Liberal Party Research Articles

No representation without taxation: Which political parties support contributivism and how?

ABSTRACT Contributivism refers to the principle of conditioning rights to political participation on economic and other contributions. Access to citizenship and voting rights for immigrants often requires ‘doing something for’ the host society, which is usually measured in material terms. The limited research on ‘contributivism’ to date has focused on laws, norms, and public opinion. Little is known about the politics of contributivism, the positions of different parties, and the reasons for supporting or opposing it. This article analyses parliamentary debates on voting and citizenship rights in four European countries – Italy, UK, France, and Germany – since 2010 to identify the different interpretations that European legislators attach to the concept of ‘contributivism’. The discourse analysis reveals that a range of contributions are identified as prerequisites for participation: economic contributions, such as tax and pension payments, knowledge, and labour skills; social contributions, such as boosting demographic growth; civic contributions, such as voluntary work; and symbolic contributions, such as winning Olympic medals. The findings indicate that contributivist frames are typically advanced by centre-left and progressive parties to justify extending the franchise to immigrants, and are often contrasted with ethno-identitarian views of citizenship. Consequently, this study suggests a shift towards pragmatist arguments and reciprocity-based understandings of contributivism among centre-left parties.

The Past or a Foreign Country? Should the Conservatives Look to Churchill or Australia After the 2024 General Election?

AbstractFollowing its defeat at the 2024 general election, the Conservative Party will likely look for lessons either in its past—specifically its successful response to Labour's landslide victory in 1945—or from sister parties overseas, notably the Australian Liberal Party. The article argues that Britain and the Conservative Party have changed so fundamentally since the end of the World War Two—and indeed since 1997—to make any comparison meaningless. Highlighting the growing ‘Australianisation’ of British and especially Tory politics in the last three decades, it suggests instead that the Conservative Party would be better looking ‘down under’ for a guide on how to respond, even though critical differences remain between the two countries.

People's Socialists and Labor Group in 1917: Unity or Association? Bulletin of Science and Practice

The relevance of the problems of this study is due to the enduring importance of finding opportunities for compromise and unity of the progressive political forces of the country in critical, crisis periods of its history. The article examines aspects of cooperation, commonality and differences in the ideological views of two prominent political organizations of 1906-1917: the People's Socialist Party (PNS) and the Trudoviks, which united during the Great Russian Revolution in the summer of 1917 to form the People's Socialist Party of Labor. It is shown that, despite very productive cooperation in preparing a number of key programmatic issues (for example, agrarian), submitted for discussion in the State Duma and supposed to be consistently resolved in the course of the struggle for social justice, absolute political agreement between the People's Socialists and the Trudoviks did not occur. The factors that prevented this are analyzed: first, the desire of the Trudoviks to maintain the image of a non-partisan, non-ideological peasant faction, then the extremely difficult conditions for open opposition activity and the actual departure of the PNS from the political arena (1908-1916); Finally, the unwillingness of the Trudoviks to interact with the liberal parties during the revolutionary transformations of 1917 and disagreements with the Popular Socialists during the development of a project to resolve the national question. It is concluded that at the time of the creation of the united TNSP, the opportunity for organic unity was missed, and the party became more of an association than a team of genuine like-minded people.

Contesting Western support for Ukraine. The radical left in the European Parliament

ABSTRACT The 2022 full-scale Russian invasion into Ukraine challenged the political parties of the radical left and right that have traditionally been sympathetic to Russia. This paper examines the positions on the Russian war against Ukraine of radical left members of the 9th European Parliament (2019–2024), based on their voting behavior in the first year since the start of the full-scale invasion. The data show that the radical left is most divided over sanctions. In contrast, MEPs from the 18 radical left parties under study are highly united in their support of international law. The divisions among radical left MEPs correlate weakly with the geographical distance to Russia and with their parties’ position on the left/right-axis, but more strongly with parties’ position on socio-cultural questions: Socio-culturally progressive parties are more inclined to support an assertive stance towards Putin’s authoritarian and traditionalist Russia than socio-culturally conservative ones.

Institutions or ideology? Cross-party and cross-country analysis of factors contributing to the election of women to the European Parliament

Abstract The article examines the key factors influencing women’s electoral success in European Parliament (EP) elections. We present a new conceptual approach and a novel model that simultaneously incorporates trends in party characteristics, institutional and socio-economic factors and cross-country trends in women’s representation. The model provides a comprehensive analysis of the relationships between party-level and Member State-level factors and the election of women to the EP. The study is based on an original dataset of 450 observations on national political parties from all Member States, spanning four European elections from 2004 to 2019. Our results show that party characteristics such as incumbency rates, party size and ideological orientations (i.e. the party’s position on the GAL-TAN scale or its attitude towards European integration) play a key role in shaping women’s representation. This article provides novel insights into the unique features of Central and Eastern Europe, elucidating divergent patterns of women’s electoral prospects in conservative and progressive parties in Western democracies and Central and Eastern European post-communist EU Member States.

Saraiva, Cotegipe e a lei dos sexagenários

The present article aims at analyzing the illustrations of the nineteenth century illustrated press from Rio de Janeiro that approached the management of two Presidents of the Council of Ministers of the empire of Brazil. The first one, José Antônio Saraiva, a politician linked to the Liberal Party, ruled between the months of May and August of 1885. The second, his successor, João Maurício Wanderley, the Baron of Cotegipe, of the Conservative Party, holder of the position between August 1885 and March 1888. The research was carried out in two journals: O Mequetrefe and the Revista Illustrada, which approach the presidencies based on the production of humorous images and criticisms, notably about the Law of the Sexagenarians.

Más allá del partido: empresarios, tecnócratas y agentes políticos en los gabinetes ministeriales dominicanos

Objective/context: This study analyzes the partisan connections of individuals who attain ministerial positions in the Dominican Republic, identifying the influence of political parties, economic elites, and technical profiles in the formation of presidential cabinets. Methodology: Following the typology proposed by Camerlo and Castaldo, we categorize the partisan profiles of the governments of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) from 2016 to 2020, and the Modern Revolutionary Party (PRM) from 2020 to 2024. This aims to characterize their internal variation in scenarios of low formal institutionalization that are not captured by traditional dichotomous classifications. Conclusions: The heterogeneity in the influence of party leadership illustrates how Dominican parties diverge from the party government model. The predominance of non-partisan profiles in the core planning ministries, along with the presence of politician- businessmen in the rest of the portfolios, highlights the risk of political capture in this country. Originality: These results call into question the influence of the party as the center of power in dominant presidentialism.

Prediction of Canadian Federal Election Results Based on Multilevel Regression and Post-Stratification

In democratic countries like Canada, elections provide eligible citizens (aged 18 or older) the opportunity to vote and elect their leader. Since different political parties have distinct ideologies, election outcomes have significant societal impacts, making election result predictions crucial. This study aims to predict whether the Liberal Party will maintain its victory in the 2025 Canadian federal election using a multilevel regression model combined with post-stratification. The data for this research comes from the 2021 Canadian Election Study (CES) and the General Social Survey (GSS), with the cleaned datasets including variables such as age, gender, education, and province. Through the constructed multilevel logistic regression model and post-stratification adjustments, the results show that approximately 26.63% of Canadian citizens will vote for the Liberal Party in the next Canadian federal election. This prediction aligns with the hypothesis that the Liberal Party will not win the upcoming federal election. However, some variables in the model are not statistically significant, and the data is somewhat outdated. Future research should consider incorporating more variables and updated data.

Uma fusão discursivo-espetacular entre política, mídia e religião na campanha presidencial de 2018 no Brasil

The main objective of this article is to correlate the theoretical assumptions of enunciative Discourse Analysis and Guy Debord’s (1997) work on the social spectacle, through the proposal of a discursive-spectacular fusion between the political, the media and the religious, in the 2018 election campaign led by the party coalition “Brazil above everything, God above everyone”, composed of the Social Liberal Party (PSL) and the Brazilian Renewal Labor Party (PRTB). The aim is to demonstrate, from Debord's perspective (1997), the profound relationship between capitalism and social spectacle, understood as relations mediated by images. It also seeks to associate social spectacle and the scene of enunciation, a notion that recovers the process of representation of the very situation of speaking, through the discursive constitution of the enunciative instances: the enunciator/co-enunciator pair and the coordinates of time and space of enunciation. In addition, a proposal for analyzing the corpus is presented, which consists of highlighting, in the verbal-visual materiality, the traits that show the discursive functioning that is presented as the hypothesis of this research: a discursive-spectacular fusion between discourses that circulate in the political, media and religious fields, specifically.

The Role of Political Parties in Making Japanese Public Policy (Liberal Democratic Party as a Model)

Political parties are considered one of the most important political organizations and have a role in making and drawing up public policy. In Japan, they play a role, but there are not enough opportunities to assume governance. The Liberal Democratic Party is the most prominent party in Japan and plays a role in shaping and directing public policies in the country, and seeks to achieve a balance between the economy and the economy.And securityIn social affairs, the party played a vital role in promoting democracy and achieving political stability in the country. The party also seeks to manage the economy effectively and strengthen international relations through diplomacy and international cooperation, relying on its political orientations. The Liberal Democratic Party represents a model for political parties in Japan, which contributes to Effectively in making public policy and shaping the future course of the country, through its effective participation in governments, parliament and other democratic mechanisms, the Liberal Democratic Party remains a fundamental pillar in the Japanese political system, and a major partner in formulating and implementing policies that directly affect the lives of citizens and the future of the country. In its entirety.

제1공화국 후반기 자유당-민주당 갈등과 양원제 실현 논쟁

This paper examines the debate between the Liberal Party and the Democratic Party on bicameralism from 1956 to 1960, explaining why the realization of bicameralism failed. Bicameralism was adopted in 1952, but it was not realized. This gap between the constitution and reality became a major issue after the 1956 presidential election. When Liberals proposed a parliamentary amendment, Democrats opposed it and argued for the reinstatement of bicameralism, accusing Liberals of ‘unconstitutional’ neglect of bicameralism. After dropping the amendment, Liberals and Democrats enacted election laws for both the lower and upper houses. But after their defeat in the general election of 1958, Liberals claimed the futility of bicameralism. Democrats, on the other hand, urged the organization of the upper house, convinced of victory in the election. A massive dispute on bicameralism was violently ended, when Liberals used force to neutralize the enforcement deadline of the election law of the upper house. No further debate on bicameralism ensued in any degree of seriousness, and a bicameral system was not realized in ROK until the collapse of the Syngman Rhee regime.

Hizbut Tahrir's Political and Legal Movement in Indonesia During the Reformation Period

This research tries to explain and describe the political movement of Hizbut Tahrir in Indonesia. By using qualitative methods through literature studies, this research produces the conclusion that Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia is one of the most solid, neat and efficient sharia enforcement movements. has an international network. In fact, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia is also known to be the most radical, in the sense that it does not just fight upholding Islamic law but more than that also establishing an Islamic caliphate because according to Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, the application of Islamic law is absolutely impossible applied except within the framework of the caliphate. One of the strategies used by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia in spreading ideas, by controlling strategic arenas in the middle public.

As deputadas federais do Partido Liberal (2023-27): um estudo sobre as ameaças ao feminismo e à democracia

This article presentes a study on the performance of federal deputies from the Liberal Party in the 57ª legislature (2023-27) in the current processo of the confrontation against the principles ofthe feminism aiming to understand how the defense of anti-feminism and anti-democratic ideal is carried out by these legislators, vocalized of extremists values. Some academic currents reflect on the links between the advance of the extremism in politics and the defense of neoconservative values with the consolidation of neoliberalismo, with wich this research shares. The methodology adopted was an exhaustive survey at press report about the deputies, based on the profiles drawn, categories were created that inform the singulaties and diferences between them. The results show that the values and actions of these legislators threaten the rights conquered by feminist, movements, even democracy itself, demanding reflection on the need for the progressive movements to develop strategies to resist the advance of extremis and maitain sectors of the center and center-left with them, expanding the field of allies in the fight for rights and, above all, for the continuity of democracy.

Ideologie językowe w programach wyborczych Nowej Partii Postępowej w Portoryko

The aim of this article is to analyze language ideologies towards Spanish, English and bilingualism articulated in selected political party programs (or party platforms, programa de gobierno) of the New Progressive Party (NPP) in Puerto Rico after 2000. The study examines the beliefs, declarations, and objectives related to the main language ideologies on the island, regarding: (1) Spanish as the national language of Puerto Ricans (monolingualism); (2) English as the language of American citizens and the U.S. federal government (monolingualism); (3) English as a resource for social and economic advancement (linguistic instrumentalism and/or linguistic entrepreneurship); (4) bilingualism as a resource for social and economic advancement (linguistic instrumentalism and/or linguistic entrepreneurship); (5) English as a global language (perceived as a universal means of communication). The article examines the programs presented during the general elections that led to the NPP candidates assuming the positions of governors: Luis Fortuño (2009-2013), Ricardo Rosselló (2017-2019), and Pedro Pierluisi (2021-2024). This analysis is contextualized within the language debates that form part of the island’s long history of the coexistence of Spanish and English since 1898.

From Gender Gap to Gender Gaps: Bringing Nonbinary People into Political Behavior Research

The “gender gap” in voting is one of the most well-documented findings in survey research across democracies. However, gender gap research has traditionally assumed that everyone is either a man or a woman, which does not account for the growing number of people who identify as nonbinary. How do nonbinary people differ from men and women in their party identification and voting behavior? We answer this question using data from the 2021 Canadian Election Study online panel, which has a large enough subsample of nonbinary respondents to identify gaps in party identification and voting behavior. Nonbinary people are much less likely to identify with and vote for the Liberal Party or Conservative Party and much more likely to identify with and vote for the social democratic New Democratic Party (NDP) than both men and women. Many of these gaps persist even when restricting the analysis to LGBTQ respondents, adjusting for demographic variables that predict nonbinary identity, and adjusting for issue attitudes. Nonbinary people’s distinctiveness from men and women suggests that researchers need to add nonbinary response options to gender questions and, wherever possible, incorporate nonbinary people into analyses of gender and politics.

Trollope's Boxes: Liberal Privacy and Its Consequences in Phineas Finn and The Eustace Diamonds

Abstract This article explores Anthony Trollope's attempts to answer a question that preoccupied Britain's Liberal party in the second half of the nineteenth century: Should all subjects have an equal right to privacy? Trollope's Palliser novels Phineas Finn (1867–68) and The Eustace Diamonds (1871–73) examine this question through locked containers—the ballot box and the safe, respectively—that promise individual privacy but also create opportunities for dishonesty, deception, and fraud. Trollope's depiction of these material objects underscores his view that privacy is a privilege rather than a right and that it should only be granted to citizens who are capable of wielding it responsibly. Responding to recent legislation that extended privacy rights to women (in the Married Women's Property Act of 1870) and working-class men (in the Ballot Act of 1872), Trollope warns readers that the safety deposit box in The Eustace Diamonds and the ballot box in Phineas Finn present opportunities for the abuse and misuse of discretion by these subjects. The containers in these two novels thus reveal Trollope's reluctance to extend the privileges of liberalism beyond the sphere of middle-class men.

Political Party Affiliation and COVID-19 Vaccination Status in Japan, 2022.

An association has been reported between political affiliations and vaccination worldwide. In Japan, a significant proportion of the population are non-partisans, and major political parties advocate COVID-19 vaccination. The association between supporting political parties and COVID-19 vaccination coverage in Japan remains unclear.This study aims to investigate the relationship between political party affiliation and COVID-19 vaccination status in Japan. Methods: This study utilized data from large-scale nationwide internet surveys conducted in Japan in 2022, with a sample size of 21,162 participants. The surveys collected information on participants' COVID-19 vaccination status and political party affiliation. The political parties included in the analysis were the Liberal Democratic Party, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Komeito, the Japanese Communist Party, the Japan Innovation Party (Nippon Ishin no Kai), and the Reiwa Shinsengumi, as well as non-partisans. Logistic regression analysis was performed to examine the relationship between political partisanship and COVID-19 vaccine status. The analysis controlled for potential confounding variables such as age, gender, socioeconomic status, and geographic location. The odds of being unvaccinated were lower for supporters of large political groups (e.g. Liberal Democratic Party {OR 0.6; 95% CI, 0.5-0.7}), while higher for small political groups (e.g. Reiwa Shinsengumi {OR 2.6; 95% CI, 1.9-3.6}), in comparison with non-partisan. Political affiliation may be associated with vaccination disparities in Japan. Supporters of minor parties were more likely to be unvaccinated than those of the larger parties.However, this study has several limitations, including self-reporting bias andselection bias due to the Internet survey methodology.

Post-Dissident Politics and the “Liberal Consensus” in East-Central Europe after 1989

This article’s central question is how former dissidents and their engagement in post-1989 nascent democratic politics contributed to the emergence of what was later retrospectively labelled the “liberal consensus.” I look at the earliest stages of this consensus before it started to lock in the conditionality of the EU accession process. To this end, I first discuss the “liberal consensus” from a retrospective and past prospective perspective. I define the notions of “post-dissent” and liberal politics emerging after 1989 on the dissident platform. I discuss the theoretical background and historical contours of the notion of dissident “politics of consensus.” The empirical core of the study is an analysis of the birth of post-dissident liberal parties in the process of the disintegration of broad consensual democratization movements of the 1989 revolutions. The study offers a comparison of the Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, and Polish cases, analyzing their similarities and less obvious but significant differences.

Japan: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractJapan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) continued to slide in public opinion polls in 2023, with Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's approval ratings never recovering from the scandal over the party's association with the controversial Unification Church that was exposed in the previous year. Kishida survived an assassination attempt in April, and the LDP's subsequent strong performance in by‐elections helped to temporarily stabilise his leadership. However, the party faced a fresh scandal in November, when a police investigation into the misreporting and mishandling of ‘slush fund’ money by the LDP's major factions led to the removal of four senior Cabinet ministers and an even sharper decline in support for the Kishida administration. Rising consumer prices, due in part to a weakening of the Yen, were also a major concern throughout 2023, with inflation for the full year reaching 3.1 per cent, its highest level since 1981.

Generations of pride? LGBTQ+ rights, sexuality, and voting behaviour in Spain

ABSTRACT This study investigates the enduring presence of a sexuality gap in political behaviour within the unique context of Spain – an early-mover country in the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights. First, analysing supply-side dynamics, we demonstrate that political parties in Spain remain markedly polarised on LGBTQ+ rights. Second, utilising original survey data, we observe a more pronounced sexuality gap among younger generations: the youngest LGB voters demonstrate notably greater support for left-wing parties, particularly emergent progressive parties to the left of the social democrats than their older counterparts, while rejecting right-wing alternatives. These results underscore the enduring significance of sexual identity in shaping political behaviours, even in a nation celebrated for its strides in the advancement LGBTQ+ rights.