Hostile Attitudes Research Articles

Советская молодежь и троцкизм в годы «Большого террора» 1930-х гг. в СССР. По архивным источникам

The use of the negative image of L. D. Trotsky in the Soviet propaganda during the Great Terror of the 1930s in the USSR had a significant impact on the formation of political consciousness of the Soviet youth. The article analyzes archival historical sources that reflect the complex nature of mutual relations between Soviet propaganda, repressive machine, Soviet youth, and propaganda figure of L. D. Trotsky in the days of the Great Terror. Despite the abundance of historical works devoted to the phenomenon of Soviet youth in the 1930s, the problem of attitude of the younger generation to Trotskyism remains little studied. Thus, the study is to fill the gap in scientific knowledge. It is based on principles of historicism and objectivity and uses historical, comparative, deductive, and retrospective methods. The reaction of the Soviet youth to the anti-Trotskyist rhetoric of Soviet propaganda and repression against those who were denounced as “Trotskyists” is reflected in a number of personal provenance sources (diaries, appeals), as well as in protocols and transcripts of the Komsomol conferences preserved in the fonds of the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History (RGASPI), the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Tambov Region (GASPITO), and the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Voronezh Region (GAOPIVO), which indicates the representativeness of the source base. Most documents are being introduced into scientific use by the authors. The authors conclude that the party and Komsomol control over the moods of the younger generation, which strengthened in the period of mass political repression, could not turn it into a monolithic and completely devoted social group. The Soviet leadership demanding from young people a hostile attitude towards Trotskyism often engendered bewilderment and resistance. The reason for accusing them of Trotskyism was mostly young people’s doubt in the possibility of building communism in one country. However, even Komsomol members were often puzzled by such accusations, having quite superficial notions on Trotskyism. The analysis of the sources suggests that the figure of Trotsky, proclaimed by the official propaganda the “enemy of the people,” still had significant authority for the youth. Among the young people, many doubted the legality of charges against Trotsky and were not afraid to talk about political merits of the convicted “leader.” Some linked their hopes for a brighter future with the name of Trotsky, never doubting his return to the Soviet Union in order to lead the state. Many saw in Trotsky a semi-legendary figure, a genuine revolutionary, whose merits to the common cause of revolution and socialist construction could not be overestimated. The historical analysis lays the foundation for a new scientific view on characteristic features of political thinking of the Soviet youth during the Great Terror.

Экономическая теория и формирование человеческих качеств

The article argues that economic theory not only takes into account human qualities as factors influencing the evolution and efficiency of economic mechanisms, but also indirectly impacts their formation. Scientific research generates an ideology which economic policies draw from to build economic institutions. Institutions determine the standards of behavior of individuals and consequently influence their qualities. Such a chain of determinants can be illustrated by the case of the Chicago School of Economics, which proclaimed competition as the main driving force for social and economic development. The recommendations of this school contributed to the formation of neoliberal ideology, which over the years has determined both the policy of Western countries and the nature of reforms in transition economies. Neoliberals argued that economic competition does not involve any violation of moral norms, since a perfect market means impersonal rivalry. There is ample evidence, however, that economic and political competition generates a hostile attitude toward rivals, pushing the participants to disregard the principles of morality. In conditions of tough confrontation, economic and political leaders are often willing to defeat their competitors by whatever means possible, while being unable or unwilling to make decisions to improve public welfare. The degradation of human qualities, in its turn, can lead to a decline in the quality of scientific research. These findings provide an insight into one of the causal chains leading to the crisis of competitive institutions observed in Western countries. To struggle with the crisis, they seek to constrain competition and increase the role of collaborative institutions.

Громадсько-політичні здобутки та втрати єврейської національної організації у таборі Фрайштадті, Австро-Угорщина (1916 – початок 1918 рр.)

The article reveals the specifics of the Jewish national organization in the Freistadt camp (Austria-Hungary) functioning. The organization’s establishment was made possible with the assistance of the Presidium of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine in Vienna and the Ukrainian camp community. It was very important that the leaders of the Jewish and Ukrainian organizations realized the urgent need for political awareness of peoples enslaved by the Russian tsar (in particular, the Jewish and Ukrainian), and the importance of Ukrainian-Jewish understanding. One of the first joint political actions of Jews and Ukrainians in the camp was their articulation of their critical attitude to the imperial order in Russia during a visit to the camp by the representative of the Russian Red Cross A.V. Romanova. Already in the spring and summer of 1916, the Jewish educational group managed to expand its activities in the camp, organizing national cultural and artistic events for the campers and conducting educational courses. The key to success in its work was the provision of regular financial assistance from the profits of the camp cooperative union «Tea». At the same time, the Ukrainian organization of the camp provided significant intangible assistance to the Jewish group – by temporarily providing free of charge camp premises for theatrical performances, concerts and various national educational events. Unfortunately, despite the mutual recognition of the national and political aspirations of both peoples (Jewish and Ukrainian), the pace and nature of state and political transformations in Ukraine prompted the Jewish organization to distance itself first and then declare its rejection of Ukrainian «independence». In turn, such a hostile attitude of the captured Jews to the independent aspirations of Ukrainians led to the cessation, and then a complete break between the two communities, which in turn called into question their experience in the joint struggle against Russian despotism.

ОБЕСПЕЧЕНИЕ ДИНАМИЧЕСКОЙ УСТОЙЧИВОСТИ ОБМЕРЗАЮЩИХ РОТОРОВ ТЕХНОЛОГИЧЕСКИМИ МЕТОДАМИ

The proposed article is devoted to artificial material systems operating in conditions of information scarcity for effective management. The problem is considered on the example of rotors operating in conditions of icing of surfaces of turbine units used in aviation and the thermal power complex. The analysis of measures to ensure the dynamic stability of rotors, whose surfaces are subject to icing, leading to an uncontrolled increase in local imbalances, is carried out. The relevance of the problem is due to both the general trend of scientific and technological progress aimed at improving technologies and types of products, and modern challenges of the economy. These should primarily include meeting the need for technological processes and types of products that are as close as possible to the requests in terms of the resource of work, cost, cost of operation and disposal. At the same time, the situation at the production site is complicated by the hostile attitude of the so-called Western countries to the development of Russian industry, especially in aviation, the thermal power complex, defense, elec-tronics, etc. All this creates a complex scientific and technical contradiction, burdened by a shortage of material support: financial inse-curity and the absence of a number of components supplied by previously unfriendly countries. Based on the results of the analysis of the dynamic state of the systems, the direction of its technological support is determined. Two methods are proposed to ensure the dynamic stability of the most problematic elements of rotors: wheels of centrifugal and axial compressors (turbines). At the same time, the method of precision preparation of rotor elements for assembly is designed to ensure the installation of the element on the shaft with minimized eccentricity of the forming seal and without imbalance, and the method of eccentricity-virtual assembly of turbine wheels is designed to balance the rotor with a pre–known imbalance. The application of the developed methods makes it possible to solve the formulated scientific and technical contradiction, significantly improve the quality of prod-ucts, reduce the labor intensity and cost of production. Technological processes using these methods have been tested in industrial conditions.

Citizenship, Belonging and Crisis-Induced Returns of Ghanaian Migrants from Cote d’Ivoire

The socio-economic embeddedness of ECOWAS foreign nationals and migrants in Côte d’Ivoire has been amply described. Despite previous episodes of political violence and the somewhat recent anti-immigrant policies, Côte d’Ivoire has served and will continue to serve as a haven for foreign-born populations of ECOWAS nationals and Ivorian-born descendants of foreigners. This paper draws on the notion of citizenship and belonging, and qualitative data gathered through interviews to explore the experiences of returned Ghanaian migrants who were victimised and trapped in a conflict situation in Cote D’Ivoire in 2002-2003 and 2010-2011. The findings show that despite playing a passive role as perpetrators of the violence, Ghanaian migrants experienced harassment, intimidation and physical attacks which in turn contributed to traumatic feelings beyond crisis period. While the notion of citizenship and belonging facilitated migrants’ easy entry to Ghana upon return, they had to navigate multiple challenges including hostile attitudes of militants, rebels and vigilante groups at border checkpoints, extortion of cash and other material possessions. Reintegration and resettlement were further exacerbated due to their experiences. These findings have important implications for emergency responses to situations of migrants being caught up in crisis.

The Study of Factors that Contribute to the Acceptability of Digital Transactions in the City of Mumbai

Long years ago, transactions were made by the help of Barter system, where goods and services were exchanged by goods and services. Later on, with the evolution of mankind Barter system is replaced by Token currency where the goods and services were exchanged for coins and notes. But in the recent time there was the evolution of digital payment system. Digital transactions include transactions through credit cards, debit cards and other digital wallet platforms. The different modes of digital payments saw a drastic change in usage in the last 4 years. After demonetization on November 8th, 2016, India saw an increased use of different internet payment systems for money transfer through various devices. Govt. of India also encouraged Digital transaction through its various initiatives such as Digital India. NPCI (National Payments Corporation India) launched Bharat interface for Money (BHIM) an application run on UPI (Unified Payment Interface) in December 2016 to cater the growing online payment needs. But the acceptability among the masses is still a big concern. Many Indians shows hostile attitude toward digital mode of transactions. So, this paper will study the various factors that contribute the acceptability of Digital transaction. The research paper is based on 201 individuals who will demonstrate the demographic factors like age, gender, income group, education etc. which influence the acceptability of the digital mode of transactions. The study will greatly help the GOI as well as Banking sector in order to achieve Digital & Financial literacy.

Sędziowie sądów specjalnych III Rzeszy i ich „zdrowe poczucie narodowe”

German lawyers jointly supported the National Socialist authorities, assuming that the law was Hitler’s will, resulting from the new criminal law being introduced, which violated the principles of nullum crimen sine lege and nulla poena sine lege. Judges of special courts (Sondergerichte) in the Third Reich applied criminal law according to a “healthy national sense” (das gesunde Volksempfinden), which usually meant heavy penalties, contrary to the elementary sense of justice. It was adopted as a rule that a crime is not only what is forbidden by regulations, but also everything that the authorities have not consented to. For any behaviour, even if not prohibited by law, the judges could sentence defendants to draconian punishments, at their “national discretion.” Law professors justified the lawlessness created in the Third Reich by claiming that it was a rule of law (Rechtsstaat). The criminal law for Poles and Jews of 1941 provided for the death penalty for all manifestations of “hostile attitude” towards the German occupier. Polish forced labourers in the Reich were punished with death for violations of discipline and disobedience to the German oppressors. Poles displaced from occupied Poland were assigned to work in enterprises and farms in the Reich. The special court in Breslau sentenced to death a Pole who defended his pregnant beloved woman, forced to work beyond her strength and abused by the German housewife, as well as the unfortunate woman herself. The same court sentenced a Pole to death for trying to protect his 13-year-old son from a German farmer, who was forcing the child to perform work he was physically unable to carry out. Special-court judges continued their professional careers in West Germany after the war and did not bear any responsibility for their crimes.

Learner Discipline versus Learner Freedom in Secondary Schools

The researchers propose that student discipline in schools should be aimed at correcting student behavior rather than punishing them. The freedom of students must not lead to lawlessness in the classroom. Teachers must recognize that teaching and learning, as well as creativity, take place in a structured context. Teachers may contribute to disciplinary issues at school by demonstrating poor classroom management skills, a hostile attitude toward students, a lack of respect for instructional time, and improper behavior both within and outside the school. On the other side, due to their lack of respect for school authority, students may contribute to disciplinary issues. The sample for this study was chosen from three senior secondary schools in Namibia's Zambezi area, with a total of 60 teachers. The sample included four teacher participants from each school.

Refugees unwelcome: Narcissistic and secure national commitment differentially predict collective action against immigrants and refugees

Two studies (N1 = 193; N2 = 598) were conducted in Poland to examine the role of two types of ingroup commitment (i.e., national narcissism and national identification) as predictors of attitudes towards immigrants and refugees (disadvantaged groups) and intentions to engage in collective action against them. As predicted, national narcissism (but not national identification) was related to more hostile intergroup attitudes and greater willingness to engage in collective action against refugees and immigrants. The positive effect of national narcissism on intentions to engage in collective action against immigrants and refugees was mediated by attitudes towards those groups. These results show that applying a more fine-grained approach to ingroup commitment (e.g., national narcissism vs. national identification) among advantaged group members allows for a better understanding of their intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions to actively oppose the rights of disadvantaged social groups via collective action.

Art Communities at Risk: On Slovenia

Abstract “Art Communities At Risk: Slovenia” talks about how it is somehow easier to take a moral than a political position in times of crisis today—and how political manipulations often hide under seemingly moral attitudes. The author analyzes these issues against the background of growing authoritarian forces in Central and Eastern Europe, especially Slovenia, which saw the rise of covid-19 and Janez Janša as prime minister at the same time. Janša's government systematically ignores professional competencies in cultural institutions as well as in science, especially in relation to the epidemic.The voice of experts in the field of culture is ignored, and this is precisely because their specialized knowledge is not neutral. In a time when the space for free speech is shrinking, the need for a clear positioning becomes even more pressing. The author discusses the exhibition Bigger than Myself / Heroic Voices from Ex-Yugoslavia, which she curated for Rome's MAXXI museum last summer. The work shown there addressed Yugoslav emancipatory histories in relation to the issues of particular urgency today: global capitalism, the posthuman condition, and the return of authoritarianism, in particular. The Slovenian authorities took a hostile attitude towards the exhibition, not only because it presented critical voices from the region but also because artists from the former Yugoslavia were presented there, who, according to Slovenian right-wingers, are no longer worthy of participating in national cultural projects. Concerning the example of what is happening in Slovenia today, the essay asks why there has been such a strong turn to the right in Central and Eastern Europe, which is reviving “traditional” morality, patriarchy, and nationalism and engaging in political interference in cultural institutions. The current governments of Slovenia and other countries in the region want to get rid of the critical voices of left-wing experts in culture by favoring ostensibly neutral experts. It removes from important positions all those it considers to be leftists and replaces them with its own people in order to seemingly strike a balance between the various political options. This balancing act and new “neutrality,” however, are just one of the modern disguises of acute authoritarianism in Eastern Europe.

The Ghost of John Hart Ely

The ghost of John Hart Ely haunts the American liberal constitutional imagination. In spite of the failure long ago of any progressive constitutional vision in an increasingly conservative Supreme Court, Ely’s conjectures about the superiority of judges relative to legislatures in the protection of minorities and the policing of the democratic process remain second nature. Indeed, they have been credible enough among liberals to underwrite an anxious or even hostile attitude toward judicial reform. In order to exorcise Ely’s ghost and lay it to rest, this Article challenges his twin conjectures. First, the Article argues that there is little historical and no theoretical basis for the belief that courts will outperform legislatures in overcoming even deeply entrenched historic discrimination against deserving minorities — even as courts act to entrench the power of undeserving ones, like the powerful and wealthy today. Second, the Article contends that Ely’s almost complete failure to anticipate the inaction of the judiciary in policing the democratic process — except when judges assist their own ideological allies — is devastating for his theory, which depended precisely upon an empirical prediction. Ely’s conjecture about the comparative superiority of judges in policing the democratic process has proved untrue because he ignored ideological affiliation (focusing exclusively on personal self-interest) in supposing that, with their independence and life tenure, judges are less likely to act in self-dealing fashion than politicians. And the deepest reason for the ideological affiliation of judges, who often exacerbate what many take to be the worst pathologies of democratic exclusion, is that identifying what arrangements count as more rather than less democratic is itself a matter of intense ideological division. If Ely’s two conjectures fail, nothing remains to support the conclusion that judges deserve excess countermajoritarian power, leaving democracy’s shortcomings to be remedied within democratic politics — which is, in turn, the most desirable future of liberal constitutionalism.

Državna politika razdvajanja svećenika Katoličke crkve u Bosni i Hercegovini na „pozitivne“ i „reakcionarne“ (1945-1963)

The illumination of the state policy of separating „positive“ from „negative“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the most important issues in the scientific understanding of the position of this religious community during the first decades of existence of AVNOJ Yugoslavia. The post-war government in Bosnia and Herzegovina treated a large number of priests of the Catholic Church as real or potential enemies of the state. In addition to ideological reasons, which were more or less similar in all communist parties, the negative attitude of the CPY towards the Catholic Church was influenced by the fact that some priests supported the Ustasha movement during World War II. The justification for the negative attitude of party structures towards priests was argued most often in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs with the following reasons: that most priests supported the occupier and domestic traitors during the war; that they spread hostile propaganda against the national liberation movement; that they actively participated in the fight against the new social order; that they had committed war crimes and persecuted members of other faiths, and that they had been linked to criminal Ustasha emigration abroad. In addition to „negative“ priests, there were „positive“ priests that also acted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as they were reported in the documents of the Commission for Religious Affairs. They did not agree to the policy of confrontation with the state and demanded the establishment of dialogue and co-operation between the Church and the state. Some of the most prominent representatives of this group of priests were: Fr Bono Ostojić, Ph.D. Karlo Karin, Fr Mile Leko, Fr Josip Markušić, Fr Serafin Dodig, Fr Kruno Misilo and others. Holders of „positive tendencies“ among the clergy, according to the Commission for Religious Affairs, understood the importance of establishing communication and contacts with state authorities and the harmfulness of the negative attitude of the Catholic Church towards the state. Their goal was to change the methods of solving problems between the Church and the state, and to build a path that would suit the interests of the priests of the Catholic Church and the interests of the state community, without interfering with the church's dogmatic canonical principles. The „differentiation“ of priests was treated as a positive result of the work of the new government, because, according to their assessments, in the first post-war years, representatives of religious communities had a hostile attitude towards the newly created socialist Yugoslav state. Therefore, the Commission for Religious Affairs (federal and republican) has continuously pointed out the importance of implementing a policy of „stratification and differentiation“ within religious communities. According to the observations of the Federal Commission for Religious Affairs, the post-war „differentiation“ among the priests happened primarily due to their attitudes regarding the relationship between the state and the Catholic Church. Some considered it desirable and useful to establish communication with the newly created authorities, while others maintained a negative attitude. In addition to these two groups, there was a third group that was undecided. When considering the biographical data of the priests of the Catholic Church proposed for state decorations, it can be stated that the authorities carefully took into account which priests would be on the list of candidates recommended for awards. A positive attitude towards the new socialist social order, active participation in the establishment of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, loyalty, patriotism towards socialist Yugoslavia, and contribution to the development of the Association of Catholic Priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina, are some of the most important reasons for choosing candidates for awards. In the article, based on unpublished archival sources, the author contextualises the political circumstances and the circumstances in which the state policy of differentiation of „positive“ from „reactionary“ priests of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina took place, points out the reasons for and bearers of such policy, and analyses its expression and results. Also, the author presents the policy of awarding state recognitions and decorations to individual priests in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Flood risk policies in Italy: a longitudinal institutional analysis of continuity and change

ABSTRACT This paper analyses continuity and change in flood risk management policies in Italy between 1952 and 2020. By using the politicized institutional analysis and development (IAD) framework, we systematically analyse the interplay between discursive, institutional and contextual factors to explain policy continuity and change. Italian flood risk management has traditionally been state-centred and focused on flood protection infrastructure for hazard reduction. Although shock events and European Union directives have been triggers for change, the policy shift towards a risk-based approach has been hampered by strong centralism and a hostile attitude towards the differentiation of rules and practices.

August 1944 in Constanța. The Case of Rear Admiral Horia Macellariu

This paper focuses on the role of the Romanian Royal Navy and of the personality of the most capable commander of its maritime forces during the campaign in the East, in the 23 August 1944 decisive moments – Rear Admiral Horia Macellariu. In the context of the country’s exit from the alliance with Germany and of the political-military changes, and under the impact of the proclamation issued by King Mihai I, in Constanța, the problem for the commanders of the Royal Navy was very sensitive: the detachment from the RomanianGerman mixed command. The situation was characterised by uncertainties, the ships of the Maritime Naval Force being interspersed with many more German ships, which had a superior artillery equipment. Rear Admiral Horia Macellariu, the Commander of the Navy and directly responsible for the fate of the crews, was also under the Commander of the 9th Infantry Division. His orders, from the General Staff and the Naval Staff, to disarm or force the German troops to withdraw Southward, in Bulgaria, required special tact and diplomacy. The excellent working relationship between Rear Admiral Macellariu and German Admiral Helmuth Brinkmann helped to avoid a bloody confrontation, which could prove disastrous for the port and the city of Constanța After the withdrawal of the Germans, appointed Superior Commander of the Dobruja territory, Rear Admiral Horia Macellariu had the ungrateful task of receiving the Soviet troops, whose generals and admirals considered the Romanian Armed Forces defeated and treated them as such. A series of pressures followed, doubled by insults and hostile attitude on the part of the Soviet occupant, culminating in the forcible takeover of Royal Navy ships on 5 September 1944.

August 1944 la Constanța: cazul contraamiralului Horia Macellariu

This paper focuses on the role of the Romanian Royal Navy and of the personality of the most capable commander of its maritime forces during the campaign in the East, in the 23 August 1944 decisive moments – Rear Admiral Horia Macellariu. In the context of the country’s exit from the alliance with Germany and of the political-military changes, and under the impact of the proclamation issued by King Mihai I, in Constanța, the problem for the commanders of the Royal Navy was very sensitive: the detachment from the RomanianGerman mixed command. The situation was characterised by uncertainties, the ships of the Maritime Naval Force being interspersed with many more German ships, which had a superior artillery equipment. Rear Admiral Horia Macellariu, the Commander of the Navy and directly responsible for the fate of the crews, was also under the Commander of the 9th Infantry Division. His orders, from the General Staff and the Naval Staff, to disarm or force the German troops to withdraw Southward, in Bulgaria, required special tact and diplomacy. The excellent working relationship between Rear Admiral Macellariu and German Admiral Helmuth Brinkmann helped to avoid a bloody confrontation, which could prove disastrous for the port and the city of Constanța After the withdrawal of the Germans, appointed Superior Commander of the Dobruja territory, Rear Admiral Horia Macellariu had the ungrateful task of receiving the Soviet troops, whose generals and admirals considered the Romanian Armed Forces defeated and treated them as such. A series of pressures followed, doubled by insults and hostile attitude on the part of the Soviet occupant, culminating in the forcible takeover of Royal Navy ships on 5 September 1944.

“The Girl Who Cried Rape”: An Assessment of Rape Myths in the Moroccan Sociocultural Context

Empirical studies have unequivocally and consistently shown that rape myths are integral to the aetiology of sexual coercion and aggression. The present article reviews the literature on rape myth acceptance as an important risk factor in the sexual victimization of women and a precursor for a hostile social attitude towards victims of rape. Through the examination of the verbal reactions of the Moroccan public to the case of rape and torture of Khadija “the tattoo girl” (fata:t lwaʃm) on YouTube, it attempts to assess and debunk specific examples of rape myths present in the Moroccan sociocultural context. Discussion focuses on the social perception of female victims of sexual violence and the measurement and evaluation of its physical and psychological impact on them. Victims' emotional responses and psychic trauma constitute an important part of this discussion. Findings suggest the existence of immanently cultural rape myths, such as “the myth of the willing victim”, “it is impossible to rape a resisting woman”, and “women are prone to make false allegations”, along with deleterious victim-blaming cultural stereotypes, such as “she was asking for it”. Another noteworthy finding this paper presents is the social requirement of conspicuous "psychological/emotional harm" to legitimize the status of the victim.

Leadership for change: pathways to activism for African women with disability

In African countries, women with disability encounter severe discrimination as their devalued status as women intersects with negative and hostile community attitudes toward disability. Women with disability who are engaged as leaders in the disability movement play a vital role in addressing this discrimination. Through in-depth interviews, this study examined barriers and pathways to leadership encountered by women with disability from Tanzania, Ghana, and Kenya who were active within the disability movement. By dismantling and reshaping stigmatising attitudes the participants had been able to form a positive sense of self and gain the self-esteem needed to succeed as leaders. Publicly, they defied traditional gender roles by leveraging their privileged status as leaders; Leadership was often linked to educational attainment, and being educated legitimised and their achievements as women. Using an intersectional lens, this study sheds further light on the discrimination specific to African women with disability and the strategies that they employ to overcome them.

Демографическое развитие России в геополитических координатах ХХ – начала ХХI столетия

The article shows that due to the fact that Russia has the largest territory among the rest of the world, the richest natural resources, making it a self-sufficient, advantageous geographical position, as well as a kind of history of the creation and development of the state, in the past, and still causes hostile attitude to it a number of states. Thanks to sufficient human potential, Russia, constituting the core of a state united with other peoples in pre-revolutionary and Soviet times, was able to defend its homeland, even from such an enemy as Nazi Germany. The increase in the population of Russia has always been the most important factor in ensuring the security of the state. The paper provides a detailed description of the demographic development of Russia, both as part of the Soviet Union and as an independent state. The dynamics of the population of Russia is considered, on the one hand, in the group of countries with a predominance of the Slavic ethnos, and on the other hand, it is compared with the demographic dynamics of the English-speaking group of countries.

The Contingent Effects of Sexism in Primary Elections

Although the landscape for female candidates in U.S. politics has improved, research continues to find that many voters possess sexist attitudes. We rely on a standard political communication framework to help reconcile sexism in the electorate with increasingly favorable outcomes for women in primary elections. Based on two national survey experiments, we first demonstrate that in the absence of gendered campaign rhetoric, sexism is a weak predictor of support for female candidates on both sides of the political aisle. We then show, however, that when a male candidate attempts to activate sexism among voters by attacking a female opponent, gender attitudes become more salient—but not to the woman’s disadvantage. In a Democratic primary, gendered attacks backfire and lead to a significant boost in support for the female candidate. On the Republican side, a male candidate does not face the same backlash, but the attacks do very little to depress his female opponent’s support. While the persistence of hostile attitudes toward women has slowed the march toward gender equality in society, our experimental results suggest that sexism exerts only contingent effects in primary elections and not systematically to female candidates’ detriment.

“Between Japan and California”: Imaginative Pacific Geography and East Asian Culture in Penelope Aubin’s The Noble Slaves

Penelope Aubin’s mixed-up representation of Japan and the Pacific in The Noble Slaves (1722) has long been considered as an indication of the author’s insufficient geographical knowledge. In this essay, I reassess the East Asian setting of The Noble Slaves in the context of eighteenth-century geographical discourses. By examining Herman Moll’s maps as possible source materials, I argue that Aubin’s imaginative geography reflects not her personal ignorance but the limitations and uncertainties of contemporary cartographical knowledge about the North Pacific. Aubin uses the speculative nature of early Enlightenment geographical discourses for a narrative experiment and reimagining of East Asia. Aubin’s unique representation of East Asian cultures, such as Japanese Christian “Indians” and the ancient pagan temple, hinges on the emotions of wonder and curiosity, which can be read as a criticism of Robinson Crusoe’s hostile attitude toward the Far East in Daniel Defoe’s The Farther Adventures of Robinson Crusoe (1719). This essay ultimately situates Aubin as a significant participant in early eighteenth-century knowledge production about the world.