Hostile States Research Articles

ЗАСТОСУВАННЯ М’ЯКОЇ СИЛИ СПОЛУЧНИМИ ШТАТАМИШЛЯХОМ ВИКОРИСТАННЯ БАГАТОСТОРОННЬОЇ ДИПЛОМАТІЇУ ПЕРІОД ПРЕЗИДЕНТСТВА ДЖ. БУША-МОЛОДШОГО ТА Б. ОБАМИ

In the modern world, multilateral diplomacy is a significant factor of soft power, as it demonstrates commitment to global goals and international cooperation, the desire to address the interests of not only allies, but also of hostile states, and the presence of a clear vision of the world development that altogether increases the attractiveness of the state. The article analyzes the approaches to the multilateral diplomacy of the administrations of two U. S. presidents, namely of G. W. Bush and B. Obama. The study came to the conclusion that the United States mostly neglected the potential of soft power that could have been obtained in case of more active use of multilateral mechanisms. The preference was given to unilateralist actions on the world stage under the administration of G. W. Bush, and this trend was mainly preserved by B. Obama, despite his declared commitment to international obligations, although he generally managed to increase the importance of multilateral diplomacy for the United States and to improve the image of the state in the international arena.

ПОВСЕДНЕВНАЯ ЖИЗНЬ ИНТЕРНИРОВАННЫХ КАЗАНСКОЙ ГУБЕРНИИ В 1917 Г

In the article the situation of intemees(persons having the nationality of a hostile state) is analyzed on the example of the Kazan province in 1917. Analyzing the rights and duties of the prisoners, the author equates their status to that of administrative exiles and gives moral evaluation to the phenomenon of internment. To illustrate the particular situation of the internees in the crisis year for Russia, the author refers to the earlier period of their lives in the Kazan province - from 1914 to 1916. The forced displacement from their homes entailed separation from family, inability to find jobs in their specialty, restriction of freedom of movement, prohibition of communication with the local population. The revolutionary year of 1917 was marked, on the one hand, by general liberalization which affected, among others, the civilian prisoners. On the other hand, the economic problems in the country provoked the province residents’ anger with foreigners. Thus, because of food shortages and economic disruption, the domestic problems only worsened, the internees couldn’t choose the place of residence and the expectations of easing of the internment regime were not met. The new public authorities - Public Security Committees - treated foreigners in general and internees in particular with caution and tried to curtail their rights. This led to the fact that even the citizens of neutral states were persecuted. After the 1917 October Revolution this mistrust continued. As a result, regardless of the fact which political force was in power, the fate of the internees did not become easier, even after such a strong social upheaval as the February and October Revolutions.

RECENT STUDIES OF WARTIME CHINA

The history of World War II has long been a favorite topic of military, diplomatic, and social historians (even more so for viewers of the History Channel), but the focus has typically been on the European theater. With a more limited archival record, the conflict in Asia has received less attention. This is certainly not because Asia was less important. The war undermined the legitimacy of colonial regimes throughout Southeast Asia, led to the division of Korea into two hostile states, and contributed in fundamental ways to the collapse of the Nationalist regime in China and the triumph of the Communist revolution. The last few years have seen substantial new scholarship on the 1937–45 War of Resistance in China and what Japanese historians often call the Fifteen-Year War, starting with the occupation of Manchuria in 1931. The number of titles falls far short of what has been written on Europe, but the war in China is now being approached in new and interesting ways.

Navigating DACA in Hospitable and Hostile States

This study examines the ways in which liminally legal young immigrants respond to shifting policies that either legitimize or delegitimize their presence within state and national boundaries. Borne out of two larger studies that rely on ethnographic and in-depth interview data in Massachusetts and North Carolina, we primarily focus on longitudinal interviews with individuals responding to Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). We examine the ways in which federal and state policies interact to affect access to membership for young adult immigrants in states with very different political climates. In Massachusetts, young adults felt more legitimacy and were more optimistic in their abilities to redirect their life pathways after DACA. In contrast, in the more hostile environment of North Carolina, state policies continued to impede mobility pathways and differentiate previously undocumented youth as outsiders even after the passage of DACA. Instead of characterizing the transition to adulthood for liminally legal youth as a unidirectional transition to exclusion, we emphasize the interactive influence of state- and federal-level policies and illustrate how incorporation can occur on multiple levels and even in opposite directions simultaneously. Moreover, we discuss how hostile policies in one state appear to reverberate outward, suggesting spillover effects for respondents in other states.

An Unsatisfactory State of the Law: The Limited Options for a Corporation Dealing with Cyber Hostilities by State Actors

The rapidly increasing willingness of state actors to conduct hostile cyber operations against corporations has not gone unnoticed by governments, and, in particular, the United States. Corporations, for their part, overwhelmingly support government involvement in cyber issues. This mutual desire for a corporate-government partnership provides an opportunity to build an effective response to the cyber threat posed by state actors. Yet, corporations also must be cognizant that the present environment is woefully inadequate at providing the necessary cyber defense mechanisms needed to protect their businesses. This short-term need for protection coupled with the interest in a corporate-government partnership raises two questions. First, what can a corporation do to protect itself from state-sponsored cyber hostilities? Second, what are some possible models for a corporate-government partnership to address the threat in the future?This Article addresses both of these questions by first outlining why it is difficult for a corporation to respond to state-sponsored cyber hostilities. Understanding this difficulty allows for the development of appropriate corporate responses to hostile state actors. An explanation of what the law allows a corporation to do in defense of its business interests will follow. As self-protection for business is only a partial solution, recommendations for enhancing the corporate-government partnership to blunt state actor cyber hostilities will also be offered. The Article concludes by reiterating the criticality of developing a comprehensive and coherent strategy for responding to this ever-growing threat.

"Dyin' ain't much of a livin'": The Ethics of Rebellion in The Outlaw Josey Wales

"Dyin' ain't much of a livin'":The Ethics of Rebellion in The Outlaw Josey Wales Erika Behrisch Elce (bio) Clint eastwood's role as the sympathetic outlaw Josey Wales (1976) presents students in my first-year literature classes at the Royal Military College of Canada with an ethical conundrum. The film and its eponymous hero underscore the slippery nature of morality in a time of war as well as the ethics of rebellion. The film dramatizes a scenario that may well become reality for some rmcc cadets, all of whom have dedicated at least a portion of their professional lives to upholding national values in a military context and have committed themselves to being potentially "lawfully ordered into harm's way under conditions that could lead to the loss of their lives" against people who might be much like Wales himself: disenfranchised, dispossessed, angry, and armed (Duty 26). In the film, Wales fights his nation's government; in the present day, my students have taken an oath to defend theirs, and yet Wales's antistatism is understandable, even admirable. This tension between personal and professional loyalties lies at the centre of student discussions of the film: How can Wales be a sympathetic character while defying the very system rmcc's officer cadets represent? Many critics have described The Outlaw Josey Wales as exclusively antistatist, particularly in its connection with the novel that inspired it: [End Page 65] "arch segregationist" Forrest (Asa) Carter's 1972 Gone to Texas is just one book in a series of fictional works that acted as platforms for Carter's consistent and "vehement political criticism" (Clayton 20, 21). Carter's true identity as a white supremacist was allegedly unknown "until just after the film was released," but nevertheless the film, like the book, on one level "portrays a valorized image of the victimized white American who wreaks havoc on an authoritarian state" (Lowndes 239, 238). Certainly, Wales spends most of the film evading capture by Union forces, and his several escapes from both Union and state-sponsored bounty hunters support this antistatist interpretation, implying as they do that happiness (and indeed, life) is achievable only beyond state jurisdiction. "Antistatist" may describe a significant part of the film's social comment, but not all of it; I would argue instead that, even in its hostility to the imposition of an organized state, the film is still decisively positive about the practice of ethical government. The film's portrayal of Wales at the centre of a new community—the Crooked River Ranch at Santa Rio—shows that he is not an anarchist but that he envisions and practises a style of governance that is simply (but profoundly) different from the destructive national policy he experiences at the hands of postwar Unionists. Two philosophical positions enrich our classroom discussion of Wales's moral standing by offering alternative perspectives on how to view his profoundly antisocial behaviour, showing it to be, although officially rebellious, deeply ethical. The first is the Canadian professional military ethos as articulated in Duty with Honour: The Profession of Arms in Canada (2003), a manual that all members of the Canadian Forces, including my students, are required to read and by which they must abide. Duty with Honour calls attention to the necessary direct correlation between national values and military action; officers and non-commissioned members alike "are dedicated to the national values of the country they are sworn to defend," values grounded in democracy and the rule of law (Duty 21). The government portrayed in Josey Wales, however, represents the destruction of the family unit, and, in rebelling against a system that destroys both his home and his livelihood, Wales does only what is necessary to ensure his own survival and that of others who eventually find themselves under his care. In this context, The Outlaw Josey Wales belongs to a rich tradition of ethical antistatism from Robin Hood to The Hunger Games, in which lone characters take on a hostile state in order to improve the lives of others. Wales's experience of government as a dehumanizing force (even after the war it continues to hunt him down) leads to the second...

Manufacturing Dissidence: Arts and Letters of North Korea's “Second Culture”

Reading North Korean defector memoirs and Korean American “roots” narratives as forms of “second culture” relative to North Korea, namely, an alternative US-oriented culture whose representational authority is held as exceeding that of the socialist state of origin, this essay examines the ongoing Korean War as the backdrop for the neoconservative emergence of human rights critique of North Korea. Examining the transnational funding matrix behind the publication and international circulation of the North Korean defector memoir, specifically the National Endowment for Democracy's role in sponsoring such “human rights” writings, this essay reads the latter as weaponized forms of expression, defined by their instrumentality within an uneven global landscape of power and rendered lethal by the state of unresolved hostilities between the United States and North Korea. Positing the illegitimacy of North Korea, the defector memoir has been marshaled toward sovereignty-challenging, or regime-change, ends. Widely read as “human rights” literary forms, the defector memoir, alongside the Korean American “roots” narrative of North Korea, this essay argues, have served in the geopolitical arena as vehicles for “dissident” North Korean voices in place of an extant samizdat literature.

The Challenge of the Islamic State

The Islamic State, proclaimed on 29 June 2014, has tremendously shaken up the Middle East and the whole world forcing hostile and friendly states alike to close ranks and create a collective military platform to fight and contain this new danger before it spirals out of control. This analysis probes the threats and the challenges the Islamic State, which has conquered and currently controls vast swathes across the Iraq-Syria borders, poses to the West and its Middle Eastern allies and examines why the challenges warranted a military response spearheaded by the US. It argues that the Islamic State poses formidable ideational challenges to the West, beyond its military threats to the Middle Eastern states, that question the very base and organizing principles of Western political order and the West’s dominance over the Middle East, what is better dubbed ‘Eurocentrism’ – a concept that articulates and sustains Western claim to universalism. Unless coerced into submission or at least militarily weakened, the IS holds the potential to successfully challenge eurocentric ideas with its own version of Islamic universalism.

The challenge of the Islamic State

The Islamic State, proclaimed on 29 June 2014, has tremendously shaken up the Middle East and the whole world forcing hostile and friendly states alike to close ranks and create a collective military platform to fight and contain this new danger before it spirals out of control. This analysis probes the threats and the challenges the Islamic State poses to the West and its Middle Eastern allies and examines why the challenges warranted a military response spearheaded by the USA. It argues that the Islamic State – which has captured and currently controls vast swathes across the Iraq-Syria borders – poses formidable ideational challenges to the West, beyond its military threats to the Middle Eastern states, that question the very base and organizing principles of western political order and the West's dominance over the Middle East, what is better dubbed “Eurocentrism” – a concept that articulates and sustains western claim to universalism. Unless coerced into submission or, at least, defeated militarily, the Islamic State looks certain to effectively challenge eurocentric ideas and promote its own version of Islamic universalism.

Nuclear Force Adaptability for Deterrence and Assurance: A Prudent Alternative to Minimum Deterrence

This monograph, Nuclear Force Adaptability for Deterrence and Assurance: A Prudent Alternative to Minimum Deterrence, is the second in a series examining the U.S. goals of deterrence, extended deterrence and the assurance of allies, and how to think about the corresponding U.S. standards of adequacy for measuring “how much is enough?” It begins by examining the manifest character of the contemporary threat environment in which the United States must pursue its strategic goals of deterring foes and assuring allies. Fortunately, there is considerable available evidence regarding the character of the contemporary threat environment and its general directions. Noted historians have compared this threat environment not to the bipolar Cold War, but to the highly dynamic threat environments leading to World War I and World War II. The uncertainties involved are daunting given the great diversity of hostile and potentially hostile states and non-state actors, leaderships, goals, perceptions, and forces that could be involved.

Development of a high-throughput assay for human proprotein convertase 5/6 for detecting uterine receptivity

Embryo implantation requires a healthy embryo and a receptive uterus. In women, the inner lining of the uterus, the endometrium, remains in a hostile state and becomes receptive for embryo implantation for only a short period during each menstrual cycle. Determining endometrial receptivity is vital in in vitro fertilization (IVF) treatment because the timing of embryo transfer needs to be synchronized with endometrial receptivity. We have previously demonstrated that proprotein convertase 5/6A (PC6) is highly expressed in the receptive endometrium and that PC6 is critical for receptivity establishment in women. Furthermore, endometrial PC6 is secreted into the uterine fluid, and levels correlate with receptivity status. Detection of PC6 in uterine fluids, therefore, would provide a nonsurgical assessment of endometrial receptivity. However, to date no assays are available for human PC6. In this study, we produced three PC6 monoclonal antibodies (mAbs) and developed a sandwich enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) for PC6 detection in human uterine fluids. The PC6 mAbs were confirmed to be highly specific to PC6, and the ELISA detected PC6 in human uterine fluids with a significantly higher level during the receptive phase. This newly established PC6 ELISA provides an important tool in the development of noninvasive strategies to detect endometrial receptivity in women.

Moments of Loneliness: A Shared Experience of Learning from Impasse in Couple Therapy

In this paper, the author describes how she works with two theoretical ideas not commonly referred to by couple therapists: Klein's views on loneliness and Bion and O'Shaughnessy's concept of the absent object. She also weaves in Winnicott's theory of how the baby develops the capacity to be alone. Theoretically, her ideas are embedded in the British Object Relations School as well as her experiences as a couple and family therapist, a teacher of the Tavistock model of infant and young child observation, and day-to-day practice as a psychoanalyst. The author illustrates how she works within the transference-countertransference matrix to detect and name disturbing moments of loneliness. Clinical vignettes show how couples are assisted in uncovering the unconscious phantasies that push them into mutually hostile states of mind and which, in an instant, destroy feelings of goodness within and between them. While the author focuses on her work with couples, the approach is applicable in many clinical situations.

The Moral Economy of Violence in the US Inner City.

In an 8-week period, there were 16 shootings with three fatalities, three stabbings, and 14 additional "aggravated assaults" in the four square blocks surrounding our field site in the Puerto Rican corner of North Philadelphia. In the aftermath of the shoot-outs, the drug sellers operating on our block were forced to close down their operations by several mothers who repeatedly called the police. Drawing on the concept of moral economy (Thompson, Scott, Taussig), Mauss's interpretation of gift exchange, and a political economy critique of hypercarceralization in the United States, we understand the high levels of US inner-city violence as operating within a moral logic framed by economic scarcity and hostile state relations. Residents seek security, self-respect, and profit in social networks that compel them to participate in solidary exchanges of assistive violence dynamized by kinship and gender obligations. A hierarchical, extractive drug economy fills the void left by deindustrialization, resulting in a dynamic of embodied primitive accumulation at the expense of addicted customers and chronically incarcerated just-in-time street sellers at high risk of assault. Nevertheless, the mobilization of violence organizing the illegal drug economy also follows ethical norms and obligations that are recognized as legitimate by many local residents.

Cross-Border Lives, Warfare and Rape in Independence-Era Botswana*

During the 1970s, the violence in neighbouring states spilled over into Botswana, making untenable its previous policy of having no army. This article examines the experiences of women in the north-east border regions who suffered violence from South African and Rhodesian soldiers crossing illegally and yet routinely into Botswana. As these incidents show, rape as a weapon of war has a long history in the region, although world attention is more recent. I suggest that a key underlying factor in the cross-border violence was the difficult and incomplete transition from permeable boundaries within a wider colonial space to hard international borders between fully independent and hostile states. As a result, the role of Botswana in the liberation struggle of southern Africa served as the main reason for the regular violations of its sovereignty during that period. The lives of ordinary people straddled the border, and so did the violence of armies, making it crucial to consider the reactions of the people of Botswana to cross-border warfare. I will also use comparisons with other notable contemporary incidents of cross-border violence and cross-border ambiguity, including one incident that took place, paradoxically, in the middle of the country, involving travel on the Rhodesian-owned railway.

British trade unions and the academics: The case of Unionlearn

Unionlearn and union learning representatives were developed by the British TUC to match workers with education and training opportunities, strengthen the economy, foster market inclusion and facilitate social mobility. Their contribution to union revitalisation was emphasised. This article questions whether, with unions confronting global crisis, this is a necessary initiative. It stemmed from TUC failure to achieve policy goals, institutional needs, consequent acceptance of a lesser role, and the availability of state finance. Claims by academics that it provides influence over state policy and contributes to revitalisation remain inadequately evidenced. Union resurgence is not immanent. The way forward is through adversarial grassroots organising and socialist education, not through retooling capital, improving members’ marketability and partnership with a hostile state.

The fruits of the Second Vatican Council in the life of the church in the Soviet Union and after its collapse

The Second Vatican Council is not in vain, and with full responsibility is called a landmark event. Without exaggeration, we can say that he renewed the face of the Catholic Church.At that time, the issue of reform, but rather, said that the Church's restoration was virtually "vibrant in the air". Thus, for example, Pope Pius XII in the Encyclical "Mediator Dei" was entertaining over certain aspects of the modernization of the Liturgy. And in general, the world, which in the middle of the last century had not yet recovered from two terrible wars that lived in a state of global hostility, called the Cold War, was particularly in need of an open Church.

Just War, Peace and Human Rights Under Islamic and International Law

The present thesis attempts a critical examination of the theory of war under Islamic and public international law, in an effort to demonstrate that jihad is a just, defensive, and exceptional form of warfare, geared to the maintenance of peace, and the protection of human rights for all people, whether those rights be exercised alone or in association with others, without distinction as to race, sex, language or religious belief. Through an examination of the norms of Islamic and public international law on armed conflict, this thesis argues that Islamic law, which governs the doctrine of jihad, is realistic and practical. Further, it made a great contribution to international humanitarian law more than a millennium before the codification of the four Geneva Conventions of 1949, and eight centuries before the appearance of Hugo Grotius treatise De jure belli ac pacis libri tres in 1625. Furthermore, this comparative study reveals that the word jihad might be one of the most misunderstood terms in the history of Islamic legal discourse. This analysis also claims that the division of the world into dar al-Islam (territory of Islam) and dar al-harb (territory of war), which is not predicated on a state of mutual hostility, was dictated by particular events, and was not imposed by scripture. Moreover, this discussion provides that Islamic humanitarian law regulates conduct during a jihad on the basis of certain humane principles, compatible with those upon which modern international conventions are based. Finally, this thesis concludes that there is a unique relationship between jihad and the notion of just war, a matter which qualifies it as the bellum justum of Islam.

Climate Change as a Cause of Intra-State Conflicts: Darfur Case Study

Climate change presents a serious threat to the security and prosperity of all countries. The effects of climate change and its security implications have now been at the forefront of international attention. Academic researches on environmental change and security gained popularity in political science and security studies in the 1990s. With Cold War-related security issues on the decline, policymakers began looking more closely at non-traditional security concerns such as environmental change, poverty and diseases. In so doing, the idea of what constituted state security expanded beyond the risk of direct military aggression from hostile states to concerns about the regional instability that could affect economic security and draw governments into regional conflicts. Many quantitative and qualitative studies conclude that, climate change in itself is unlikely to produce violent conflict, but rather, it could serve as a “threat multiplier” whereby environmental degradation caused by climate change may exacerbate many of the underlining causes linked to violent conflict. However this conclusion is widely generalized, since it has put all countries in one basket despite the numerous differences and variation between countries as far as adaptive capacities and mitigation mechanism are concerned. Using Darfur as a case study, this dissertation examines the effects of climate change in poor or less developed countries, and critically analyzing the concept of climate change as a security threat that has ignited the conflict in Darfur, critically analyzing the role of drought, desertification, decreased rainfall, land degradation and migration in the conflict in Darfur. This study seeks to answer one question: whether the root causes of this crisis related to climate change? While acknowledging the prominent role of the International community in solving this crisis, this work intends to prove that, the absence of a common view on the nature and causes of the conflict has hampered international convergence about how to act on the Darfur crisis. This has delayed a coherent response and has contributed to the escalation of the conflict. Also the mischaracterization of the causes and nature of the conflict in Darfur has contributed to oversimplified views, which allowed the conflict to be politicized in a way that has complicated the search for solutions. This has hampered progress toward defining a political settlement, and toward finding a formula for allowing the various population groups to pursue compatible and sustainable livelihoods.

Strategic Competition and the Next American Century

T Mahnkin has edited a new book presenting the competitive strategies (CS) approach as the most useful framework to analyze the longterm competition between the United States and China. Eighteen authors contributed to the work, with essays on the theory of peacetime competition, application of the framework during the Cold War, the U.S.-China military balance in the South Pacific, and finally, specific competitive strategies that the United States should adopt vis-a-vis China. Overall, the book provides a thorough analysis and convincing argument for the framework’s employment. Mahnkin begins by asserting that three enduring challenges face the United States: Al Qaeda and affiliated organizations, nuclear-armed hostile states such as Iran and North Korea, and, most significantly, China. Stephen Rosen and Bradford Lee describe the theoretical and historical basis for strategic competition, tracing its lineage to Sun Tzu and the practice of inducing an opponent into self-defeating action. Barry Watts describes the barriers to thinking strategically, including uncertainty, the lack of an appealing option, the problem of bounded rationality, and the misconception of goals as strategies. The competitive strategies framework requires that the competitors be sophisticated, have a long time horizon, can interact with one another, make constrained choices, and understand the motivations of their competitors. It follows that the Cold War provides one of the best precedents for competitive strategies in U.S. history, and the authors spend about one–fifth of the book on the conflict. Gordon Barrass describes the creation of the Office of Net Assessment and the evolution of strategic thinking during the 1970s and 1980s, and the institutionalization of the U.S. military’s thinking on the Soviet Union’s positions. CS was the natural evolution of net assessment, and it drew from military and business theory. It was an appropriate tool during the Cold War because, in a sense, the Soviet Union was a cooperative player. However, the utility of CS cannot be fully determined by this precedent, since the Cold War ended within a few years of its official adoption. Half of the book is devoted to the competition between the United States and China, in which, according to James Holmes, only China has seriously applied itself. Since CS is proactive and non-Clausewitzian in its emphasis on

The Anthropocene: From Global Change to Planetary Stewardship

Over the past century, the total material wealth of humanity has been enhanced. However, in the twenty-first century, we face scarcity in critical resources, the degradation of ecosystem services, and the erosion of the planet's capability to absorb our wastes. Equity issues remain stubbornly difficult to solve. This situation is novel in its speed, its global scale and its threat to the resilience of the Earth System. The advent of the Anthropence, the time interval in which human activities now rival global geophysical processes, suggests that we need to fundamentally alter our relationship with the planet we inhabit. Many approaches could be adopted, ranging from geoengineering solutions that purposefully manipulate parts of the Earth System to becoming active stewards of our own life support system. The Anthropocene is a reminder that the Holocene, during which complex human societies have developed, has been a stable, accommodating environment and is the only state of the Earth System that we know for sure can support contemporary society. The need to achieve effective planetary stewardship is urgent. As we go further into the Anthropocene, we risk driving the Earth System onto a trajectory toward more hostile states from which we cannot easily return.