Blue House Research Articles

Seoul as a Site of Labor Resistance: The Spatial Representation of Inequality and Injustice

Under rising insecurity and precarity in the neoliberal labor market, Korean workers have protested mass job cuts and deteriorating working conditions. Although their grievances originate from the regions and workplaces where they are employed or laid off, the protest sites often move to major political landmarks in Seoul, the nation’s capital, with demands for political redress. These labor protests in the capital demonstrate two distinctive features of Korean labor movements in the 2000s: protests go on for a protracted period of time with few tangible results and take extreme forms of resistance. Approaching Seoul as a site of contentious politics, this study analyses the mutual nexus between labor protests and urban spaces with cases that appropriate various sites, such as Kwanghwamun (Gwanghwamun) Square, the Blue House, and the National Assembly, involving diverse tactics like long-term camp-ins, sambo ilbae (삼보일배) marches, and the occupation of structurally perilous structures. It examines which layers of inequality and injustice in the labor market, or in Korean society at large, are articulated through protest methods that spatially engage with specific urban locations in Seoul. With this investigation, the paper argues that the labor movement practices novel repertoires of resistance to neoliberal precarity by choosing the urban sites with metaphoric significance and by publicly displaying bodily torment. These new forms of contention, in turn, redefine the sense and political implication of the protest site and make the space part of the new protest repertoire.

A Study of Korean's Experiences of Unfairness Based on Analysis of Text Big Data Posted on the Blue House National Petition

A Study of Korean's Experiences of Unfairness Based on Analysis of Text Big Data Posted on the Blue House National Petition

The House of Grass and Sky by Mary Lyn Ray

Reviewed by: The House of Grass and Sky by Mary Lyn Ray Deborah Stevenson, Editor Ray, Mary Lyn The House of Grass and Sky; illus. by E. B. Goodale. Candlewick, 2021 [32p] Trade ed. ISBN 9781536200973 $17.99 Reviewed from digital galleys R 4-6 yrs “Once, out in the country, someone knew right where to build a house.” As the years went by, the house happily contained a sequence of families, and it never felt abandoned when people moved out, because “a new family always came—until one didn’t.” The empty house misses having residents and it has its hopes for habitation dashed a few times; eventually a new family moves in and discovers the property’s wonders, and the home and humans get to work on “making new memories, together.” The careful, gently lyrical, gently anthropomorphic text makes explicit the kind of emotional investment many children (and adults) place in their homes, and the details of country life are idyllic and inviting. Goodale’s mixed-media art radiates with verdant joy; rather than overtly animating the house, it focuses on the family life within it, piling up snapshots of family events and depicting memories of previous residents in fey shadows. Small details mark different eras, but the cast is credibly multicultural and the people are always more salient than the history. Like Wahl’s The Blue House (BCCB 7/20), this would be a tender preparation for a move to a new house or a farewell to an old one. Copyright © 2021 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

A House for Every Bird by Megan Maynor

Reviewed by: A House for Every Bird by Megan Maynor Deborah Stevenson, Editor Maynor, Megan A House for Every Bird; illus. by Kaylani Juanita. Knopf, 2021 [32p] Library ed. ISBN 9781984896490 $20.99 Trade ed. ISBN 9781984896483 $17.99 E-book ed. ISBN 9781984896506 $10.99 Reviewed from digital galleys R 5-7 yrs "I drew all these birds," says our industrious protagonist happily. "And a house for every bird." Except her orderly plan for every bird to fit neatly into the house that visually matches it ("Red for red, tall for tall") turns out not to suit the birds at all—Orange Bird likes the cool vibe of the blue house, Small Bird wants room for all his cousins in a big house, and so on, and the more control the narrator tries to exert, the more the birds make their own plans for what suits them. Finally a dialogue with an informative avian makes her realize that she doesn't actually know what the birds want, and there's a way to find out: ask them. There are some obvious implications for dynamics outside of the fantasy-bird world as well, but the book lets those stay subtextual, instead giving lively voice to the narrator as she wrestles with her creations and exuberant dialogue to those creations ("We like what we like, darling. That's not difficult"). Digital illustrations alternate scrawled kid-style drawings with precisely lined, enjoyably distinctive portrayals of the dark-skinned girl and her fantastical feathered friends, giving audiences plenty of slyly humorous images to pore over. Use this to open a discussion on using words rather than assumptions, or as an introduction to the way art can go in unexpected directions. [End Page 270] Copyright © 2021 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

청와대 국민청원 게시판의 지속적 이용의도에 영향을 미치는 요인에 관한 연구: 20대 대학생을 중심으로

청와대 국민청원 게시판의 지속적 이용의도에 영향을 미치는 요인에 관한 연구: 20대 대학생을 중심으로

The Blue House and the Heavenly Light

The Blue House and the Heavenly Light

Has South Korean democracy hit a glass ceiling? Institutional‐cultural factors and limits to democratic progress

AbstractThis article critically examines the state of South Korea’s consolidated democracy in the post‐2016 Candlelight period. More specifically, I identify a “glass ceiling” in raising the quality of South Korean democracy, drawing attention to institutional‐cultural factors as an underlying barrier for further democratic progress. Political culture reinforces existing institutional design flaws such as a strong executive and a weak political party system. This in turn creates a permissive environment encouraging ruling parties to protect the presidency and implement the Blue House’s agenda through means which do not necessarily comport with liberal democracy. After presenting data from several indexes that measure the quality of democracy in South Korea, I discuss how institutions and culture interact to limit democratic advancement. I then use the Sewol ferry disaster during the conservative Park Geun‐hye administration and implementation of South Korea’s inter‐Korea engagement policy during the progressive Moon Jae‐in government to illustrate my argument.

Online Petitioning and Political Participation Analyzing Blue House Petition site

이 논문의 목적은 의제설정 기능의 측면에서 국민청원이 갖는 정치 참여적 속성을 경험적으로 탐색해 보는 것이다. 본 논문에서는 온라인 청원의 내용이 정책결정에 미치는 간접적 영향을 공중의제의 설정과 확산의 측면에서 분석하기 위해 국민청원 게시판이 개설된 이후 1년 동안 청와대로부터 공식 답변을 받은 51건의 청원을 54개의 언론사 보도 추이와 비교 분석하였다. 주요 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 20만 건 이상 동의를 받은 청원 가운데 언론 보도를 직간접적으로 인용한 청원은 의제 확산 기능을, 개인의 경험에서 비롯된 청원과 언론 및 경험에 출처를 두지 않은 기타 청원은 의제설정 기능을 하는 경향이 있다. 둘째, 청원의 출처와 상관없이 대부분의 청원은 20만 건 이상의 동의를 받은 이후 청원에서 다루어진 이슈에 대한 보도 건수가 증가하였고, 보도 내용에서 국민청원을 언급하는 비율이 높게 나타났다. 이와 같은 결과는 국민청원게시물 가운데 공중의제를 새롭게 발굴하거나 확산시키는 게시물이 있으며 이를 통해 국민청원이 부분적으로 정치 참여로서 역할을 하고 있다는 점을 시사한다.

The Blue House by Phoebe Wahl

Reviewed by: The Blue House by Phoebe Wahl Deborah Stevenson, Editor Wahl, Phoebe The Blue House; written and illus. by Phoebe Wahl. Knopf, 2020 [40p] Library ed. ISBN 9781984893376 $20.99 Trade ed. ISBN 9781984893369 $17.99 E-book ed. ISBN 9781984893383 $10.99 Reviewed from digital galleys R 4-6 yrs "Leo lived with his dad in an old blue house next to a tall fir tree." It's a creaky old house but it's still a beloved home, so Leo and his father are unhappy when the house is sold in order to be torn down for new construction. They move to a new house but it's not the same ("'I hate it,' said Leo. 'That's okay,' said his dad"); eventually, though, their familiar life makes the little white house home, and their beloved blue house still lives on in their memories. While moving stories are rife in picturebookland, the not-uncommon experience of losing a home to neighborhood improvements is rarely featured, and Leo and his dad are a believable small family in an area that's a credible mix of shaggy old houses and doubtless more profitable apartments. The mixed-media art gets a little darkly saturated in some scenes, but the vigorous and naïve draftsmanship of the figures is cozy in long-haired Leo and his scruffy rocker dad; there's a realism to the neighborhood and the imperfect, well-loved interiors that's a refreshing change from more touristy visions of housing. This is a pragmatic alternative to Virginia Lee Burton's The Little House, and kids will be glad to see that Leo and his dad negotiate their changing neighborhood. Make sure audiences get a look at opening and closing endpapers to see where Leo's move took him. Copyright © 2020 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Мифы и фальшивые новости вокруг трагедии парома «Севоль»

April 16, 2020 marked the 6th anniversary of the Sewol ferry disaster. The tragic event roused South Korean civilians and gave rise to numerous rumors and propaganda myths, which formed the basis for the so-called “candle revolution”. They included both a conspiracy theory about the disaster, and the thesis that the main cause of the death of children was the criminal inaction of the corrupted Park Geun-hye administration and the ex-President herself. The examination of the remains of the ferry raised in 2017 after the impeachment of Park drew a thick line under the conspiracy theories (explosion on board, collision with a US submarine, etc.). Nevertheless, the question “what went wrong?” remains unanswered despite politically committed investigations. Meanwhile, most of the rumors circulating after the tragedy that brought people to the streets were never proven. Moreover, Park Geun-hye was acquitted by the Court of the charges related to the Sewol. The facts show that the blame for a great number of victims is not on the Blue house, but on the local authorities, who were unable to effectively conduct rescue operations, and later openly practiced window-dressing and misinformed their superiors. The President therefore did not receive timely information that would require a rapid response on her part. As the case involved the province of Jeolla (a regional stronghold of the Democrats), the opposition expressing storm of abuse had the advantage of shifting the blame from them to the Central government and it succeeded in doing this. The information campaign of Park Geun-hye's opponents contributed to her wilt and the formation in the mass consciousness of the former President’s image that played its role in the later developments.

청와대 국민청원에서는 무엇이 일어나는가? : 자연어 처리를 활용한 청와대 국민청원 분석

청와대 국민청원에서는 무엇이 일어나는가? : 자연어 처리를 활용한 청와대 국민청원 분석

Failure of An Inter-Korean Policy: The Case of Trustpolitik

Park Guen Hye’s Trustpolitik was a bold initiative that seeks to improve relations with North Korea. It was a policy departure from the flawed strategies of her predecessors who were either too lenient or hardline towards Pyongyang. However, the fact that the trust-based policy was a conditional form of engagement meant that the North Korean leadership had a little incentive in supporting the policy. Given that Seoul and Washington wanted Pyongyang to denuclearize as a sine qua non for reciprocal concessions, the Trustpolitik failed to induce any significant progress in inter-Korean relations. Kim Jong Un’s adoption of the Byungjin policy, which envisioned parallel undertaking of the North Korean nuclear program alongside economic reforms, pointed to the ominous scenario that he had no interest in accommodating Park’s Trustpolitik. Further, South Korean domestic response to Truspolitik was also far from positive, especially when Park’s conservative Saenuri Party failed to obtain a majority in the 2016 parliamentary elections and after a legislative impeachment vote in 2017 which removed Park Guen Hye from the Blue House.

A Study on Improvement direction of the Blue House petition

A Study on Improvement direction of the Blue House petition

SWOT분석을 통한 전자민주주의 평가와 개선전략 도출: 청와대와 서울시 사례 연구

SWOT분석을 통한 전자민주주의 평가와 개선전략 도출: 청와대와 서울시 사례 연구

Inheritance, and: Which Ever Way, and: Would You Miss Me?

Inheritance, and: Which Ever Way, and: Would You Miss Me? Tyree Daye (bio) Inheritance What will I do with my grandmother's deep blackcast iron skilletunder my mother's rusting bleached stove? Heavy stone, oiled star. My mother who's worked all her life for this little blue house, what about what her hands did? And the hands my grandfather gave to all of them? My aunts' green thumbs wound around a squash's vine? What will happen to the bodies we left in the ground, in the street, the uncles on the fireplace mantles, the cousins we've misplaced? This land didn't treat my grandmother right while living, I can only imagine what it'll do to her bones. [End Page 146] Which Ever Way I ran 95 North, 95 South, 40 West, 40 Eastall the way to the plastic-filled Atlantic. I closedmy eyes to every rest stop, truck stop, state flower,the broken-in heads deer lining the roadlike a parade crowd. Every tree on i-85 leansover me like a holy woman, and if they could speakwould say again and again the wind the wind,like speaking with an aunt after her stroke,a mind on a freeway filled with unrecognizable bones. I died on 96 North, I was a ghost on 96 South,US 64 East all the way to my mother's house,in every direction I was leaving, in every directionit smelled like blood, a body under a turkey vulture–filled sky,a jar of coins my uncle kept on his dresserthat he hoped would save his life someday. On the map I'm making he's at every turn,every street on the Southside is still black,charcoal doesn't give you cancer,so every night is a cookout marked by smoking stars. A chalk red cardinalwill always mean I love you. The dead mark the living on bone mapsas whole cities they can enter,walk around in with no reason to run. [End Page 147] Would You Miss Me? I'm far away from my living, the deadin me are birds, the wind finally gave my uncle wings.I hope this storm miles off will carry me to him,the heart is not a cardinal it can't leave on its own without the body. If wings grew out of my backmy heart couldn't take their beating,so I feed the birds parts of me no one called beautiful, my father's moon of a nose. I made a room of my grief.When you ask to enter it changes itself into a room half its size. If I didn't return the way snowbirds return with snow,song birds return songs to each other across a harvested field, the way my grandmother returns to my dreams begging meto let her stay dead. The light returning to her face in minutes. [End Page 148] Tyree Daye Tyree Daye is a poet from Youngsville, NC. He is the author of two poetry collections, River Hymns (APR/Honickman First Book Prize), and Cardinal, forthcoming from Copper Canyon. A former Ruth Lilly finalist and Cave Canem fellow, Daye won this year's Palm Beach Poetry Festival Langston Hughes Fellowship and served as the Diana and Simon Raab Writer-in-Residence at UC Santa Barbara. Most recently, he was awarded a Whiting Writers Award. Copyright © 2019 University of Nebraska Press

A ditadura e os rastros da repressão no sudeste paraense: desvelando memórias sobre a Casa Azul

Entre 1972 e 1974, o sudeste do Pará, assim como parte do Maranhão e do norte do atual Tocantins, foi palco da Guerrilha do Araguaia, conflito que marcou não somente a história recente do Brasil, como deixou diversas heranças para a região onde ocorrera, incluindo-se um legado autoritário marcado pela repressão a movimentos sociais voltados para a luta pela terra no contexto da redemocratização. Em Marabá, maior município da mesorregião, fora montado durante a Guerrilha estrutura que visava combater os militantes do PCdoB em atuação na região, consistindo na formação de quartéis, bem como no uso de outros órgãos públicos no suporte as ações do Centro de Inteligência do Exército (CIE). Um desses órgãos fora o então denominado Departamento Nacional de Estradas de Rodagem (DNER), cuja sede fora apontada por camponeses e ex-soldados que por ali passaram como um centro de prisão clandestino, onde teriam ocorridos graves violações dos direitos humanos, que teriam atingido guerrilheiros e camponeses da região. Há relatos que apontam que alguns dos desaparecidos políticos no contexto da Guerrilha foram aprisionados, torturados, mortos ou vistos pela última vez no local, chamado à época de Casa Azul. Após o fim dos conflitos, o local teria sido envolvido na Operação Limpeza, como é descrita a ação onde se efetivou o apagamento dos rastros sobre as violações perpetradas durante a Guerrilha por parte de agentes das Forças Armadas. O artigo se propõe a contextualizar o processo de desvelamento de memórias sobre o local, à revelia das estratégias de silenciamento que foram criadas pelos agentes da Ditadura em relação às violações ocorridas na Guerrilha do Araguaia; objetiva, através dos rastros deixados sobre a Casa Azul, colaborar para maior compreensão sobre um dos espaços mais marcantes no que concerne as estratégias repressivas adotadas durante o regime militar no Brasil.

청와대 소재 경주 방형대좌 석조여래좌상의 암석학적 비파괴분석을 통한 산지해석

청와대 소재 경주 방형대좌 석조여래좌상의 암석학적 비파괴분석을 통한 산지해석

Sustainable community building in the face of state-led gentrification: the story of the Blue House cluster in Hong Kong

This paper examines how a community in Hong Kong, led by a local charity, mobilised its bonding, bridging and linking social capital to transform a government-initiated regeneration project that ha...

10·26 이후 정국 전개의 재해석 : 전두환과 신군부의 ‘긴 쿠데타’

This paper deals with the change of political situations after the assassination of Park Chung Hee in 1979. is paper particularly pays attention to the roles of major political actors such as Kim Jong Pil, Choi Kyu Ha, and Shi Hyun Hwak. A main research question here is why Kim Jong Pil, a longtime 2nd powerful man after Park Chung Hee, failed to capture political power when Park Chung Hee was killed. This paper argues that in his late years Park Chung Hee recruited many of politically important positions of the government, the military and the Blue House from his home region, and as a consequence, political elites from the Taegu-Kyungbuk (or TK) province established a mighty power bloc. The TK bloc led the political situation after Park’s death, and successfully prevented Kim Jong Pil from taking over political power. Shin Hyun Hwak, the then prime minister, played a key role within the TK bloc. Shin set up political cooperation with President Choi Kyu Ha, who used to be a lifetime diplomat. However, when President Choi felt concerned about the consolidation of power in favor of Shin, he appointed general Chun Doo Hwan as acting chief of Korean Central Intelligence Service to check Shin and the TK group. Such an internal division created a favorable condition for the military of Chun Doo Hwan in 1980.

Review of the Process of Transition and the Amendment(draft) of Fundamental Labor Rights in the Constitution

최근 1987년 대통령 직선제 개헌으로 대표되는 9차 개헌 이후 30여년 만에 개헌 논의가 본격화되고 있다. 소위 87년 체제가 더 이상 현실을 반영 하기 어렵다는 문제의식에서 비롯된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 본 연구에서는 이러한 개정논의에 대한 평가를 통해서 이후 전개될 재논 의에 기초자료를 제공하는 것을 목적으로, 현행 노동기본권 관련 조항을 개별적, 집단적 두 항목으로 분류하여 그동안의 변천과정과 해석을 둘러싼 문제점을 도출해 비판해 보고, 이번에 국회와 청와대에서 논의된 헌법개정 (안)의 내용에 현행 헌법 노동기본권 조항의 문제점이 얼마만큼 반영되어 있는지 살펴보았다.이번 국회와 대통령의 헌법개정안은 기본적으로 노동자의 권리를 크게 강화하는 내용으로 이루어졌다는 점에서 긍정적으로 평가할 수 있다. 구체 적으로 ‘근로’라는 용어를 ‘노동’으로 수정하고, ‘동일가치 노동에 대한 동일 임금’ 지급원칙에 대한 헌법적 근거를 마련하였다. 그리고 종래의 ‘고용증 진’에 더해 ‘고용안정’과 ‘일과 생활의 균형’에 국가의 정책 시행의무도 신설 하였다. 또한 근로조건 결정과정에서 ‘노사대등 결정의 원칙’을 명시하고 단체행동권의 행사 범위를 종래의 ‘근로조건 향상을 위해서’에서 확대하고 있다. 이와 별도로 국회(안)에서는 대통령(안)에서 볼 수 없는 ‘직접･무기고용 원칙’이나 ‘노동자의 사업운영 참가권’ 등 변화된 시기에 대응할 수 있는 개혁적인 안을 내오고 있어서 앞으로의 개정논의에 많은 시사점을 주고 있다고 할 수 있을 것이다. 결론적으로 이번의 개정(안)은 내용적인 부분만 살펴보면 개혁적이고 참신한 내용을 담고 있는 것은 분명하다. 그러므로 하루빨리 국회차원에서의 재논의가 이루어지기를 기대해 본다.Recently, the revision of the constitution is in full swing after 30 years since the 9th amendment of the presidential election system in 1987. It can be said that the so-called 1987 system is no longer able to reflect reality. The purpose of this study is to provide basic data for the re-discussion. The current basic labor rights clause is categorized into two categories: individual labor relations and collective labor relations, criticizing the problems surrounding the process of transition and its interpretation, and The revision of the constitutional amendment (draft) discussed in the National Assembly and the Blue House reviewed how the problems of the current basic constitutional labor rights provisions were improved and reflected. The revision of the Constitution by the National Assembly and the President can be evaluated positively in the sense that it essentially reinforces workers’ rights. Specifically, the term ‘diligent labor’ was changed to ‘labor’, and the principle of ‘equal pay for work of equal value’ was laid down in the Constitution. In addition to the previous ‘employment enhancement’, it was faithful as a duty of the nation to enforce ‘employment stability’ and ‘balance of work and life’. In addition, in the process of determining working conditions, ‘Principle of labor-management equality’ is specified, and the range of exercise of the right to collective action is extended in the past to improve working conditions. On the other hand, the “principle of direct and non-period employment” and “the right to participate in the business operation of workers” are only in the revision of the National Assembly. These are reformative provisions that can cope with the changed working environment, and they can be said to give many implications for future revisions. In conclusion, it is obvious that this amendment contains reformative and fresh contents. But what is more important in the process of amending the Constitution is how to bring about the consensus of the people who are constitutional right. Therefore, the process of deliberation will be needed to ensure the participation of the people in the discussion process.