Hostile Propaganda Research Articles

Tools for promoting information security in the media space

The article analyzes the main tools for detecting disinformation, in particular, special applications, artificial intelligence technologies for checking content, which are used by popular social networks, such as Facebook, Instagram, etc. The capabilities of artificial intelligence systems used in Ukraine to monitor the media space and analyze a large volume of online publications are highlighted. The most important elements in combating disinformation are identified, in particular programs and projects related to the development of media literacy, the involvement of social media platforms, international cooperation, etc. Attention was drawn to the programs of the international non-profit organization IREX. The main technologies and approaches for countering disinformation and destructive propaganda are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to strengthening resistance to russian disinformation during the war and countering it in the future. The work uses a synergistic approach, which will enable the analysis of state policy directions and measures of civil society to counter disinformation and hostile propaganda. The scientific nature of the research is provided by a system of cognitive principles generally recognized in modern science, in particular, the principle of complexity and objectivity.

IMPLEMENTATION OF MEDIA LITERACY AS A MEANS OF COUNTERING ENEMY PROPAGANDA

The article reveals the essence and features of media literacy as a way of countering hostile propaganda. The study considered the main components of media literacy and analyzed its main principles. Informational threats in wartime and the peculiarities of propaganda were studied. Specific methods of countering propaganda and information manipulation have been studied.In connection with enemy propaganda, the introduction of media literacy as a means of countering enemy propaganda became very important during the Russian invasion. During the beginning of the invasion of Ukraine, russia has launched hundreds of thousands of fakes to demoralize and sow panic among Ukrainians. That is why today it is important to understand the mechanisms and means of enemy propaganda, to be able to recognize enemy information leaks inside and outside of Ukraine, in order to counteract fakes and manipulations, neutralize and debunk lies. Many media outlets ignore objective facts and use the latest technology and digital equipment to appeal to the emotions of viewers, craft messages and spread misinformation that misinforms people. In addition, russia is making every effort to discredit Ukrainians in the eyes of the international community and destroy social cohesion in the country. Informational aggression can be countered only when the population understands the principles by which events take place and for what purpose and what specific damage they can cause. In order to counteract enemy propaganda, it is necessary to apply critical thinking in order not to fall into the trap of pro-russian media and not to be misinformed. Even in wartime, teachers must not only show positive propaganda, but also bring back to children the knowledge of media and information literacy that they acquired before the war.

The Game Space of “Information Disorder”

Indirect countermeasures against hostile propaganda appear to be more effective than overt struggle and are becoming more common. U.S. digital diplomacy increasingly employs online games that teach players about information manipulation, aiming to “inoculate” them against attempts to change their convictions. In this paper, through experiments and surveys, the authors find that, along with “useful” inoculation, these games also advance the “soft disempowerment” of Russia and its media, more generally suppressing the soft power of non-Western-aligned states.

Український канал іномовлення (UATV English) як інструмент просування державних наративів

The functional characteristics of international broadcasting are determined by the goals and tasks for which it was created. The specificity of international broadcasting activity forms the following tasks: creation and promotion of a positive image of the state in the international arena; protection of a country’s own political and cultural interests; promotion of tourism (in peacetime); fight against negative information influence that affects the perception of events in the country, both by the domestic and international audience; communication of the diaspora with the homeland, learning the language and traditions; promotion of national values norms and guidelines, etc. Based on these tasks, it is appropriate to distinguish five main functions of international broadcasting: protection of national interests, propaganda, counter-propaganda, education and pedagogy, and communication functions. Basis on data on the activity of the State Enterprise “International Broadcasting Multimedia Platform of Ukraine”, the main functions of international broadcasting are highlighted. The results obtained during the research expand and supplement the already known facts about the specifics of the functioning of international broadcasting corporations. This study analysed the content of the UATV English State International Broadcasting channel in terms of delivering information about the events in Ukraine, protecting its national interests, countering hostile propaganda, and spreading pro-Ukrainian messages among international audiences. The purpose of this study is to explore, systematise and generalise the basic functions of UATV English Channel in order to improve and evaluate the effectiveness of the “International Broadcasting Multimedia Platform of Ukraine” during the challenging times of information aggression combined with the conventional warfare. Emphasis was placed on researching the peculiarities and effectiveness of the UATV English Channel with the aim of protecting national interests, countering hostile propaganda and spreading pro-Ukrainian messages in the international media space. The article presents statistics on audience reach and viewship of UATV English content on YouTube and Facebook platforms. As well as monitoring the effectiveness of different approaches to content and SEO-optimization of the materials. In addition, a content analysis of UATV English content on these platforms was conducted. All the video materials have been processed, and their classification according to four functional areas of content was presented. The analysed content was published over a period of six months, starting from February 24 (the date of the start of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine) to August 24, 2022 (The Independence Day of Ukraine). On average, the UATV English-speaking channel receives 8-12 million views per month on YouTube from all materials produced by the media (except YouTube Shorts and Publications). The audience growth compared to the pre-war period amounted to 3,670% in February and added 367% in March 2022, when the total audience reached almost 60 million. The growth of the audience reach indicator on the UATV English-language Facebook page from February 24, 2022, reached 9,200% and amounted to 14.3 million users. Analysis of the content for the first 6 months of the war showed that the content of the Ukrainian broadcasting was rearranged/redesigned in accordance with the realities of wartime, with several strategic changes in the approach to the content. According to the classification of four functional directions of the content defined earlier, the dominant content is the one related to the protection and promotion of national interests (36.3%), followed by information about the course of the war and events in the country (32.5%), opinion and worldview-based content (22.4%), and counter-information to Russian propaganda (8.8%). The UATV English-speaking channel performs its functions as an international broadcasting service: spreading pro-Ukrainian narratives in the world and delivering truthful information about the war in Ukraine. UATV English content effectively counters Russian war propaganda.

МЕДІАРЕАЛЬНІСТЬ ЯК ЗАСІБ ВПЛИВУ НА ГРОМАДСЬКУ ДУМКУ (НА ПРИКЛАДІ ТИМЧАСОВО ОКУПОВАНИХ ТЕРИТОРІЙ ЗАПОРІЗЬКОЇ ОБЛАСТІ)

<p><strong><em>The purpose of the study</em></strong><em> is to examine media reality as a tool of propaganda and manipulation in the context of influencing public opinion, demonstrate the means of its construction using regional print media and digital media as examples, operating in the temporarily occupied territories of the Zaporizhia region.</em></p><p><strong><em>Research methodology.</em></strong><em> During the research, methods of systematization, analysis, and synthesis were applied. The author conducted a review and fact-checking of printed and digital materials from the temporarily occupied territories of the Zaporizhia region to examine the media reality portrayed in them. The sample included propagandistic materials from June that were disseminated in the temporarily occupied territories of the Zaporizhia region, including excerpts from the newspaper «Parliamentary Assembly of the Union of Belarus and Russia</em><em>»</em><em> (June 23–29, 2023, No. 26), «Zaporozhsky Vestnik» (No. 10), and digital materials (specifically, the Telegram channel «Zaporozhsky Vestnik» and the website ZP-news.ru). Hypotheses were also formulated regarding how media reality can influence public opinion.</em></p><p><strong><em>Results.</em></strong><em> In this study, we examined potential tools of media reality influence on public opinion (using the example of citizens residing in temporarily occupied territories of the Zaporizhia region). The theoretical analysis indicated that the impact of media reality on the consciousness of individuals and groups was explored as far back as the previous century. However, the topic remains relevant to this day. Among the key works that laid the foundation for this research, it is worth mentioning the contributions of H. Adorno, P. Bourdieu, J. Baudrillard, R. Barthes, G. Lasswell, M. McLuhan, I. Matsishina, O. Moskvich, M. Sanakoyev, L. Chernyavska, and others. Notably, communication scholars V. Schramm and D. Roberts pointed out that governmental structures seek to present a different reality to society when they sense a lack of their own strength and convictions. The proposed author’s definition of the concept of media reality is as follows: a constructed socio-cultural reality, a virtual space, a collection of phenomena and processes reflected or distorted in the media that influence perception, understanding, and the way people interact with the real world, shape public opinion, and can be directed towards changing consumer behavior. Additionally, a practical analysis of propagandistic sources introduced in circulation in the temporarily occupied territories of the Zaporizhia region suggests that constructing media reality is a crucial element of mass influence. This is achieved through a range of instruments, including the creation of an information vacuum, the application of «pseudo-fact-checking» or accusing the Ukrainian side of disseminating false information, omission or downplaying of information, crafting specific symbols and visual images to impact the subconscious, publishing emotional content, activating the «spiral of silence», and frequent repetition of messages.</em></p><p><strong><em>Practical significance.</em></strong><em> In the context of Russia’s information warfare against Ukraine, the research findings can be applied to develop countermeasures against hostile propaganda and reintegrating residents in the temporarily occupied territories.</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> propaganda, media reality, fakes, narratives, information war, media literacy, key messages, temporarily occupied territories of Zaporizhzhia region, manipulation, fact-checking.</em></p>

Community identity in the conditions of interstate military-political confrontation: Conceptualisation of the concept

Community identity is understood as a multilevel systemic construct formed as a result of a person's awareness of belonging to a certain community and subjective attitude to this belonging based on a strong emotional connection and inclusion in one's inner world and perception of the norms and values of the community as one's own, which is manifested in the behavioural practices of representatives of certain communities (a citizen of the state, a resident of a certain territorial community, a representative of a certain property, or linguistic and cultural community, etc.). A community is defined on the basis of the common interests of its members, common actions, place, territory, common practices, and circumstances. The key feature of defining a community and distinguishing it from a social group is the subjective importance of belonging to it for the community members. In the context of emergency situations and social transformations, such as the Russian-Ukrainian war, there is a reconstruction, a special way and unique configurations of interaction between community identities, including territorial ones: local, regional, national, global; linguistic, cultural, ethnic, civic, religious, etc. Interaction between these identities occurs in such a way that some become more dominant, manifested, actualised, and they, in turn, can suppress others, enter into competitive interaction with them, or, conversely, highlight, emphasise others, or at least coexist harmoniously. A shared identity can be spontaneously actualised or de-actualised during emergencies. However, it is often based on pre-existing identities and values in society. In times of war, there is a tendency for society to consolidate around a common, clearly defined enemy, a common problem, a common misfortune, a common future, a leader, a territory, etc., through the actualisation of certain community identities. Therewith, this creates threats of internal confrontation, which makes Ukrainian society, to a certain extent, vulnerable and susceptible to the actions of hostile propaganda. The formulated provisions can serve as a basis for developing practical recommendations for local and state authorities, which will help to strengthen the consolidation of society and overcome the consequences of polarisation and socio-political confrontation. This will ultimately have a positive impact on the national security of the country

The principles of the formation of enemy propaganda and measures to counter it in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine

The article examines the principles of formation of enemy propaganda. The principles of war propaganda spread by the russian federation are highlighted. The content, directions and elements of war propaganda as a component of the information policy of the aggressor state are detailed. The essence of the propaganda machine of the russian federation in the information war against Ukraine has been determined. Mechanisms of influence of russian propaganda on society are revealed. Measures to counter hostile propaganda in Ukraine under martial law at the legislative and organizational levels have been determined. Attention was paid to measures for the preparation and implementation of an educational campaign on media literacy, which involves the development of critical thinking, the skills of checking facts and identifying manipulation techniques, the familiarization with the most common violations of human rights with the use of Internet technologies.

Of Wine, Sex, and Other Abominations: The Meanings of Antinomianism in Early Islamic Iraq

ABSTRACT Accusations of sexual perversion, of defying both the statutes of man and the laws of the almighty, have since Antiquity been a staple of heresiographic discourse. They had pride of place in Muslim heresiology as well, which charged many a heretical sect with engaging in group sex, incest, wine-drinking, as well as the shunning of the obligatory rituals such as prayer and pilgrimage. One group has fared particularly badly at the hands of Muslim heresiographers – the so-called Shiʿi ‘extremists’ (Ghulāt), who lived in Iraq in the eighth and ninth centuries. Scholarship has mostly taken a simplistic approach to accounts about their alleged antinomianism, by either rejecting them as hostile propaganda or, more frequently, by accepting them wholesale as accurate. Meanwhile the historical, polemical contexts in which such accusations were made have been ignored. This article evaluates within a broad historical context two bodies of evidence: the heresiographical accusations on the one hand, and the Ghulāt’s own writings on the other. My contention is that while the most hair-raising accusations are nothing by hostile polemics, others do reflect the Ghulāt’s actual beliefs and practices. I conclude by examining the cultural meanings which antinomianism had among the Ghulāt – namely, as boundary markers and tools for identity construction.

Issue of Czechoslovak radio in struggle against Hungarian and German propaganda

Radio as a tool of political propaganda had introduced a new dimension in ideological struggle between Czechoslovak Republic (CSR) and neighbouring countries. Since its establishment, CSR became a target of hostile propaganda spreading namely by Hungary. Technological progress during the second decade of 20th century enabled the radio to become increasingly popular influencing growing segment of population. Caustic relations between both countries had resulted from reluctance of Hungary to accept the Treaty of Trianon. Hungarian authorities determined to reverse inclusion of Slovakia to Czechoslovak Republic, focused foreign policy and state propaganda upon goal to achieve revision, which would result in establishment of status quo ante. This aim was supported by a significant number of Hungarians living in the Southern Slovakia. Therefore, political and cultural activities of ethnic Hungarians were judged by Czechoslovak authorities with suspicion and in cases when they were classified as irredentist, state security agencies suppressed them. On interstate level both countries waged ideological war, accusing each other of hostile acts. In this state of affairs radio gained an increasing importance. Constant improvement of quality and decreasing price made radio a valuable tool of political propaganda. Unlike other forms of propaganda (newspapers, leaflets, books, public speeches, etc.), radio broadcast was impossible to stop from penetrating state boundary. Significance of radio propaganda between Czechoslovakia and Hungary was increased by geographical closeness of both countries which facilitated spreading of radio signal. In addition, radio broadcast was not limited strictly to political issues. Popularity among population was reinforced by its ability to provide a broad scale of various programs such as music, sport, religion and others, which had been influencing ideological outlook listeners. Submitted paper analyzes various aspects of role of radio in Hungarian cross-border propaganda and endeavours of Czechoslovak security authorities to minimize its impact. The paper is mainly composed of documents deposited in Slovak and Czech archives complemented by Czechoslovak contemporary press.

A Partition of The Public Sphere

Historians of Partition have focused upon the bitterly polarized yet vibrant public sphere of the last days of the British Raj, wherein newspapers representing Congress, Muslim League and Akali opinion vied for influence through increasingly hostile propaganda targeted at the ‘other/s’. Such studies’ focus on ideological battles and propaganda results in relatively less attention being given to what became of these papers once the British departed and the parties these papers espoused or opposed captured power. This paper will seek to revisit such assumptions by analyzing the trials and tribulations of the significant newspaper houses unfortunate enough to be located on the geographical frontlines of Partition and in major centres of communal conflagration. Through such analyses, I will seek to show that it was a combination of initial mob action, reinforced often by state repression and even popular reproach, that forced newspapers viewed as belonging to the ‘other’ party to move to safer (and greener) pastures. In the process, late-colonial India’s once pluralist public sphere came to be partitioned into sections that broadly conformed to the ideologies that the respective Dominions’ new rulers espoused. While aligning newspapers with the majoritarian public opinion, this Partition occasioned shifts of personnel and presses that would fundamentally alter the postcolonial press industry in West and East Pakistan, and to a lesser extent, in India.

THE USE OF COUNTERPROPAGANDA ELEMENTS IN UKRAINIAN HISTORY LESSONS

The article reveals the importance of using counterpropaganda elements in Ukrainian history lessons to counteract the hostile propaganda that constitutes the “hybrid” warfare waged against Ukraine by the Russian Federation. It is carried out through the media and education.It is noted that information aggression is carried out in order to erode national self-identification, weaken patriotism and readiness to defend the Fatherland. For a long time, Russia has been building an image of Ukraine as an enemy, including accusations of treason, the collapse of the USSR, abandonment of brotherly friendship, severance of economic and cultural relations; formation of myths about the threat posed by Ukraine to Russians; justification of artificiality of Ukraine as a state; discrediting the political leadership of Ukraine; rewriting history; making fun of the Ukrainian language, traditions, state symbols, etc.Information resistance to enemy propaganda is carried out by various state and public organizations, but a very large task is assigned to general educational institutions of the country and, first and foremost, to history lessons designed to produce media literacy in students, the ability to distinguish fakes and to counter them with the necessary facts and arguments.It is established that the methodology of teaching Ukrainian history has considerable potential for the organization of counter-propaganda work: methods, techniques, forms and ways of organizing educational work. First of all, it is the use of methods and techniques of problem-based learning, interactive technologies, media technologies, holding a lesson in the form of discussions, as well as the use of such types as a round table, expert group meetings, forum, symposium, debates, etc.The involvement of students in research activities: writing essays, mini-research, participation in projects is important for organizing counter-propaganda in the study of history.
 Keywords: warfare; “hybrid” warfare; information warfare; propaganda; counterpropaganda; information counteraction; Ukrainian history lessons; methods techniques; forms and ways of counter-propaganda.

ГЕОПОЛІТИЧНІ НАСТРОЇ ДОНЕЧЧАН В УМОВАХ ЗБРОЙНОГО КОНФЛІКТУ (2014–2021 РР.)

The article analyzes the geopolitical orientations of the citizens of Donetsk, in the conditions of the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine during 2014–2021. It was found out that the prewar period of pro-Russian sentiments of local residents expressed not in separatist ambitions, but in desire to join Russian political/economic projects. In the conditions of "Russian spring" these moods have not proved fundamental changes, as sociological surveys showed. Most of their participants did not aim to join their region to an aggressor country. Further aggravation of the military-political situation by the Kremlin has led to the separation of the Donetsk region in two territories controlled by the Ukrainian authorities and temporarily occupied. This affected the change in geopolitical sympathies. During 2015–2017, an equable commitment between the European Union and Eurasian Customs Union in the polls, with a significant proportion of neutral status, is observed. They are experiencing minor movements towards the growth of the European course. However, the opposite trend is observed in the future. This is due to socio-political events in Ukraine and the influence of hostile propaganda to the mass consciousness of Donetsk.

Историческая правда: направления и приемы ее фальсификации

The purpose of the study is to reveal the scientific inconsistency and reactionary political essence of traditional and modern concepts that distort the truth about the Great Patriotic War and the most common techniques used for this, on the one hand, and on the other hand, to propose measures to ensure an offensive strategy to protect historical truth. The scientific novelty consists in the unique author's classification of Russophobic concepts and techniques into two directions, and within their framework in the analysis of their content through relevant aspects and discourses. The result of the analysis carried out are proposals to neutralize hostile propaganda, provide an offensive strategy to combat falsifiers and protect historical truth.

Media psychological features of youth patriotism in the information age

In the conditions of hybrid warfare and, in particular, informational war, the role of patriotism as a potential resource for the preservation of the national identity of Ukrainians increases. Information ideological war, aimed at distorting the consciousness of Ukrainians and which is carried out mainly in the information space, requires young people to develop media-information literacy and compelling patriotism in social networks – «informational» patriotism. The objective is to propose a notion of youth informational patriotism, note its specificity, and define innovative directions of its development with the help of media psychology practices. The concept of informational patriotism is illuminated within the framework of theoretical works of nationalpatriotic education of Ukrainian youth, the theory of cyber socialization, and media psychology. Based on sources, the analysis discovered the scientific problem: the lack of theoretical knowledge about the existing social and psychological phenomenon of informational patriotism, which is common in social networks, on video hosting services, informative Internet publications, etc. A new concept of «informational patriotism» is proposed. In the psychological aspect, personal information patriotism constitutes a new form of manifestation of patriotism of the information age. Due to the activation of the emotional-sensual, mental-cognitive, motivational-action components is actualized exclusively in the cyberspace – interactive information environment. Informational patriotism of youth, unlike traditional patriotism, has a specific manifestation of structural and functional components. On the media-psychological plane, informational patriotism aims to preserve and distribute Ukrainian content, protect from hostile propaganda, and promote Ukrainian values in the information environment. The development of informational patriotism of youth is ensured by innovative media psychological practices. Informational patriotism requires further theoretical and empirical research. However, the obtained results of the mass survey and their preliminary analysis provide an opportunity to highlight strategies and tactics of innovative methodological tools. The practical toolkit consists of stimulating the patriotic activity of students in social networks. In turn, patriotic activity is aimed at the protection and distribution of Ukrainian content in the interactive environment and the creation of new, original content. The development of children and youth’s informational patriotism is planned through media-psychological practices in a media-educational format

Državna politika razdvajanja svećenika Katoličke crkve u Bosni i Hercegovini na „pozitivne“ i „reakcionarne“ (1945-1963)

The illumination of the state policy of separating „positive“ from „negative“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the most important issues in the scientific understanding of the position of this religious community during the first decades of existence of AVNOJ Yugoslavia. The post-war government in Bosnia and Herzegovina treated a large number of priests of the Catholic Church as real or potential enemies of the state. In addition to ideological reasons, which were more or less similar in all communist parties, the negative attitude of the CPY towards the Catholic Church was influenced by the fact that some priests supported the Ustasha movement during World War II. The justification for the negative attitude of party structures towards priests was argued most often in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs with the following reasons: that most priests supported the occupier and domestic traitors during the war; that they spread hostile propaganda against the national liberation movement; that they actively participated in the fight against the new social order; that they had committed war crimes and persecuted members of other faiths, and that they had been linked to criminal Ustasha emigration abroad. In addition to „negative“ priests, there were „positive“ priests that also acted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as they were reported in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs. They did not agree to the policy of confrontation with the state and demanded the establishment of dialogue and co-operation between the Church and the state. Some of the most prominent representatives of this group of priests were: Fr Bono Ostojić, Ph.D. Karlo Karin, Fr Mile Leko, Fr Josip Markušić, Fr Serafin Dodig, Fr Kruno Misilo and others. Holders of „positive tendencies“ among the clergy, according to the Commission for Religious Affairs, understood the importance of establishing communication and contacts with state authorities and the harmfulness of the negative attitude of the Catholic Church towards the state. Their goal was to change the methods of solving problems between the Church and the state, and to build a path that would suit the interests of the priests of the Catholic Church and the interests of the state community, without interfering with the church's dogmatic canonical principles. The „differentiation“ of priests was treated as a positive result of the work of the new government, because, according to their assessments, in the first post-war years, representatives of religious communities had a hostile attitude towards the newly created socialist Yugoslav state. Therefore, the Commission for Religious Affairs (federal and republican) has continuously pointed out the importance of implementing a policy of „stratification and differentiation“ within religious communities. According to the observations of the Federal Commission for Religious Affairs, the post-war „differentiation“ among the priests happened primarily due to their attitudes regarding the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. Some considered it desirable and useful to establish communication with the newly created authorities, while others maintained a negative attitude. In addition to these two groups, there was a third group that was undecided. When considering the biographical data of the priests of the Catholic Church proposed for state decorations, it can be stated that the authorities carefully took into account which priests would be on the list of candidates recommended for awards. A positive attitude towards the new socialist social order, active participation in the establishment of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, loyalty, patriotism towards socialist Yugoslavia, and contribution to the development of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are some of the most important reasons for choosing candidates for awards. In the article, based on unpublished archival sources, the author contextualises the political circumstances and the circumstances in which the state policy of differentiation of „positive“ from „reactionary“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina took place, points out the reasons for and bearers of such policy, and analyses its expression and results. Also, the author presents the policy of awarding state recognitions and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Iran's Cultural Heritage in the “Soft Power” Arsenal of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Iran’s cultural heritage is seen as a powerful “soft power” by various decision-making centers in Iran – and both by the current President Hassan Rouhani, continuing the pragmatic line on “constructive engagement with the world”, and Supreme Leader (rahbar) Seyed Ali Khamenei, striving to “ensure the intellectual and moral security of society” and counter hostile propaganda.

Разрушение устоев государства через подмену смыслов и фальсификацию ценностей

One of the most important tasks of a state in defending its sovereignty is to counteract hostile propaganda aimed at imposing a different way of life designed to promote the decay of a traditional society and the loss of its identity. Counteraction to the destruction of state foundations is the protection of historical truth and combat against all kinds of falsifications of the history of the past, present and future of a country. Bringing the goals of the West home to the population of our country, analyzing the methods and means of propaganda brought against us, refuting the facts of falsification and outright attempts at manipulation are an important area of activity of Russian social scientists, and this article is intended to make a certain contribution to solving this problem.

Медіаосвітні практики розвитку інформаційного патріотизму молоді

Актуальність дослідження. Обстоюється думка, що в умовах гібридної, ідеологічної війни зростає роль патріотизму як потенційного ресурсу збереження національної ідентичності українців. 
 Метою статті було сформулювати нове поняття – інформаційний патріотизм» молоді – та окреслити інноваційні напрями його розвитку.
 Методологічні засади. Тема патріотизму молоді висвітлюється в контексті теорії кіберсоціалізації. На основі аналізу літератури визначено два напрями, які є дотичними до зазначеної теми: 1) вплив медіа, інтернету на свідомість, світоглядні позиції та соціалізацію молоді; 2) застосування медіаресурсів та нових технологій у вихованні патріотизму молоді.
 Результати дослідження. На підставі аналізу джерел запропоновано та обґрунтовано нове поняття – «інформаційний патріотизм», створено медіаосвітню модель його розвитку. Визначено, що в психологічному контексті інформаційний патріотизм особистості полягає в актуалізації емоційно-почуттєвої, ментально-когнітивної, мотиваційно-дієвої складових, які реалізуються в площині медіаінформаційного простору. Інформаційний патріотизм розглянуто як новий вид патріотизму, спрямований на збереження, захист та просування українських цінностей в інформаційному просторі. Створено модель розвитку інформаційного патріотизму молоді, яка визначає інноваційні медіаосвітні практики його оптимізації. 
 Перспективи практичного застосування результатів дослідження. Запропонована модель розвитку інформаційного патріотизму спрямована на стимуляцію: активності щодо поширення українського медіаконтенту в соціальних мережах; мотивації захисту українського інформаційного простору від ворожої пропаганди в соціальних мережах; медіатворчості як творення оригінального патріотичного медіаконтенту, здатного популяризувати українські цінності у віртуальній реальності. Перспектива подальших досліджень полягає в моніторингу інформаційного патріотизму молоді, розробленні інноваційних медіаосвітніх методик та їх апробації.

Garments, Signatures, and Ottoman Self-Fashioning in the Imperial Periphery: Moldavian Voyvode Ştefan Tomşa II and Ottomanization in the Early Seventeenth Century

Abstract The paper examines the strategies of self-representation pursued by Moldavian Voyvode Ștefan Tomșa II (r. 1611-1615, 1621-1623). From his ascension to the throne, Tomșa faced accusations of wholesale adoption of Ottoman customs and fashion, and even conversion to Islam. While Romanian scholars have largely dismissed these claims as a product of hostile propaganda, the paper argues that—while remaining an Orthodox Christian—the voyvode deliberately emphasized his affinity to the Ottoman cultural idiom and presented himself to his subjects as a member of the Ottoman ruling class. By examining the nexus between Tomșa’s career, material objects he commissioned, and chancery innovations during his reign, the paper looks into the process of Christian Ottomanization in the Danubian principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia.

The European and Russian policies on preventing cyberterrorism (on the example of fight against Cyber Jihad

The subject of this research is to determine similarities and differences in the fight against “Cyber Jihad” in policy of the European Union and the Russian Federation. The object of this research is the prevention of cyberterrorism as a threat to national and international security, associated with the dynamic development of information technologies worldwide, absence of censorship and the wide availability of materials published on the Internet. The author describes the legal framework for countering cyberterrorism in the European Union and the Russian Federation. Special attention is given to the difference in approaches in the European and Russian legislation towards fight against undesirable materials in the global network, difficulties related to countering "Cyber-Jihad", identification of people from risk groups who may be involved in terrorist activities as a result of hostile propaganda. The scientific novelty of this work consists in the empirical proof that the difference in approaches to countering cyberterrorism in the European Union and the Russian Federation significantly reduces the results of fight against the global "Cyber Jihad". The author reveals the key legal, technical and ideological difficulties in the fight against "Cyber-Jihad", underlines the need for coordination of the efforts of Europe and Russia in this area, as well as indicates the importance of prevention and ideological counter-propaganda among youth and at-risk population groups.