Whereas early anthropological research on agricultural origins proposed global explanations for the transition, recent work has demonstrated that different regions followed distinct pathways to food production based on local environmental and social conditions (Bellwood 2005; Denham et al. 2007), requiring us to develop theories that explain manipulation of plants or animals in specific areas. Periodic dialogues between regions and disciplines, such as the collection of perspectives in this special issue, are vital to understanding (a) global similarities and contrasts in agriculture’s causes and consequences, and (b) whether food production can be attributed to a single ultimate cause (Cohen 2009, in this issue) or multiple factors and constraints operating at different geographical and temporal scales (Bettinger et al. 2009, in this issue; Zeder 2006). Although directly dated macroremains and fauna can show what, when, and where crucial changes in human behavior occurred (Winterhalder and Kennett 2009, in this issue), explaining these changes requires using modern frames of reference (Denham 2008). Human behavioral ecology (HBE) studies (Kennett and Winterhalder 2006; Winterhalder and Goland 1997), discussed by several issue participants, take an important step forward in this regard, using economic principles to suggest why humans might have decided to begin manipulating plants. However, focusing primarily on human decisions emphasizes the “human” side of a complex interplay between two or more organisms, restricting the kinds of explanations that may be offered (see Zeder 2006; her fig. 1). Such limits do not undercut the value of insights derived from HBE, but suggest that complementary approaches with more focal flexibility are also desirable. Ethnobiology and allied disciplines (ethnobotany, ethnozoology, and ethnoecology) can address this need. While ethnobiological studies certainly examine human decision-making processes, they focus on interactions between humans, other organisms, and larger environmental units. Because such interactions are iterative, multiple standpoints (human, plant, animal, or environment centered) for observation are helpful. The relevance of such observations to explanations of early food production has long been recognized (Anderson 1952; Harlan 1999; Hastorf 1998), albeit with caveats (Hillman 2007, 17). For specific instances of domestication in welldefined areas, carefully constructed relational analogies (Wylie 1985) can provide solid links between the archaeological subject and the present-day ethnobiological data source on the basis of relevant shared attributes. Ethnobiological studies can enhance explanations of food production in several ways. Here, I use examples from southwest Ethiopia to show how such research can clarify local processes of plant domestication. First, basic observations expand the known domain of human-plant relations, illustrating how humans and plants interact. Second, investigating the cultural, environmental, and biological factors that shape human-plant interactions can show why humans might manipulate plants. Third, detailed knowledge of plants and environments can help us discern which specific human actions, situated in particular contexts, might amplify interdependence between humans and plants, and which would not. Finally, broader ethnobiological data sets help build models for hunting and gathering economies, which in turn can generate hypotheses concerning early food production.