Hostile Countries Research Articles

Raising international standards for protecting nuclear materials from theft and sabotage

The break-up of the Soviet Union resulted in conditions that focused attention on the possible risk of “loose nukes.” But the risk from insecure nuclear materials is not limited to the former Soviet Union; there is a need to ensure adequate physical protection on a global basis. Weapons-usable materials— plutonium and highly enriched uranium (HEU)—are spread widely around the world. A significant portion of these materials exists in civilian rather than military inventories. For example, some 12 countries (Belgium, China, France, Germany, India, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Russia, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States) possess among them over 180,000 kilograms of separated, civilian weapons-usable plutonium—as compared with approximately 250,000 kilograms in weapons or weapons reserves. It takes only a few kilograms of this material to make a nuclear weapon. If any of this material were stolen or illegally removed from an existing inventory, it could be used by another country or terrorist organization to make a bomb. Without effective cooperative efforts between many countries to guard weapons-usable materials, no government can protect its people from the threat of nuclear weapons in the hands of terrorists or hostile states. In 1997, the US Department of Energy (DOE) established a goal of guarding weapons-usable materials just as well as US nuclear weapons are guarded. However, many civilian weapons-usable materials are not yet so protected even in the United States. And, even if they were, that might not reduce American risks much if other countries continued to maintain lower standards. Hostile countries or terrorist groups that want to obtain weapons-usable materials are likely to go wherever these materials can most easily be bought or stolen.

The Trade and Conflict Debate: A Survey of Theory, Evidence and Future Research

No one disputes that international trade is affected by economic variables. However, the effects of political variables on trade also are important. For countries in peace, political agendas can affect trade through protectionism, for example. Political interventions in trade between hostile nations can halt trade, although hostile countries sometimes continue to trade. Casual observations also bear out that trade itself is a potential source of political conflict or cooperation between nations. In spite of this, economists in large part have not studied the relationship between trade and political conflict or cooperation between nations. Krugman, for one, argues that "trade politics is primarily about conflicts of interest within rather than between nations (1995: 28)." Bergeijk (1994: Chapter 5) even suggests that many economists view political conflicts between nations as unworthy of formal analysis.This does not mean that economists have ignored altogether the interaction between international economic and political variables. Various facets of this interaction have been studied by prominent economists (e.g., Smith, 1776; Mill, 1848, Keynes, 1919; Schumpeter, 1950; Tinbergen, 1962; Kindleberger, 1970). In addition, there are recent economic studies on topics such as arms races, the economic effects of arms reduction, and the link between defense expenditures and economic growth, which fall under the general rubric of peace economics.1 There is also a growing literature that views conflict as a rational economic activity. This literature uses a framework originally developed by Hirshleifer (1988) and extended by Hirshleifer (1995) and others (e.g., Grossman and Kim, 1995; Skaperdas and Syropoulos, 1996; Anderton et al., 1999). These studies, however, are theoretical and do not study the relationship between trade and political conflict using empirical data, which is the focus of this essay.

Bilateral scientific and technical collaboration between hostile countries in Europe: France and Germany 1860–1950

Common wisdom suggests that collaboration between scientists that populate different national research systems crucially depends on good relations between the countries involved. Some people would even argue that scientific and cultural exchange between two countries is the fundament of peaceful relations. What, then, happens to scientific collaboration between countries that are fundamentally hostile to each other? This article looks at the history and substance of scientific collaboration between France and Germany from 1860 to 1950. Contrary to what common wisdom would lead us to believe, scientific and technical collaboration between France and Germany did actually take place in a number of significant fields. The article reviews the structure and substance of these collaborations and places them in a general historical and political context.

Acute Dissecting Aortic Aneurysm in an Operational Environment

Acute dissecting thoracic aortic aneurysm is a rare cause of chest pain in young adults. Patients require prompt surgical treatment to reduce the high risk of early mortality. This report describes the case of a young Army officer who developed a dissecting aortic aneurysm in Mogadishu, Somalia, during Operation Continue Hope. Moving the patient from an isolated hostile country to a location where definitive surgical treatment could be quickly performed presented a significant challenge. Military physicians who may be deployed to isolated locations should be familiar with this unusual cause of chest pain and be prepared to rapidly evacuate patients to facilities that can treat them.

The arms trade and the stability of regional arms races

Abstract Arms sales to countries involved in regional conflicts raise a range of pressing policy issues. This paper models the interaction between two potentially hostile countries who spend their national income on arms imports and consumption goods. Their welfare depends on consumption and military security. Military security is a function of relative arms stocks and depends on the relative advantages of aggressive and defensive strategies. We examine the dynamic game for noncooperative and regional arms control regimes. An innovation of the paper is the inclusion of the price of arms which proves to have a major effect on the stability of arms races.

Satellite vulnerability: a post-Cold War issue?

The widely discussed use of US reconnaissance satellites during the Gulf War will strongly motivate future regional adversaries to seek ways of countering US space-based assets. The presumption that reconnaissance satellites can operate covertly is obsolete. Tracking US reconnaissance satellites can provide valuable support to a hostile country's concealment and deception programs. Iraq's ability to conceal both major weapons programs and many SCUD launchers is a warning of the serious consequences such programs can have. Space surveillance systems of the type likely to be acquired by Third World countries are inconspicuous and may well go undetected, while direct ascent ASAT rockets are within the reach of many countries. This article argues that fundamental reexamination of the functions and architecture of US overhead reconnaissance is needed, and should be done outside the traditional Cold War bureaucratic structures.

The Refugee Act of 1980 and the Depoliticization of Refugee/Asylum Admissions

One of the objectives of the Refugee Act of 1980 was to eliminate a bias that existed in U.S. refugee admissions in favorof aliens from hostile countries of origin (countries with communist, socialist, and leftist forms of government). This analysis finds that the hostile country bias in refugee admissions was perpetuated (and even, in the case of the State Department, intensified) through policy implementation by agencies within the immigration bureaucracy since passage of the Refugee Act of 1980. Specifically, the INS and the State Department, in their post-1980 decision making on asylum and refugee applications, continue to favor aliens from hostile countries.

ADMINISTRATIVE POLICY MAKING: ADJUDICATION BY THE BOARD OF IMMIGRATION APPEALS IN ASYLUM‐RELATED APPEALS 1980–1987

This analysis examines the extent to which the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA), from 1980 to 1987, complied with a new policy of Congress, set forth in the Refugee Act of 1980, which called for an elimination of bias in favor of aliens from hostile countries. Statistical analysis reveals that the BIA did not enforce the Refugee Act of 1980. I argue that Congress never intended to eliminate this bias since doing so would bring it into conflict with actors within the executive branch (including the President and the State Department) that have traditionally dominated policy‐making relating to refugees and asylees. Instead, in the Refugee Act of 1980, Congress allowed these actors to retain control through a broad definition of “refugee” and by failing to clearly specify standards for political asylum and withholding of deportation. Simultaneously, Congress temporarily placated private and public “refugee rights” interest groups with statutory provisions that (presumably) eliminated the hostile country bias in U.S. refugee and asylum admis‐ sions, and granted increased federal aid to private organizations and units of state and local governments.

Allocation of Sorties in Air Interdiction

This paper analyzes the problem of air interdiction in a simplified “hostile country” in which the flow of interdicted material is entirely unidirectional. The action is assumed to be constrained by a minimum tour-survival probability. Results are presented that permit the existence of feasible solutions of the constrained problem to be determined, that solve the problem completely in the unconstrained case, and that enable optimal solutions to be determined in the constrained case (but only when the probability-of-loss function p(x) is a step function).

Some Aspects of the Policeman's Role as it Impinges upon Family Life in a Negro Ghetto

James Baldwin wrote of the police in Harlem, They repre sent the force of the white world, and that world's criminal profit and ease, to keep the black man corraled up here in this place.. .(The policeman) moves through Harlem, therefore, like an soldier in a bitterly hostile country; which is precisely what and where he is, and is the reason he walks in two's and threes.1 This conception of the police as occupying soldiers is well documented in the literature.2 It derives in large measure because of the special methods of law enforcement that are employed when dealing with blacks. Deep South, for example, provides a vivid picture of this differential treatment. In many respects it remains up to date and applicable to the urban North although written twenty-eight years ago about a southern city. In Old City lower class blacks were not given adequate police protection because the police winked at distrubances between blacks. . .the police, like whites in general, believe that fighting, drinking, and gambling among Negroes are not crimes so long as they are strictly limited to the Negro group or are kept somewhat under cover.3 Although arrest rates for black and whites were not appreciably different in Old City, the treatment of blacks after arrests was noticably different. It was more likely to involve a working over (generally believed to be beneficial in the moral education of wayward blacks), more often resulted in a conviction,

Military Justice in North Carolina, 1865: A Microcosm of Reconstruction

MILITARY JUSTICE IN NORTH CAROLINA, 1865: A MICROCOSM OF RECONSTRUCTION· Kenneth E. St. Clair The framers of the first rules and articles of war for the United States did not anticipate civil conflict or the deployment of American troops on foreign soil. At least they made no provision in the first rules and articles for the adjudication of capital crimes or crimes against person or property committed beyond the jurisdiction of American courts by or against members of the armed forces of the United States.1 The legal and disciplinary problems engendered by this omission first were apparent during the war with Mexico. Generals Scott and Taylor found that in the case of crimes involving American soldiers and Mexican civilians, the accused could not be tried by Mexican courts; they also were beyond the jurisdiction of American courts; and they could not be tried under the articles of war, which dealt solely with army discipline.2 General Scott, after fruidess efforts to secure the advice or assistance of the government in Washington, issued, on February 19, 1847, his famous General Order No. 20, which authorized the establishment of military commissions to try American soldiers and Mexican civilians for criminal acts varying from theft to murder. He found his authority in the "unwritten code [which] all armies in hostile countries are forced to adopt"—the code of "Martial law."3 *This paper was read in a slightly abbreviated form at the eighth annual Missouri Valley Conference of Collegiate Teachers of History, held at the Municipal University of Omaha, March 20, 1965. It was made possible in part through a Faculty Research Grant from the Social Science Research Council. !Clifford J. Mathews, "Special Military Tribunals, 1775-1865" (M.A. thesis, Emory University, 1951), pp. 43-44. This work is an able study of the origins and early development of American military justice. 2 Ibid., pp. 44-50; Ralph H. Gabriel, American Experience With Military Government," American Historical Review, XLIX (1944), 633-634. 3 Mathews, "Special Military Tribunals," p. 56; hfs analysis of Scott's order and its application is given on pp. 53-57. Cabriel, "American Experience With Military Government," 634-635, treats this subject as part of a brief, but valu341 342CI VIL W AR H ISTO R Y In September, 1861, General Henry Halleck adapted Scott's Mexican War order to the chaotic legal and military conditions of the Missouri border; under this authority the first military commission trials of the Civil War were held in St. Louis. This procedure subsequently was utilized by Federal military authorities throughout the border states and in areas of the Confederate states occupied by the Federal forces. President Lincoln recognized the practice in late September, 1862, and again in his "Instructions for the Government of the Armies in the Field," issued in April, 1863. Congress also recognized the existence of these commissions in 1863. Throughout the war, military commissions tried large numbers of people, principally in the South; during Reconstruction they became the principal courts in military administration of justice.4 The military commissions were neither civil courts nor courts martial . They were composed of five to thirteen members, including a judge advocate who was both a prosecutor and a member of the court; a majority vote of the commission was sufficient to convict (but a twothirds vote was required for death sentence). In general, their composition , powers, and practices were similar to those of courts martial, but each military commander was free to decide such matters as he pleased. Decisions of the commissions, while subject to review by the commanding officer and, in many cases, by the President of the United States, were not subject to judicial review.5 After the cessation of hostilities, the Federal military authorities imposed martial law as a matter of course upon the defeated Confederate states. Politicians might argue regarding the status of these states—had they committed suicide, were they conquered territories, or were they still in the Union but out of their right relations with it?—but the army followed Scott's dictum of a "constitution" older than that of the United States: the "customs of war." The civil authority of the Confederate States of America...

Peaks of the Assam Himalaya

FROM the mountaineer's point of view nothing is known of the Himalaya east of Chomolhari, and not very much is known of the topography. For 180 miles the range forms the northern boundary of Bhutan, and for another 250 that of Assam; but it should be noted that though the Himalaya may be assumed to mark the Assam-Tibet frontier, the boundary has never been delimited. The whole range from the Tista valley in Sikkim to Namcha Barwa (25,545 feet) and beyond is called by Burrard and Hayden the Assam Himalaya; it would be less confusing to confine the name to the mountains lying north of Assam. Where the range passes from Bhutan into Assam there is a wide breach formed by the upper eastern basin of the Manas, and immediately east of this gap is a group of high peaks which cover about 50 miles on an E.N.E. alignment. These I hoped to explore this year. The major peaks have been fixed trigonometrically from stations in the Assam valley. During their great explo? ration of the Tsangpo gorge in 1911 Bailey and Morshead travelled and surveyed along the Tibetan side of the range. In 1935 and 1938 Kingdon Ward skirted the western end and visited the valley of the Gorjo Chu, which, for reasons that will be apparent, is the only practicable approach to the range. In 1934 and 1936 Messrs. Sheriff and Ludlow covered much the same ground, but the peaks, passes, and glaciers of this region remain unvisited. Two routes into Tibet traverse the gap formed by the eastern tributaries of the Manas. The more eastern route skirts the Assam Himalaya, crosses the Gorjo Chu valley, and passes within 10 miles of Gori Chen (21,450 feet), thus forming the obvious line of approach from the south. It would be simpler if an approach could be made from Tibet, where there are villages from which food could be got and where the effects of the monsoon would be less felt; but the good will of Lhasa for British mountaineering parties is given principally to Mount Everest expeditions. On the south side of the range, except for the narrow strip of country between these two routes, the foothills of Assam are the home of savage tribes: Miji Akas, Silung Abors, and Daflas. Known as the Balipara Frontier Tract, this unadministered territory stretches east to the Subansiri and beyond. The eastern route to Tibet lies on the edge of this hostile country and it is not possible to leave the route until near the Himalaya, where the country becomes too high for these forest-dwelling savages. A Political Officer stationed at Charduar, some 20 miles north of the Brahmaputra, is in charge of the Frontier Tract.

The Effect of War upon a Partnership Where the Partners Are Resident in Hostile Countries

The Effect of War upon a Partnership Where the Partners Are Resident in Hostile Countries

Art. IV.—Tibet. A Geographical, Ethnographical, and Historical Sketch, derived from Chinese Sources

Formerly in the seventh year Ch'ung-tê (A.D. 1643) of the Emperor T'ai-tsung-wen, the Panch'en Erdeni, the Talé lama, and Ku-shih han (Gushi khan), knowing of the appearance of a superior man in the eastern country, sent envoys for the express purpose (of seeing him). They were only able to reach their destination by passing through hostile countries, and after several years they arrived at Sheng-ching (Mukden). This was eighty years ago. (These princes) were all alike doers of good works and liberal patrons (of the clergy), and peace and happiness reigned (in their land). But after the death of the Talé lama, the Déba kept the news hidden from Us, and for sixteen years he madly ruled according to his caprice. La-tsang put him to death, and then Religion reappeared. For this reason We acceded to the united supplications, of La-tsang and all the princes of the Kokonor when Chih-wang a-la-p'u-tan in his foolishness fomented troubles. He excited to rebellion the Chun-ko-ehr (Sungans), who committed riotous acts of open rebellion, burning down the Talé lama's (monument), level-ling to the ground the pagoda of the fifth Talé lama, polluting the Pan-ch'en, destroying the convents, and killing the lamas. Glorying in being the champion of the Faith, he was in truth but its destroyer, seeking stealthily to take for himself the country of Tibet.

Geographical Notes

LIEUT. WISSMANN, who is to command the German Emin Pasha Expedition, has already done much excellent work in Africa, for which he received one of the medals of the Royal Geographical Society a few months ago. In his hands the interests of science are sure to be attended to. The Expedition will consist of two contingents, which will proceed through German East Africa by the south shore of Victoria Nyanza to the region between that lake and the Albert Nyanza. That the Expedition is sure to meet with difficulties is evident from the telegrams which are almost daily appearing from Berlin and from Zanzibar. The whole coast region is rising against the Germans, and it is to be feared that Lieut. Wissmann will have to proceed through a practically hostile country all the way to Wadelai. It is a pity that in the matter of Emin Pasha, which interests all Europe, Germany and England could not work hand in hand.