Hostile States Research Articles

“The Struggle of the Worlds”: the Representation of the Future War in the Soviet Science Fiction of the 1930s

In pre-revolutionary fiction, the struggle of the worlds was perceived mainly as a clash between earthlings and an extraterrestrial civilization. After the emergence of the Soviet state, the struggle between the Bolshevik and antiBolshevik worlds became one of the key themes in fiction. By the early 1930s, the formula “struggle of the worlds” existed in Russian literature both as fantastic and non-fantastic, reflecting a real social confrontation. However, the idea of a world revolution as the goal and result of the struggle of the worlds is actually eliminated from science fiction. The social struggle, which can transform into an interstate conflict, by the end of the 1930s turns into a war of the worlds, where the military clash between the USSR and a hostile state is the decisive factor. The changes taking place in the international arena led to the fact that in science fiction, too, England and France are replaced by Germany, Italy and Japan as the main opponents. In the war of the future the victory is determined not by heroism and national unity, but also by military and technical superiority. Along with the apparently fantastic weapons possessed by both the USSR and the enemies in the future, the writers described technical achievements, whose fantastic nature is not always noticeable even to a non-specialist contemporary, since some weapons that were fantastic in the late 1930s already became a reality during the Great Patriotic War. One of the distinctive features of the works of 1938–1939 about the future war is the minimal differentiation between the fantastic and non-fantastic. On the one hand, there is no war yet, on the other hand, the distance between the future and the present is practically absent, and the “effect of the future” is leveled due to image of reality that maximally corresponds to the present. This artistic technique helps to convey to the reader the confidence that victory is the logical conclusion of the present, and not a fantasy.

Dual-Axis Worship Space of Buddha, Dharma, and Ancestors in Huayansi, Western Capital: The Liao Dynasty’s Political and Diplomatic Context (10th–11th Centuries)

The Huayansi 華嚴寺, situated at the frontier stronghold of the Liao Dynasty in the Western Capital, is a significant royal temple that preserves two main halls from the Liao and Jin Dynasties to this day. Through a systematic examination of the Liaoshi 《遼史》 and the related literature, this study offers a novel interpretation of the east–west dual-axial layout of the Huayansi and its historical significance. It further discusses the integral artistic space of the Buddha and the Dharma within the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall 薄伽教藏殿, which shapes the spiritual realm of the Western Pure Land, thereby repositioning and enhancing the historical value of the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall. The article elucidates the political and cultural core elements embedded within the formation of the parallel axes of the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall and the Mahavira Hall, which are closely associated with three pivotal years in the Liao Dynasty: 1038, 1044, and 1062. This not only reflects the grand historical context of the Liao Dynasty’s domestic governance and foreign policy during the 10th and 11th centuries but also encapsulates the rich and diverse religious beliefs and cultural traits of the Khitan 契丹 people. The axis space of the Bhagavata Scriptures Hall, constructed earlier during the reign of Xingzong 興宗 to house the Liao Canon 《遼藏》, along with the architectural complex of the Huayansi—named and commissioned by Emperor Daozong 道宗 24 years later—collectively establishes a dual-axial worship space at the Grand Huayansi, sanctified by the triad of the Buddha 佛, the Dharma 法, and the Ancestors 祖. This underscores the Liao Dynasty’s political objectives of deterring hostile states and ensuring national security within the framework of Buddhist veneration and ancestor worship.

Changes in the Inter-Korean Policy of the DPRK and the ROK and Prospects for the Development of the Situation on the Peninsula

At the December plenum of the Central Committee of the WPC in 2023 and the January session of the National Assembly of the DPRK in 2024. North Korea has radically changed inter-Korean policy, abandoning the course of "unification of the country." The authorities have disbanded relevant structures and intend to "completely remove from the national history of our Republic the very concept of "unification", "reconciliation" and "compatriots". According to Kim Jong-un, the DPRK and the Republic of Korea have finally become "hostile states" for each other, their relations are no longer determined by belonging to the same people, so the peaceful unification of the Korean peninsula is no longer considered possible. This course testifies to the recognition by the country's leadership of objective reality and does not lead to an increase in the probability of an inter-Korean conflict initiated by Pyongyang. This change of course was largely the result of the processes in the south of the peninsula, where the government of Yoon Seok-Yeol, on the contrary, strengthens the rhetoric of "achieving peace through force". The author considers President Yoon's speech on March 1, 2024, formally dedicated to the 105th anniversary of the March 1, 1919 movement to be a sign of the new course. This speech can be considered as a program of a new inter-Korean policy aimed at eliminating the DPRK by the international community. The changed relations between Seoul and Pyongyang should be perceived as a consequence of changes in the world order and the global security architecture, as the concepts that do not meet the new reality are revised or canceled. At the same time, Russia may be satisfied with the presence of a cold war on the peninsula, if it does not turn into a hot one, as well as with the further rapprochement between Moscow and Pyongyang, united by a common threat.

THEORETICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL APPROACHES TO THE KURDISH SEPARATIST MOVEMENT AFTER 2000

Due to the current economic and international balances in the world, instead of using direct military force against each other, states support illegal organizations within the hostile country and conduct operations on the hostile state through proxy wars. This method, which has been used in every period of history, aims to create civil war within the hostile state. In this context, the "Separatist Kurdish Political Movement", which started in the last century of the Ottoman Empire and has evolved into international terrorism over time, is the most commonly used terror method of imperialist states, although it has manifested itself in different forms. This study examines the change in the theoretical and philosophical approach of the Marxist-Leninist terrorist organization under the name of "Kurdistan Workers' Party" (PKK), which is the last form of the separatist Kurdish movement and was founded in 1978, with the international support it has received since the beginning of the 2000s with the Gulf War. In addition, the study will analyze the separatist Kurdish movement, which gained international support after 2000, increased its goals, and focused on the goal of "Greater Kurdistan" by taking advantage of the chaos in Syria, and will propose original solutions with theoretical and philosophical approaches to political actors and the academic world.

A Latter Day Judas? Security, Diplomatic Protection, and the Foreign Office Security Department, 1955–1987

This article looks at the response of the British Foreign Office to security threats to HMG diplomats and diplomatic posts, placing security at the heart of the study of UK diplomacy. It explores the response of the Foreign Office’s Security Department to the threat of espionage by hostile states, and the increasingly violent threats posed by terrorist groups and other non-state groups to diplomats and diplomatic premises overseas. It seeks to build on earlier work on the development of the Security Department, suggesting that security within the Foreign Office was taken increasingly seriously as the lives of officials came under threat. It also looks at the broader role that security plays in diplomacy, and the tensions between public diplomacy and the protection of officials serving overseas.

The exceptions to child exceptionalism: Racialised migrant ‘deservingness’ and the UK's free school meal debates

Free School Meals (FSM) have been the site of renewed contestation and extensive campaigning in the last half-decade. Until recently, children in families with ‘no recourse to public funds’ because of their immigration status were excluded from accessing FSMs, despite being some of the most destitute in Britain. Through an analysis of campaign materials and interviews with advocates, we consider this dynamic policy terrain in light of the UK's ‘hostile environment’ and consider lessons for campaigners. By exploring imaginaries of childhood, poverty, and nation shaping FSM policies, we offer a warning that campaigns can end up justifying exclusions at the same time as aiming for more expansive support. How campaigns represent their causes has implications, which, in this case, is often through the exceptionalism and hyper-deservingness of childhood. We argue these representations reduce discussion to technical questions about who is ‘deserving’, thereby risking shoring up an exclusionary and hostile state.

PHILIPPINES: DIASPORA AND HOMELAND CONFLICT. LOCATING THE MORO DIASPORA IN THE MINDANAO INSURGENCY

An ever-expanding body of literature suggests the possible link between diasporas and the exacerbation of civil wars in their home countries. One of the most notable findings on the link between diaspora and armed conflict is derived from a set of arguments known as the Greed and Grievances Thesis. According to the said framework, a higher diasporic support to a homeland conflict is positively correlated with a higher incidence of civil war intractability. Applying this framework to the data on external support to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) insurgency from 1990–2008, the study notes that there is a lack of support from the Moro diaspora which forced the MILF to secure peace with the Philippine government. On the contrary, the increase in conflict activities during the insurgency can be qualitatively attributed to the economic and political support from hostile states and international terrorist networks that support the Moro insurgents against the Philippine government. The study concludes that there is an absence of substantial evidence on the role of the Moro diaspora in funding the insurgents due to other factors such as internal financing for the rebellion and the role of international actors in prolonging the Moro conflict. Keywords: Moro Muslims, diaspora, civil war, homeland conflict, the Philippines.

Biological weapon as a tool in the process of reducing the structural power of a state

ObjectivesThe purpose of this article is to present biological weapon in the process of reducing the structural power of a state. This article answers the following questions: What is the structural power and national economy? What is human capital and agriculture? What is the biological weapon and what is its effectiveness? How does the biological weapon reduce the structural power of a state?MethodsAnalyzing literature and documents.ResultsThis article states that a biological weapon is a tool for reducing a state’s international potential used by a hostile state. This is the main reason why agriculture is the high-risk target for biological warfare. From the perspective of a biological weapon, a high-risk target as agriculture is human capital that is engaged in the production of goods. This sphere is essential for the national economy as well. The health and vitality of the population is crucial for effective production. All of the above gives the full scope of the country’s capabilities in the international sphere which could lead to becoming a power actor in global politicsConclusionsFrom the perspective of a hostile state, the structural power of the targeted state cannot be reached. At this point, it can be stated that a state's structural power can be limited by reducing its relational power (reduction of international power through reduction of production/agriculture). Due to the wide spectrum of potential biological hazards a biological weapon can easily meet the needs of a hostile state.

‘State threats’, security, and democracy: the National Security Act 2023

AbstractThe National Security Act 2023 replaces the Official Secrets Acts 1911, 1920 and 1939, updating, rationalising, and expanding the various offences which they contained and introducing new rules aimed at the same broad end of countering the threat posed to the UK by the efforts of hostile states and their proxies. It therefore represents a legislative confirmation of the ongoing pivot back to ‘state threats’ rather than terrorism as the focus of the national security enterprise in the UK, though now informed by the experience of counter-terrorism law since 2000. This paper assesses the main changes made by the 2023 Act, including in the context of threats to the democratic process, actual and potential, which have been identified in recent years. The argument offered is that the focus of the 2023 Act – encompassing threats to democracy only where they rise to the level of threats to national security – is undermined by the absence of a more thoroughgoing project to protect the democratic process more generally against foreign interference.

Cyber Preparedness of the Indian Armed Forces

The Indian armed forces today face a significant threat of cyberattacks, particularly from hostile neighbouring states like China and Pakistan. Cyberattacks could potentially damage or cripple critical weapons platforms, major communications and ISR (intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance) systems, and vital infrastructure, undermining the military’s preparedness and war-fighting capabilities. How prepared is the Indian military to neutralise cyberattacks from adversaries such as China and Pakistan? This is the central question that this article attempts to address. The article contends that the delayed development of technical, policy, and organisational measures in the cyber domain indicates vulnerabilities in the Indian military’s current state of cyber preparedness, leaving room for enemy cyberattacks. It emphasises the need for immediate actions to address the critical gaps in India’s cybersecurity strategy. In particular, the Indian military must focus on drastically strengthening its defensive cyber capabilities to neutralise potential enemy cyberattacks on weapons platforms, communication and ISR systems, and critical infrastructure. The article concludes that without enhanced defensive cyber capabilities, India’s military modernisation may fall short of responding adequately to technology-driven warfare threats from the hostile states in the neighbourhood.

The Strategy of Indirect Approach in the U.S. Foreign Policy

The essence of the strategy of indirect approach (SIA), the definition and notion of which was introduced into the scientific discourse in the mid‑20th century by the English historian B.G. Liddell Hart, is that the main consideration in it was given not to the military force factors, as it had been previously in history, but to alternative options for subduing a hostile state. Nowadays, according to many American scientists and experts, SIA should be used primarily in the preparation of war, and therefore it has switched from the purely military sphere to other areas of state activity — economy, culture, ideology, etc. Nowadays, one of the types of the SIA of the United States is the so-called proxy war, in which military actions of the allied state are the final stage of gradual inclusion of another country into the zone of American influence through alternative methods.

Punishment and blame: How core beliefs affect support for the use of force in a nuclear crisis

How do Americans’ core beliefs about punishment, and their intuitions about which actors deserve blame, shape attitudes toward the use of force against a hostile state? I apply insights from recent work in social psychology to investigate the causal mechanisms linking punitive beliefs to support for a nuclear strike. In a large- N study, I find that the strength and ethical logic underlying beliefs about punishment affect attitudes regarding the use of nuclear weapons, and who to blame for the crisis, which mediates the causal pathway. Those who ground their support for severe punishment not in the logic of moral justice, but in societal benefit, are more likely to hold foreign citizens socially responsible for their state's actions.

Crowddoing and crowdfunding democracy: Innovative strategies for countering foreign disinformation in Central and Eastern Europe

Central and Eastern Europe has become a ripe target for disinformation and malign narratives propagated by foreign actors. A deluge of propaganda deployed by hostile states is aimed at polarizing societies, undermining the decision-making capabilities of governments, and influencing public policy. Against the backdrop of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the stakes are enormous. Heeding research on debunking and pre-bunking strategies recognizing the limitations and potential of these approaches in inoculating populations against disinformation, this paper examines how several tactics deployed in the CEE region can both speak to and draw from this literature. While certain segments of CEE populations may be vulnerable to disinformation, the region also boasts civically engaged publics that want to take an active part in fostering societal resilience. The rise of digital elves (volunteer information warriors taking the fight to online trolls), the outsourcing of counter-disinformation activities to popular public institutions (like the police and military), and the use of crowdfunding to support news literacy education and independent media outlets present compelling alternative strategies towards responding to foreign influence. These activities show promise in overcoming obstacles faced by conventional approaches to disinformation and addressing CEE-specific issues related to media distrust and state capture of the media.

The impact of Russia's invasion of Ukraine on tourism in France, Spain, and Italy

It is believed that various nations, including France, Spain, and Italy, have been impacted by the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Given its weak structure and vulnerability to even minor conflicts, it is uncertain how the tourism industry will respond to the current state of hostilities. Our analysis shows that the war's continuation, which began on February 24, 2022 (repetition), in Russia, which does not account for much of the demand for tourists in France, Spain, and Italy, did not have a significant impact on those countries' tourism. The objective of this study is to examine potential wartime consequences for France, Spain, and Italy's tourism relations. Additionally, recommendations were offered to the sector's players to maintain the growth of tourism in the abovementioned countries in the face of any potential impacts that could come from the study.

Cooperation on Non-Traditional Security: India–Pakistan and the Locust Attack

The two nuclear-armed states of South Asia, India and Pakistan, besides being arch-rivals face common non-traditional security challenges. A recent example indicates that, despite having differences, they cooperated to successfully deal with the locust upsurge of 2019–2020. This study looks at why and how they arrived at joint efforts to thwart this non-traditional security threat. To set the context for this, it also explores the phases of the locust cycle and the reason why it constitutes a potential threat to the food security of both India and Pakistan. The study finds that the chances of cooperation between hostile states may increase if there are mutual threats in the non-traditional security realm. It further concludes that the chances of cooperation between the belligerent states increase if they are part of regional and international mechanisms to deal with the threats.

Protection of Children’s Rights in the Conditions of Russia’s Armed Aggression Against Ukraine

The article draws attention to international standards for the protection of children’s rights in wartime conditions, Ukrainian legislation that guarantees the protection of children’s rights in wartime conditions, the main problems and challenges of implementing individual rights of children in wartime conditions. The author concludes that іt is obvious that the state of war and active hostilities in Ukraine determine the new realities of today, and the general procedure for the protection of children’s rights established by the current legislation, which operated in peacetime, simply stopped working in most cases.

The impact of economic cooperation projects on Iraq's regional status


 The research discusses the issue of economic cooperation between Iraq and its regional environment and the impact of these projects on the future of Iraq. The success of these projects will increase that status, and divides these projects into investment projects inside Iraq and joint service projects such as electrical or railway linkage projects.The world is changing very quickly, and Iraq is required to move to catch up with change, at least, if it cannot keep up with it. However, catching up requires economic policies based on openness to all the regional environment with which we do not live in a state of hostility and to employ the oil wealth money to invest in finding alternative opportunities to support our economy in case oil prices will decline in the future.The research will be divided into four paragraphs, the first dealing with the importance of Iraq’s position towards regional cooperation projects, the second paragraph will deal with Iraqi-Saudi cooperation projects, the third paragraph will discuss the (New East) project: Iraqi-Egyptian-Jordanian cooperation, and the research will conclude in its fourth paragraph with the Iraqi Iranian cooperation projects.
 

Graduate Medical Education’s Role in the Battle for Evidence-Based Care

Graduate Medical Education’s Role in the Battle for Evidence-Based Care

The Impact of the War on the Economic and Legal Environment of the Regions in terms of Ensuring National Security

The main objective of the article was to study the impact of the war on the economic and legal environment of the Ukrainian regions in terms of ensuring national security. The research methodology involves the use of modern methods of graphical modeling. The scope of study was the system of economic and legal relations that emerged in the course of hostilities. With the outbreak of hostilities, there are certain legal consequences for the belligerents: diplomatic and consular relations are terminated; economic, commercial, monetary and other business and agreements with legal and natural persons of Russia are terminated and prohibited, as a special regime can be applied to citizens of a hostile state; the declaration of a state of war leads to a change in the legal regime of the territories. However, most armed conflicts are not accompanied by a legal declaration of a state of war, which, nevertheless, introduces significant changes in the legal relations of the parties. Accordingly, the key aspects of the impact of war on the economic and legal environment in terms of security guarantees were characterized.

The association between reproductive rights and access to abortion services and mental health among US women

BackgroundThis study examines whether living in US states with (1) restrictive reproductive rights and (2) restrictive abortion laws is associated with frequent mental health distress among women. MethodsWe operationalize reproductive rights using an overall state-level measure of reproductive rights as well as a state-level measure of restrictive abortion laws. We merged data from the 2018 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) with these state-level exposure variables and other state-level information. We used multilevel logistic regression to assess the relationship between these two measures and the likelihood of reporting 14 or more days of frequent mental health distress. We also tested whether associations differed across race, household income, education, and marital status. ResultsIn the adjusted models, a standard deviation-unit increase in the reproductive rights score was significantly associated with decreased odds of reporting frequent mental health distress (OR = 0.95, 95% CI = 0.91, 0.99). Women in states with very hostile abortion restrictions had higher odds of frequent mental health distress. Associations between state-level abortion restrictions were larger among women 25–34 years old and women with a high school degree. For example, women aged 25–34 years residing in moderate (OR = 1.54, 95% CI = 1.14, 2.04), hostile (OR = 1.59, 95% CI = 1.15, 2.18), and very hostile (OR = 1.29, 95% CI = 1.02, 1.64) states were more likely to report frequent mental health distress than women living in states with less restrictive abortion policies. ConclusionWe found the association between state-level restrictions on reproductive rights and abortion access and frequent mental health distress differed by age and socioeconomic status. These results suggest abortion rights restrictions may contribute to mental health inequities among women.