Huge Crowds Research Articles

How to Reduce Cardiovascular Mortality and Morbidity among Hajj Pilgrims: A Multiphasic Screening, Intervention and Assessment

Each year, thousands of pilgrims travel to Saudi Arabia to perform Hajj ceremonies. Complete and correct performance of the obligatory rites, usually in hot weather and often in the midst of a huge crowd, is sometimes difficult even for healthy subjects. It is considerably more difficult for patients with cardiovascular disorders, because of their potential underlying disabilities. These considerations prompted the Hajj Medical Group in Isfahan to design guidelines to screen potential pilgrims with cardiovascular disorders. The main objectives were: 1) to screen cardiovascular disorders among subjects older than 50 years before Hajj; 2) to adopt appropriate intervention measures; and 3) to assess the outcome of the intervention measures. The objective was the prevention of increasing mortality and morbidity among pilgrims during the pilgrimage. We had the opportunity to conduct the medical evaluation of all the applicants in standard situations based on the protocol, so that the methods could be used by any health policymakers among the nations whose citizens perform the pilgrimage. Patients and Methods This study consisted of two phases. The first phase, in which the pilgrims were screened, was a cross-sectiona l study conducted in 1993. The second phase was a cohort study in which a number of patients with cardiovascular disorders were selected randomly before, and followed up after the ceremony to evaluate morbidity and mortality. The target population included all applicants of Isfahan City aged 50 or more, who wanted to participate in the Hajj ceremonies in 1993. There was a 100% participation rate in the screening program. All the pilgrims were referred to Al-Zahra General Medical Hospital for screening.

‘Ray of the rovers’: the working‐class heroine in popular football fiction, 1915–25

The First World War became a watershed for the lives of many women in Britain, as they were suddenly thrown into roles that society had previously denied them. Women were expected to enter male spheres in the home and work place as part of the war effort, resulting in a more expendable income for many and profound changes in dress and lifestyle. Trouser suits, shorter hem lines, 'Bobbed' hair and cigarettes were all part of a new androgynous look created to accommodate women's redefined roles. 'Ladies Football', to use their own term, fitted neatly into this new status quo.' However, it was not exclusive to the First World War and nor was it essentially a working class phenomenon, as the football stories would lead us to believe. Firstly, as both Gail Newsham and David Williamson point out in their respective studies, 'Ladies Football' was played during the late nineteenth century. For example, in 1895, Nettie Honeyball was made secretary for the British Ladies and she apparently made a great impression playing before a crowd of 8,000 at Newcastle. In the 1890s a travelling Scottish team, managed by Lady Florence Dixie, was a source of ridicule when it was rumoured that one of the girls played in her brother's underwear However, as football veteran Joan Whalley was quick to point out in an interview for Granada Television, although many came to mock the women, they left the ground impressed by their skill and quality of football. Secondly, a significant number of girls from 'white collar' modes of employment, such as teaching and secretarial work, became involved in 'Ladies Football'. The Atlanta Sports Club, Huddersfield, for instance, was made up of girls from 'white collar' backgrounds. 'Ladies Football' was becoming hugely popular by the end of the war and in the early post-war period. It was commanding huge crowds and raising large sums for charity, while elevating the status of women both in their communities and within their redefined roles, proving that they could function perfectly well within the spheres that convention had denied them for so long. For example, St Helens Ladies AFC played Dick, Kerr's Ladies, raising £3,000 for ex-servicemen at Everton in front of a crowd of 50,000

Domesticating Naturalism: The Example of The Pit

Behind release of new paperback edition of The Pit in summer of 1994 lies a disagreement between editor and publisher over cover art for it. The editor, Joseph McElrath, Jr., originally selected an art nouveau print by graphic artist Alphonse Mucha, perhaps best known for his posters of Sarah Bernhardt. Plate 47 from Mucha's Documents Decoratifs (published in 1902, same year as The Pit) is a vertical composition featuring a voluptuous woman with dark hair piled on top of her head. Her torso and legs are covered by a rich-looking teal wrap that spills out in sensuous disarray over ornamental border beneath. The woman's breasts are uncovered, one hand rests suggestively on her hip, and she gazes directly at viewer. To left, a bear snarls at viewer (the animal's head is in front of woman's right breast and obscures it). The bear and woman are framed by an ornate, stylized floral pattern which, in lower half, has effect of both peacock feathers and stained glass. The iconography of this print is richly suggestive of The Pit. The bear (even if it is a bear rug) evokes Curtis Jadwin, whose stock market strategies alternate between being bullish and bearish; peacock pattern suggests his narcissistic rival, artist of stained glass, Sheldon Corthell; but focal point is languorous, self-absorbed woman. McElrath selected this image to focus readers of book not on Chicago Board of Trade or Jadwin, but on Laura Dearborn as femme fatale--or so she likes to see herself. Penguin, however, rejected Mucha in favor of a photograph of Chicago Board of Trade. The vintage photograph of the pit is also a vertical composition, top two-thirds showing a vast, hazily-lit room. In bottom third, a huge crowd of men in business suits (and, oddly, at least one child in lower left) look toward camera. Penguin's decision to play up commodities market plot, which I think is unfortunate, encapsulates longstanding critical misjudgment about how The Pit should be read that is point of departure for this essay.(1) American literary naturalism flourished during a period that historians have described as marking a crisis of masculinity.(2) Not surprisingly, naturalism has generally been seen as hypermasculine, and place of in naturalist aesthetic is thus--as Penguin's decision illustrates--precarious at best. Turn-of-the-century novels that depict breakdown of families and social relationships or feature fallen women are likely to be labelled naturalistic, along with tales of such Strenuous Life pastimes as commodities trading, muckraking, and dog sledding. Literary-historical labels have their necessary uses, but problem with how naturalism has been constructed is that all works of certain authors tend to be interpreted within a framework that is both too broad (in number of novels it seeks to encompass) and too narrow (in issues said to be definitive). Particularly with works of Frank Norris and Jack London, and to a lesser degree, Theodore Dreiser, naturalist novels are often read in terms of how they succeed or fail in embodying a masculine code, a code believed to leave its traces on pages of novels and in events of authors' lives. Because of initial crudeness and startling endurance of critical constructions about gender of naturalism and some of its key players, a number of novels that do not fit mold have been trivialized or ignored.(3) A case in point is reception of The Pit. Frank Norris's final novel has been pronounced a blunder by most of its commentators, but grounds for indicting it were initially chauvinistic, and remain rooted in dubious assumptions about gender. Like all of Norris's novels and much of his nonfiction, The Pit is surely concerned with gender issues, but not so as to advertise some juvenile or bellicose idea of its author's masculinity. …

Editors' Introduction

Liu Shanqing (Lau Shan-ching) today is considered in Hong Kong to be a champion for democracy and human rights. On December 27, 1992, Liu disembarked from the Canton-Kowloon Railway Station at Hunghom, having spent ten years imprisoned in Guangdong Province for involvement with the Democracy Wall Movement during the late seventies and early eighties. At the station he was greeted by a huge crowd and many dozens of enormous welcome-home banners. For a few days the story of Liu's ten years in Chinese prisons monopolized headlines in the Hong Kong media.

ACS meeting attracts 14,000 to San Diego

The American Chemical Society's 207th national meeting attracted more than 14,000 attendees to San Diego for a wide variety of activities, from presentation of more than 5,700 papers to meetings of ACS governance bodies. Many sessions—especially papers by prominent scientists—drew overflow crowds. For instance, the recipient of the James Flack Norris Award in Physical Organic Chemistry, Harvard University professor George M. Whitesides, attracted a huge crowd to his award address on noncovalent synthesis, delivered to a session of the Division of Organic Chemistry. And the SciMix event, combining chances to socialize and to view more than 225 posters from 14 ACS divisions, drew several thousand attendees. Among governance actions, the ACS Council, in one of its shortest meetings in recent years, voted to keep 1995 member dues at this year's $96 level, and chose candidates for the fall election for 1995 president-elect. The two candidates—Allen J. Bard, Hackerman-Welch Regents Chair, Chemistry, at the Univ...

Electronic Pageantry and Japan's “Symbolic Emperor”

Early on the morning of February 24, 1989, my companion and I set out from our lodgings in central Tokyo for the Imperial Plaza. Though we knew that Emperor Shōwa's funeral procession would not be leaving the Palace until 9:35, we planned our arrival for 6:30 because a policeman had told us the day before that a huge crowd was expected. He suggested we arrive at 4:30, but 6:30 seemed early enough since we surmised that the rain and the near-freezing temperatures would keep the crowds away. Later, we would discover that the crowds that day were indeed smaller than had been expected—570,000 people along the funeral motorcade's route rather than the 870,000 spectators that the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department had originally projected (Asahi jaanaru, March 10, 1989; Asahi shinbun, February 25, 1989)—but by around 7:30 people filled the area fronting the Palace's main gate.

Pride Without Prejudice: The Day New York “Drew No Color Line”

On an unusually bright, faintly springlike morning in mid–February of 1919 in New York City, a huge crowd of perhaps a million people gathered along Fifth Avenue all the way from Madison Square Park to 110th Street and from there along Lenox Avenue north to 145th Street. Along with Governor Al Smith, ex-Governor Charles Whitman, Acting-Mayor Robert Moran, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War Emmett J. Scott, William Randolph Hearst, Rodman Wanamaker, and other notables, they had come to welcome home the men of the Fifteenth Infantry Regiment of New York's National Guard, who had fought so well in France as the 369th Infantry Regiment of the American Expeditionary Force (Figure 1).

From the Vantage of the Beijing Hotel

Much of this article is based on my on-the-spot observations in the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 11 April th ough 10 June. Except for part of May, I was in Beijing and saw the prolonged student protest at close range. From the rooftop of the Beijing Hotel, I witnessed to the extent possible at least part of the tragic events that befell Beijing the night of 3 June through the early morning of 4 June. Of course, there are always limitations to what any one individual can observe. Because of the Beijing Hotel's location on East Changan Street, I was able to see what was happening to the east of Tiananmen Square. I was not able to see events taking place in the square itself. After midnight, I saw troops trotting (that is, on foot) toward Tiananmen Square from the east end. They came without helmets and weapons. As they were approaching the square, they were blocked by huge crowds and were forced to retreat, returning to the direction (east) from which they had come. As they retreated, the troops were chased by many who threw rocks and bricks. Not long afterward, the troops returned by truck, this time with helmets on and weapons in hand. By then, the crowds had set up more roadblocks. As the trucks were negotiating their way through, the crowds stopped them with a barrage of rocks. This free-for-all went on for some time, during which many soldiers were either killed or wounded; some lost their weapons to the ruffians. Then came the armored reinforcements spitting sporadic

From the Vantage of the Beijing Hotel

Much of this article is based on my on-the-spot observations in the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 11 April th ough 10 June. Except for part of May, I was in Beijing and saw the prolonged student protest at close range. From the rooftop of the Beijing Hotel, I witnessed to the extent possible at least part of the tragic events that befell Beijing the night of 3 June through the early morning of 4 June. Of course, there are always limitations to what any one individual can observe. Because of the Beijing Hotel's location on East Changan Street, I was able to see what was happening to the east of Tiananmen Square. I was not able to see events taking place in the square itself. After midnight, I saw troops trotting (that is, on foot) toward Tiananmen Square from the east end. They came without helmets and weapons. As they were approaching the square, they were blocked by huge crowds and were forced to retreat, returning to the direction (east) from which they had come. As they retreated, the troops were chased by many who threw rocks and bricks. Not long afterward, the troops returned by truck, this time with helmets on and weapons in hand. By then, the crowds had set up more roadblocks. As the trucks were negotiating their way through, the crowds stopped them with a barrage of rocks. This free-for-all went on for some time, during which many soldiers were either killed or wounded; some lost their weapons to the ruffians. Then came the armored reinforcements spitting sporadic

Shibuya Center, Tokyo

Gigantic commercial centers exist at principal transportation nodes in several large Japanese cities. A model generalizes characteristic components of these centers: a transportation hub, a staging area, zones for department stores and office towers, an area of restaurants, bars, and coffee shops, specialized shopping streets, an amusement quarter, and a love-hotel zone. These places attract huge crowds, and Shibuya is a representative center that is popular with students and young company employees. THE purpose of this article is to describe the internal spatial structure of a large commercial center in Tokyo, Japan, and to examine its characteristics in the context of contemporary Japanese society. The emphasis is on the role of the center as a place for after-school and after-work socializing and recreation. Many commercial centers in the largest Japanese cities contain facilities for these functions, which are expressed most clearly in the mixture of businesses that surround railroad stations at key commuter interchanges. Each workday hundreds of thousands of riders transfer from one railroad or subway line to another at these centers. They provide outstanding opportunities for observation of daily routines of the urban middle class and for commentary on numerous themes about Japanese customs of work and leisure. This article also is in the tradition of efforts by foreigners to understand Japanese material culture and behavioral patterns. In other words, the text reflects the fascination that foreigners in Japan often display for societal details and distinctive attributes of the built environment.1 The methodology assumes that the built environment reflects societal context and that analyses of spatial patterns and physical morphology at a place offer insight into the complex interplay of cultural traits, historical circumstances, political and social systems, and other factors that shape the characteristics of a place. As an essay in landscape interpretation, this article follows a long-standing tradition in geography, but with a focus on relationships between society and urban environment.

A Superconductivity Happening

A Superconductivity Happening

My Pilgrimage in Mission

have, in retrospect, sometimes thought that be­ yondness has been a distinctive feature of my life. I was born and grew up in Bergen, Norway-for 900 years an im­ portant center of seafaring and contact with foreign countries. My earliest memory is of a huge crowd of people gathered to celebrate opening of Bergen-Oslo railway. At school my favorite subject was geography, more especially that part of it that dealt with non-Western The encounter, through reading and traveling, with peoples and cultures other than my own, has always fascinated me. However, decisive factor in shaping of my life was a beyondness of a different kind. I refer to expanding horizons that are an integral part of Christian message. In home in which I was privileged to grow up I learned not only to look upon daily devotions, Bible reading, and church attendance as essential elements of Christian life, but also to interpret that life in terms of a reality related to the depth of centuries and breadth of continents. My parents were committed Christians and sincere friends of mission. As a young woman my mother had wished to become a missionary. On my twenty-first birthday my father pre sented me with a copy of that monumental piece of research, World Christian Atlas, to study of which I immediately addressed myself. No less than to my parents lowe to my wife a debt of special gratitude. The quality of her Christian life and devotion has immensely enriched my pilgrimage in mission. I am a disciple of no one but a debtor to many. As a young student my Christian thinking was largely influenced by those distinguished churchmen Bishop Peter Hognestad of Bergen and Professor Olaf Moe of Free Faculty of Theology, Oslo. Both of them were convinced Lutherans. Both of them were also pi­ oneers of ecumenical movement in Norway. Bishop Eivind Berggrav, likewise, made a deep impact on my life. It has been my good fortune to have met and been inspired by not a few of great missionary leaders and scholars of this century. When I was still at an early age, John R. Mott captured my mind. His vision of one world in Christ, his mastery of facts and problems related to task of church in all six continents, his wide sympathy, resolute will, and intellectual in­ tegrity decidedly affected course of my life. J. H . Oldham, too, I greatly admired. This remarkable per­ sonality-missionary statesman, ecumenical architect, and pioneer in field of Chri stian social ethics-exerted upon my generation

EAST AFRICAN POPULAR MUSIC. From Alex Seago, Richmond College, London, 1985.

When compared to West and Central African popular music, East African music has received relatively little attention from music critics. The main reason for this seems to be that pop in East Africa has tended to be an imported, or at least, an imitated music. During the 60's and 70's the Zairean rhythms of Franco, Rochereau and Co. took Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania by storm to become firmly established as the dominant urban sound. Zairean musicians moved east to take up residences in the clubs and attracted huge crowds of Kenyan, Tanzanian and Ugandan fans.

Human Sacrifice in Bali: Sources, Notes, and Commentary

Visitors to Bali who have had the opportunity to witness a cremation ceremony will be aware that it is a truly extraordinary pageant. The huge crowd of spectators, the elaborately decorated bamboo pyramid (bade), the long procession, the chanting priests (pedanda), the music of the gamelan, the funeral pyre, all this and more, make for an extremely colorful spectacle. Today's ceremony, however, traditional though it is in most respects, is no longer identical to that staged in precolonial times. The most important difference is that, in the contemporary ceremony, the custom of sacrificing one or more women, a custom the Balinese called mesatia (loyalty),I has been replaced by the more humane practice of burning a number of straw puppets. 2

Saeed Soltanpour: On this shore of fear

Saeed Soltampour, an Iranian poet and playwright, was executed on 26 July 1981 by the authorities of the Islamic Republic. He was imprisoned many times under the Shah's regime mostly for his writings. His books of poems included Ketab-e Avazha-ye Band (‘Book of Ballads from Jail’). A founding member of Iran's Theatre Society in 1968, his plays were often banned. His last play was called Koshtargah (‘Slaughter House’). He was elected to the Executive Committee of the Writers Association of Iran in 1980. After his arrest in July 1981. the Soltanpour Committee was set up in Paris to campaign for his release. The following is one of the poems he recited in front of a huge crowd during a public event called ‘Ten Nights of Poetry’ in November 1977 held at the Goethe Institute and organised by the Writers Association of Iran.

Earl Warren and the American Judicial Tradition

In October 1970, one year after he retired as Chief Justice of the United States, Earl Warren came to the University of California, San Diego, to deliver the dedication address at John Muir College. As one of his faculty hosts for the day, I have a vivid set of recollections about the event. Despite my best efforts to engage him in conversation about the Burger Court, then in the process of cutting back on many constitutional rights established during his tenure, Warren politely refused to be drawn into discussion about legal matters. Nor was he much interested in visiting the university's library or classrooms. His attention finally became riveted upon a vigorous touch football game. When the ball squirted out of bounds near his feet the Chief Justice picked it up and arched a perfect spiral back into the hands of a sweaty undergraduate, who probably never realized that he had just received a pass from one of his country's most celebrated jurists. Later in the afternoon, a huge crowd of students, faculty, and San Diegans packed the quadrangle of John Muir College to hear Warren's talk. As he rose to speak, several students unfurled a large banner from a nearby balcony. A hush fell over the throng, most of whom expected the worst in student graffiti, perhaps F k the Chief Justice. Our campus and hundreds of others across the nation had been rocked by student strikes in April when President Nixon launched the invasion of Cambodia. At Kent State and Jackson State, national guardsmen and state troopers had gunned down protestors. Earl Warren, former Chief Justice of the United States, represented the establishment. But instead of an expletive, the banner read, Right on, Big Earl! The crowd roared its approval. Warren flashed a broad grin and proceeded to deliver a scathing attack on those who believed the country could have law and order without social justice.

Social Change and Political Conflict in Mediterranean France: Canet in the Nineteenth Century

Delight was written on every face.1 One hot spring day in 1892, huge crowds from Perpignan and its region made their way, on bikes, on foot, and on the tram used in summer to take people to the beach, across the sandy coastal plain of the Roussillon towards the Mediterranean. At Canet, they joined the nine hundred villagers in an exhausting day and night of speeches, drinking, dancing, and feasting to celebrate, on the centenary of the outbreak of the revolutionary wars of 1792, the unveiling of a massive statue of Canet's native son, Joseph Cassanyes. Cassanyes, elected to the National Convention in 1792 from the Pyrenees-Orientales, was remembered chiefly for his decision to vote for the execution of Louis XVI in 1793 and for his organization of the defense of the Roussillon against Spanish forces in 1793-94.2 The statue-a bronze bust of the conventionnel on a pink marble pedestal decorated with flags, trophies, and bas-relief, in all well over

The Chilobwe Murders Trial

Despite scant advance publicity, the hot and airless court-room of Malawi's Southern Regional Traditional Court was filled to overflowing on October 19, 1971, to hear the case against Walla Laini Kawisa. Every lawyer and senior civil servant who could possibly arrange it was there. The Police had cordoned off the area surrounding the Court. A huge crowd stood behind the barrier in an attempt to catch a glimpse of the proceedings. On the bench were three elderly chiefs, a legally-qualified magistrate and a young Judge from a lower Traditional Court. Police Superintendent Phuza prosecuted, assisted by the Attorney General and a senior CID officer. Kawisa was unrepresented and pleaded guilty to three counts involving eight murders. The Prosecutor told the Court that the accused had agreed to have other charges taken into account. Kawisa impassively pleaded guilty each time the details of a charge were read, causing a stir in the courtroom. On October 30, 1971, after an arduous presentation of the case by the Prosecutor, Kawisa was found to be solely responsible for thirty-one murders and fifteen attempted murders. Reading the Judgement, Chief Chikumbu said: This never took place during the colonial days; but today it is proved that the accused wanted to overthrow the Government by murdiring (sic) these people… I have concluded that the accused is guilty or has done something bad. The accused should be hanged, and is not allowed to appeal.

Reflections of an Old Art Historian

When I received the invitation to give this year's banquet speech, I felt honored but also frightened. Frightened not so much because of my inexperience in facing such a huge crowd but because I did not feel up to the task that was assigned to me. I was supposed to discuss: “what is going on and what should go on in our profession and to give my personal perspective and appraisal of that.” How could I pretend that I have read everything which has been published by present day art historians and how should I know about all the young scholars who have only begun to give promise of a bright future for our discipline? But these anxieties were calmed by two considerations: first, that I could change the title of the speech to a less pretentious one yet keep the possibility of dealing in broad terms with the same subject. In fact I decided to call it simply: “Reflections of an Old Art Historian.” The second consideration was that the tension would be eased—and it was indeed so—when I realized that an after dinner talk should be fairly short and should not tax too heavily the attention of the listeners who, after such a busy day and long dinner, have a right to relaxation, if not to a light nap.

The Battle of the Handkerchiefs

THE BATTLE OF THE HANDKERCHIEFS Leonard V. Ruber shortly before noon on a bright day in February, 1863, a huge crowd, predominantly women, began to gather at the New Orleans Levee. About 400 paroled Confederate prisoners of war who were to be exchanged upriver were sailing on the steamer Empire Parish under a flag of truce, and the crowd had come to see them off. Long before the hour of departure, the Levee was a jumble of people arriving on foot and in carts, wagons, and carriages. A reporter for Leslies Illustrated Weekly Neiospaper estimated the crowd at between 10,000 and 15,000,J "a large portion of them females wearing secesh badges and many openly waving little rebel flags."2 As the grayclad Confederates assembled for the march to the steamboat, cheering and a great waving of parasols and handkerchiefs greeted them. Ten months earlier, New Orleans had fallen to the Union fleet after Flag Officer David G. Farragut had run his ships past Forts Jackson and St. Philip on the Missisippi below the city. The occupation of the proud metropolis of the South so early in the war had stunned its people. Amid great patriotic excitement, the city had sent its sons to fight for the Confederacy . Many families were then completely out of contact with the menfolk at the front. And then there had been "Beast" Butler! Major General Benjamin F. Butler of Massachusetts, in charge of the occupation, had done nothing to endear himself to the populace of New Orleans. The citizenry considered him a ruthless tyrant who nursed a grudge against the South, especially its slaveholders and aristocrats. His every action seemed to reveal an obsession that New Orleans bepunished for seceding from the Union. Indeed, Ben Butler lost little time in trying to stamp out every vestige of Southern sentiment in New Orleans. Leonard V. Huber, a New Orleans collector and historian, is the co-author of The Great Mail (1949) and Lousiana Purchase (1953), as well as author of Advertisements of Lower Mississippi River Steamboats, 1812-1920 (1960). 1 Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, Mar. 21, 1863. 2 Harper's Weekly, Mar. 21, 1863. 48 Harper's Weekly, Mar. 21, 1863 A Mr. Hamilton of Harper's sketched this view of the incident in New Orleans when Confederate prisoners filed aboard the Empire Parish. Crowds of women stormed onto the decks of the nearby Laurel Hill and, aided by a large gathering on shore, quickly created a crisis for the Federal troops. Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, Mar. 21, 1863 An unsympathetic artist for Leslie's drew two sketches of "The Battle of the Handkerchiefs." On the left are pictured happy and partially inebriated Confederate prisoners, who seemed to revel in their predicament . On the right, a Southern "lady" is shown routing one of the Federal guards. During the seven and one-half months that Butler headed the Department of the Gulf, he kept the city practically under martial law, seized private property, forced newspapers to suspend publication, and banished clergymen who refused to pray for the President of the United States. Citizens who refused to take the oath of allegiance to the Union were listed as "Registered Enemies of the United States" and subjected to deportation and the confiscation of their property.3 A strange struggle between Butler and the citizens of New Orleans quickly developed. The New Orleaneans, an outspoken lot, despised Butler and all for which he stood, and they went to great pains to show by word and action how they felt. The women, in particular, infuriated the General byfeigning nausea at the approach of Federal officers, or by walking in the street to avoid passing under a United States flag hanging over the sidewalk. Butler claimed that a woman spat in the face of one of his officers on his way to church services and that "one of the ladies of New Orleans" emptied a vessel of dirty water on no less a personage than Flag Officer Farragut as he walked along one of the principal streets.4 Butler retaliated by issuing his notorious "Woman Order"—General Order No. 28, dated May 15, 1862—which directed that his...