2005.11 By its tenth anniversary the Campaign had the support of more than three hundred organizations as well as countless individuals from all walks of life. Groups in the coalition include political parties, labor organizations, academic institutions, human rights groups, and many more. Activists characterize the Campaign as plural (comprising a diversity of individuals, social sectors, and political ideologies), federal (reaching the various regions of the country), self-organized (not directed by any external entity), and democratic (with the main direction of the Campaign determined through plenary meetings and collective discussion). The Campaign's key slogan, which has unified it when tensions and disagreement have arisen, is: "Sex education...

The “Formally Feminist State”: A Potential New Player in the Inter-American Human Rights System?

A decade ago, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued a landmark judgment in the case of González and Others (“Cotton Field”) v. Mexico, which addressed the abduction and subsequent sexual murder of three young women in the industrial border city of Ciudad Juárez—a place known for systematic gender violence and impunity. For the victims’ next of kin and the feminist and human rights activists involved in the litigation, the murders constituted feminicidios (feminicides). The resulting judgment has been celebrated not only for developing new standards for women's human rights internationally, but also for its domestic impact in the form of innovative feminist laws and policies in Mexico and other Latin American countries. With a focus on Cotton Field’s impact on Mexico, this essay explores the potential rise of the “formally feminist state”—a state that adopts domestic feminist legislation and policies but then resists their implementation—as a new player on the stage of the inter-American human rights system (IAS). Drawing on insights from American sociolegal analyses on judicial deference to the presence of policies and institutional mechanisms as indicators of compliance with antidiscrimination laws, I suggest that this new player may create a different set of challenges for courts in assessing states’ lack of compliance with norms on women's human rights.

Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment: Feminist Mobilization for the SDGs

AbstractThis paper analyses the role of feminist mobilizing in formulating the gender equality agenda of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): the goal (5) to ‘achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls’ and gender‐related targets across other SDGs. It explores how three key drivers shaped its contours and the effectiveness: (1) context of socioeconomic and political environment; (2) institutions; and (3) the processes of movement building. While feminist mobilizing led to significant advances in the SDGs relative to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), important unresolved barriers of financing and political opposition to women's human rights and gender equality remain and will require continued feminist mobilizing. This paper argues for the need to locate feminist mobilizing for the SDGs in the context of the history and persistence of gender inequality and violations of girls’ and women's human rights, and the struggle against these violations. This history is located within economic, social and political environments that are sometimes more open to progressive social change but often, as in the current global conjuncture, may not be.

Abortion and Human Rights for Women in Argentina

Abortion and Human Rights for Women in Argentina

Social construction of obstetric violence of Tenek and Nahuatl women in Mexico.

To explore the social construction of obstetric violence developed by Tenek and Nahuatl women in Mexico. Qualitative, socio-critical study conducted through focal groups in which were deepened the childbirth experiences lived in the period 2015-2016. Participation of 57 women. Through discourse analysis, it was identified that participants do not have enough information about obstetric violence and/or sexual and reproductive rights. This makes the association of their negative experiences with the legal term "obstetric violence" impossible. Most of their speeches correspond to the legal denomination of "obstetric violence". Experiences like prolonged fasting or the use of technologies for invading their privacy were narrated like situations they perceive as violent, but have not been incorporated within the legal term. Multiple actions against women's human rights take place within delivery rooms. Most remain unidentified by users, since they have not socially constructed the image of obstetric violence. However, that fact does not make them less susceptible to feel attacked and denigrated during their childbirth experiences.

Abortion and Human Rights in Central America

This essay aims to show that the nations of Central America must create access to safe and legal abortion as well as promote a political dialogue on the subject that is based on reason and science, rather than religion. Not only does prohibiting abortion constitute a violation of women's human rights, but, based on international human rights law as well as the minimum duties of civil ethics, failing in to provide such access or dialogue would mean failing to meet the standards of a legitimate democratic state.

ГАРАНТУВАННЯ БЕЗПЕКИ ЖІНОК ТА ДІВЧАТ В УМОВАХ ЗБРОЙНИХ КОНФЛІКТІВ

It has been shown that in recent years in Ukraine the pressure of religious organizations on the legislative and executive authorities has increased and information campaigns and projects of anti-gender and anti-Ukrainian trends have been implemented. The author analyzed how in the regions staying under Russian informational pressure the religious fundamentalism shows the potential of development develop into religious extremism. It has been demonstrated that in Ukraine the gender aspects of security are not well-developed and are heavily influenced by religion. It has been shown that the lack of high-quality gender analytics significantly complicates the forecasting of social processes. The article deals with the question how religious fundamentalism manipulates women's security issues in favor of religious interests. It is noted that the pressure of pro-religious anti-gender movements on the authorities in Ukraine can lead to negative consequences, and that the establishment of a state policy based on religious perceptions of the world can threaten the country's internal security. It was concluded that in times of conflict, religious extremism does not recognize the rule of human rights and proclaims the primacy of religious customs over women's human rights. It is proved that, considering direct conflict with Russia, the spread of religious fundamentalism in Ukraine and the spread of structural gender violence will be relevant and require the immediate development of gender and biopolitical aspects of security. It was concluded that for the progressive democratic development of Ukraine, as well as safe living conditions and the well-being of its citizens, the security services should turn to gender analytics. It has been proven that, in order to protect their interests, religious leaders can initiate a departure from state-guaranteed compliance with international agreements on gender equality in all spheres of life. In this regard, Ukraine's implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution No. 1325 on Women, Peace, Security and the similar resolutions as well as Recommendations of the UN Committee on the Status of Women for Countries that have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, other UN instruments is important for Ukraine. Also important are the country's European commitments in the field of gender equality. In particular, the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) needs to be ratified.

Feminist Global Politics, Military Occupation, and the Media, 1900–1970s

Feminist Global Politics, Military Occupation, and the Media, 1900–1970s Elisa Camiscioli and Jean H. Quataert The themes in this issue overlap in instructive ways and reflect multiple angles on femininity, masculinity, and the transnational influences on postwar consumerism. They offer new perspectives on feminist global networks and black women's internationalism; address the sexual politics of military occupation in Japan and dictatorship in Thailand; and refract feminist debates through such popular magazines as Ms. and Vogue as well as responses to foreign films. In addition, a number of authors capture intriguing themes of difference that historically disrupted a singular feminist narrative of identity and simultaneously utilize the intersectional methodologies made possible by accommodating such differences. Three well-matched book review essays round out the discussion, exploring new work on African American women's history as well as research on sexuality, the law, and the state. We open with two instructive case studies of global feminist networking, the one centering on the League of Nations and the other reflecting women's Pan-African politics from the shores of the United States to Africa and back again. Regula Ludi, in "Setting New Standards," explores a remarkable 1930s feminist and women's campaign that pushed the League to examine women's legal status worldwide. Her article adds to recent scholarship rehabilitating this early intergovernmental organization with its work of "technical" cooperation in social and humanitarian matters, including child welfare, health, refugee resettlement policies, and women's rights. The inquiry marked a decisive step in bringing women's circumstances to international attention, challenging the time-honored norms of international law that made women's issues solely a matter of domestic jurisdiction. Ludi examines the epistemological basis of the questionnaire, which was entangled with imperialist notions. She shows that out of the contentious debates among feminists from different regions of the globe, a consensus emerged that made women's equality self-evident and, in the language of the day, relevant "for the whole of humanity." This discursive shift, indeed, set the stage for inclusion of the sex equality clause in the UN Charter in 1945. The debate shows, on the one hand, that feminism was "a force shaping world order" but, on the other, exposed its contemporary biases toward legal formalism. The focus substituted a formal equality for substantive equality, neglecting power differentials, economic inequalities, and customary practices that impinged on women's lives. By the 1970s, [End Page 7] with the women's global human rights movement, these limitations raised urgent new questions about exclusions and, ultimately, the "hegemony of Western feminism." Angela Hornsby-Gutting's broad inquiry demonstrates that African American women's politics operated in "multiple spheres—religious, international, educational, and domestic—simultaneously." In "Woman's Work: Race, Foreign Missions, and Respectability," Hornsby-Gutting follows the long career of over fifty years of Nannie Helen Burroughs, the religious activist and advocate of racial and gender equality who founded the National Training School for Women and Girls, located outside the Deep South in Washington, DC. Hornsby-Gutting carefully integrates her analysis into existing scholarship on the "politics of respectability," missionary and notably Baptist histories, and developments in education. She deepens these perspectives by highlighting many overlooked transnational and global dimensions of the themes. Indeed, Burroughs founded her school in 1909, four years after attending and speaking at the Baptist World Alliance gathering in London. She structured the school's hybrid classical and industrial curricula to counter many currents of mainstream white-centered pedagogy dismissive of black women's potential. She also trained women for missionary work and used Pan-African sentiments to teach about religious and race relations in the United States and their parallels in foreign lands. For example, the school's publication, The Worker, interlinked the fate of African Americans with, as she wrote, the "darker races under colonialism," singling out atrocities in the Belgian Congo. This global purview did not remain at the level of theory. Her training school underwrote the expenses for the education of African students in the United States. A number came from Liberia, others from Nigeria; some founded their own "N.T.S. dress shops" for women while others, among them Johannah Ayorinde, played an...

ANALISIS LEGAL-SOSIAL TERHADAP KONDISI KESETARAAN DAN KEADILAN GENDER DALAM MENDUKUNG PEMBANGUNAN BERKELANJUTAN INDONESIA

Undeniably the issue of gender has become a very important issue globally. This urgency surfaced with the inclusion of gender issues as one of the main goals of the transformation of the global collective step, namely Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, which became a clear evidence of the growing concern of the world community regarding gender equality and polemics (un.org). However, gender equality and justice polemics remain a task far from over for Indonesia, especially when referring to the fact that the role of women in Indonesia still shows various inequalities in their correlation with development holistically. This condition is inseparable from the fact that until now Indonesia does not have a law that comprehensively accommodates the protection of women's rights from forms of discrimination against women, and violations of women's human rights in Indonesia's development. In this context, this study is woven within the framework of the urgency of gender equality and justice in Indonesia's development which demands laws that can become a comprehensive legal umbrella for the implementation of gender equality and justice. Using the approach of the social system, gender, and various concepts available in understanding women and development; and using qualitative methodologies in analyzing problems. This study will carry out a social-legal analysis of the implementation of gender equality and justice in order to explain a condition that ultimately shows the urgency of the Gender Equality and Justice Act as a basis for consolidating all elements of society in Indonesia's development today and in the future. Keywords: Legal-Social Analysis, Gender Equality and Justice, Sustainable Development

ANALISIS LEGAL-SOSIAL TERHADAP KONDISI KESETARAAN DAN KEADILAN GENDER DALAM MENDUKUNG PEMBANGUNAN BERKELANJUTAN INDONESIA

<p>Undeniably the issue of gender has become a very important issue globally. This urgency surfaced with the inclusion of gender issues as one of the main goals of the transformation of the global collective step, namely Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, which became a clear evidence of the growing concern of the world community regarding gender equality and polemics (un.org). However, gender equality and justice polemics remain a task far from over for Indonesia, especially when referring to the fact that the role of women in Indonesia still shows various inequalities in their correlation with development holistically. This condition is inseparable from the fact that until now Indonesia does not have a law that comprehensively accommodates the protection of women's rights from forms of discrimination against women, and violations of women's human rights in Indonesia's development. In this context, this study is woven within the framework of the urgency of gender equality and justice in Indonesia's development which demands laws that can become a comprehensive legal umbrella for the implementation of gender equality and justice. Using the approach of the social system, gender, and various concepts available in understanding women and development; and using qualitative methodologies in analyzing problems. This study will carry out a social-legal analysis of the implementation of gender equality and justice in order to explain a condition that ultimately shows the urgency of the Gender Equality and Justice Act as a basis for consolidating all elements of society in Indonesia's development today and in the future.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Legal-Social Analysis, Gender Equality and Justice, Sustainable Development</p>