Homo Politicus Research Articles

Who Needs Homo Politicus? A Note On Faber, Manstetten and Petersen

KyklosVolume 51, Issue 3 p. 417-425 Who Needs Homo Politicus? A Note On Faber, Manstetten and Petersen Fritz Söllner, Fritz Söllner Prof. Dr., Technical University of Ilmenau, 98684 Ilmenau, Germany. I would like to thank Dr. Gerhard Sichelstiel for his comments.Search for more papers by this author Fritz Söllner, Fritz Söllner Prof. Dr., Technical University of Ilmenau, 98684 Ilmenau, Germany. I would like to thank Dr. Gerhard Sichelstiel for his comments.Search for more papers by this author First published: 05 May 2007 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6435.1998.tb01429.x AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume51, Issue3August 1998Pages 417-425 RelatedInformation

Homo Oeconomicus and Homo Politicus. Political Economy, Constitutional Interest and Ecological Interest

SUMMARYAre modern democracies capable of preserving the constitution of liberty and capable of preserving the natural basis of human existence in the long‐run? The achievement of these aims requires political actions toward fundamental changes in the life of modern societies. The respective political actors have to develop and to sustain long‐term constitutional and ecological interests. Can these actors be conceived as homines oeconomici? Within public choice there have been important attempts to derive long‐term interests on the basis of homo oeconomicus. These attempts have led, however, to theoretical difficulties. To develop a solution we introduce the notion of homo politicus. Homo politicus is concerned with the common search for the general interest of a political community which in traditional philosophy is called ‘justice’. The concepts of homo oeconomicus and homo politicus are not mutually exclusive alternatives, but dimensions of human behaviour. Neither of them can be empirically observed in its pure form. We argue that we need a combination of both concepts to understand political phenomena. Thereby we seek to contribute to a theoretical basis which allows the derivation of the constitutional interest and the ecological interest.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGKönnen moderne demokratische Rechtsstaaten langfristig eine freiheitliche Verfassung bewahrcn und den Fortbestand der natürlichen Lebensgrundlagen sichern? Die Verwirklichung dieser beiden Ziele macht politische Handlungen erforderlich, die zu fundamentalen Änderungen in der Lebensweise moderner Gesellschaften führen. Die politisch Handelnden müssen hierzu von langfristigen Interessen an einer freiheitlichen Verfassung (konstitutionelles Interesse) und am Fortbestand der natürlichen Lebensgrundlagen (ökologisches Interesse) geleitet wcrden. Können diese politisch Handelnden angemessen als homines oeconomici aufgefasst werden? In der Public Choice sind bedeutsame Versuche unternommen worden, Langzeitintcressen auf der Basis des homo oeconomicus abzuleiten. Dabei ergaben sich indes beträchtliche konzeptionelle Probleme. Um eine Lösung denkbar zu machen, führen wir den Begriff des homo politicus ein. Der homo politicus ist der Mensch, insofern er sich gemeinsam mil andern in einem Handlungsfeld betätigt, in dem es um das allgemeine Interesse einer Gesellschaft, in der philosophischen Tradition: um die ‘Gerechtig‐keit’, geht. Die Konzepte des homo oeconomicus und des homo politicus schliessen sich nicht gegenseitig aus, sondern verweisen auf verschiedene Dimensionen menschlichen Verhaltens, die in ihrer Reinform empirisch nicht beobachtet werden. Wir sind der Ansicht, dass die Untersuchung politischer Phänomene vielfach eine Kombination beider Konzepte erforderlich macht. Unser Ansatz versteht sich als Beitrag zu einer theoretischen Grundlegung, die die Ableitung des konstitutionellen und des ökologischen Interesses ermöglichen soll.RÉSUMÉEst‐ce que les démocraties modernes sont capables de préserver la constitution de la liberté et en měme temps la base naturelle de l'existence humaine? Pour attcindre ces buts, il faut des actions politiques pour des changements fundamentals dans les societés modernes. II faut que les acteurs politiques développent et soutiennent un interět constitutionel et un interět ěcologique à long terme. Est‐ce qu'il est possible que ces acteurs soient dénotés comme homines oeconomici? Dans la théorie de public choice il y avait des essais importants de dériver des interets à long terme en base de l'homo oeconomicus. Mais ces essais ont menés à de graves difficultés théoretiques. En adressant ces problèmes nous introduisons la notion homo politicus. Homo politicus est concernéà l'action politique. Cette action consiste en la recherche de 1 interět général d'une communité politique que l'on appelle ‘justice’. Les conceptes de homo oeconomkus et homo politicus ne s'exclusent pas mais sont des dimensions differents de la manière d'agir humaine. Aucune ne peut ětre observéc dans sa forme pure. Nous argumentons que souvent l'on a besoin d'une combinaison des ces deux concepts pour bien comprendre des phénomènes politiques. Avec cet article nous essayons de contribuer à la base théorique qui permet la derivation de l'interět constitutionel et de l'interět écologique.

Homo Economicus and Homo Politicus: Non-Economic Rationality in the Early 18th Century London Stock Market

The case of the early 18th-century London stock market is used to evaluate economic and sociological theones of market trading. Data from 1712 on shares in two companies (the Bank of England and the East India Company), and on trading among three different groups (political parties, ethnic-religious groups, and guilds) are used to show how economic theories of rational trading do not account for market behavior, even though the 1712 London stock market was a highly centralized, organized and active capital market. Trading was embedded in domestic and mternational politics as party groups used the market to control joint-stock companies, and as ethnic-religious groups used the market to provide financial support for Britain's war with France In addition to economic goals, political goals were pursued in the market.

Homo politicus; the political careers of Pierre Pflimlin and Jacques Chaban‐Delmas

Chastenet, P. and P., Chaban (Seuil, 1991), 606pp., 149R, ISBN 2 02 013535 3 Pflimlin, P., Memoires d'un Europeen de la IVe a la Ve Republique (Fayard, 1991), 391pp., 150F., ISBN 2 21 302809 9

:Thomas Starkey and the Commonweal: Humanist Politics and Religion in the Reign of Henry VIII

Acknowledgements A note on citations and abbreviations Introduction 1. Early life and education 2. Humanism from the source 3. 'Occasyon and tyme wyl never be restorey agayne': Pole, Paris and the dialogue 4. A responsible aristocracy 5. The dialogue in classical and 'medieval' tradition 6. An English spirituale 7. 'Homo politicus et regalis' 8. Writing for the drawer Conclusion Bibliography Index.

Anthropology and the Greeks.

Part 1: Classical studies and anthropology1. Antrhopology and the classics2. History, economics and anthropology : the work of Karl Polanyi3. The work of Louis GernetPart 2: Economy and society4. Archaeology and the social and economic history of classical Greece5. Town and country in ancient Greece6. Economy and society in classical Athens7. Homo politicus and homo economicusPart 3: Structure, context and communication8. The social structure of the ancient city9. 'Transcendence' and intellectual roles: the ancient Greek case10. Evolution and history: approaches to the study of structural differentiation

On Levin's “Animal Laborans and Homo Politicus in Hannah Arendt” (Volume 7, No. 4, November 1979)

On Levin's “Animal Laborans and Homo Politicus in Hannah Arendt” (Volume 7, No. 4, November 1979)

Reason and the Role of Persuasion

Previous articleNext article No AccessArticlesReason and the Role of PersuasionJames L. WiserJames L. Wiser Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 39, Number 2May, 1977 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2130058 Views: 7Total views on this site Citations: 2Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1977 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Graham Bullock Independent Labels? The Power behind Environmental Information about Products and Companies, Political Research Quarterly 68, no.11 (Mar 2015): 46–62.https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912914564685Neta C. Crawford Homo Politicus and Argument (Nearly) All the Way Down: Persuasion in Politics, Perspectives on Politics 7, no.11 (Feb 2009): 103–124.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592709090136

Voters and Elections: Past and Present

Previous articleNext article No AccessVoters and Elections: Past and PresentAngus CampbellAngus Campbell Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 26, Number 4Nov., 1964 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2128225 Views: 26Total views on this site Citations: 17Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: 6. Anhang, (Sep 2020): 721–815.https://doi.org/10.7788/9783412518974.721 Jeeyoung Park Homo Civicus vs. Homo Politicus: Why Some People Vote But Not Others, JOURNAL OF FUTURE POLITICS 7, no.11 (Feb 2017): 61–85.https://doi.org/10.20973/jofp.2017.7.1.61Harald Schoen Wechselwahl, (Aug 2014): 489–522.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-08240-6_11Henry E. Brady The Art of Political Science: Spatial Diagrams as Iconic and Revelatory, Perspectives on Politics 9, no.22 (Jun 2011): 311–331.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592711000922Robert S. Erikson The American Voter and the Economy, 2008, PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no.33 (Jun 2009): 467–471.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1049096509090751Daniel P. Franklin, Eric E. Grier TURNOUT AND REGISTRATION EFFECTS OF MOTOR VOTER LEGISLATION IN THE 1994 MIDTERM ELECTIONS, Southeastern Political Review 26, no.44 (Nov 2008): 923–932.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1998.tb00516.x James E. Campbell The Presidential Surge and its Midterm Decline in Congressional Elections, 1868-1988, The Journal of Politics 53, no.22 (Oct 2015): 477–487.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381600048404James E. Campbell The Presidential Surge and its Midterm Decline in Congressional Elections, 1868–1988, The Journal of Politics 53, no.0202 (Dec 2009): 477.https://doi.org/10.2307/2131768Jürgen W. Falter, Hans Rattinger Parties, candidates and issues in the German federal election of 1980: An application of normal vote analysis, Electoral Studies 1, no.11 (Apr 1982): 65–94.https://doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(82)90131-7Samuel Kernell Presidential Popularity and Negative Voting: An Alternative Explanation of the Midterm Congressional Decline of the President's Party, American Political Science Review 71, no.11 (Aug 2014): 44–66.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055400259297Samuel Kernell Presidential Popularity and Negative Voting: An Alternative Explanation of the Midterm Congressional Decline of the President's Party, American Political Science Review 71, no.11 (Aug 2014): 44–66.https://doi.org/10.2307/1956953Samuel Popkin, John W. Gorman, Charles Phillips, Jeffrey A. Smith Comment: What Have You Done for Me Lately? Toward An Investment Theory of Voting, American Political Science Review 70, no.33 (Aug 2014): 779–805.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055400174246Edward R. Tufte Determinants of the Outcomes of Midterm Congressional Elections, American Political Science Review 69, no.33 (Aug 2014): 812–826.https://doi.org/10.2307/1958391Daniel W. Fleitas Bandwagon and Underdog Effects in Minimal-Information Elections, American Political Science Review 65, no.22 (Aug 2014): 434–438.https://doi.org/10.2307/1954459 Irwin N. Gertzog The Electoral Consequences of a Local Party Organization's Registration Campaign: The San Diego Experiment, Polity 3, no.22 (Nov 2016): 247–264.https://doi.org/10.2307/3233987Barbara Hinckley Incumbency and The Presidential Vote in Senate Elections: Defining Parameters of Subpresidential Voting, American Political Science Review 64, no.33 (Aug 2014): 836–842.https://doi.org/10.2307/1953466Barbara Hinckley Interpreting House Midterm Elections: Toward a Measurement of the In-Party's “Expected” Loss of Seats, American Political Science Review 61, no.33 (Aug 2014): 694–700.https://doi.org/10.2307/1976088

President Kennedy's science advisory committee's report on pesticides

Pricing carbon to address climate change sparks divisions like few other policy options. From street riots to academic debate, it has stirred both passionate and principled disagreement, leaving scarce room for compromise between advocates and critics. Among scholars, what used to be nearly unanimous support for carbon pricing has ceded way to a more bifurcated landscape. We review the growing literature on carbon pricing shortfalls, and suggest a conceptual framework to differentiate three dimensions of failure, based on different manifestations of human behaviour: Homo Economicus, Homo Irrationalis, and Homo Politicus. We also apply this framework to identify and classify principles to overcome the three dimensions of failure. Our Perspective offers an agent-based view on the constraints that prevent deployment and efficient operation of carbon pricing in practice, and identifies pathways for improved policy design and implementation.