History Of Communism Research Articles

Indonesia’s Political Colours: From the New Order to Joko Widodo

This study aims to examine the meaning behind the political colours in Indonesia. It uses Roland Barthes’ semiotics analysis. The results show that yellow is identified with the power of Golongan Karya Party which means oligarch wealth; red symbolises the intertwine association of the communism history and the labour movement in Indonesia with PDI Perjuangan; blue symbolises the values of patriotism and neoliberalist agenda for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono: whereas the combination of red-white-black of Joko Widodo’s plaid shirt symbolises political progressiveness.

Oktobrska revolucija in Slovenci

Category: 1.02 Review Language: Original in Slovenian (Abstract in Slovenian and English, Summary in English) Key words: October revolution, Communists, Communist Party, social democracy, Spanish civil war, national liberation struggle, counterrevolution, Cominform, self-managed socialism, titioism, Third Way Synopsis: In this paper the author deals with the socialist idea, communism, and the history of communism and socialism in Slovenia in the context of the influence of the October revolution. It had an impact in the period following the end of the First World War when the Hungarian revolution engulfed also a part of Slovenian territory, and was also reflected in the post-war revolutionary fervour that emerged there. The second period of said influence was in the years 1945–1948, when Yugoslavia adopted the Soviet model, which it later abandoned after a dispute with the Cominform and, instead, adopted its specific self-managed socialism.

Is the Term “Stalinism” Valid and Useful for Marxist Analysis?

Is the Term “Stalinism” Valid and Useful for Marxist Analysis?Paul C. MishlerPaul C. MishlerSearch for more papers by this authorPublished Online:September 2018https://doi.org/10.1521/siso.2018.82.4.555PDFPDF PLUS ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations About Previous article Next article FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Cited byCited by1. United States Communist History Bibliography 2018Online publication date: 14 May 2019. Go to citation Crossref Google Scholar Volume 82Issue 4Oct 2018 Information© 2018 by S & S Quarterly, Inc.PDF download

What Can We Learn from the Business History of Communist Enterprises?

This comment challenges two main points of Phil Scranton’s article: his periodization, and the adequacy of the utilized sources. His interpretation neglects the efforts of the de-Stalinization attempts in Eastern European socialist countries during the mid-1950s, though these measures established all subsequent reforms. He based his argumentation on contemporaneous articles from the 1950s and 1960s while an expanding fresh literature is available on socialist economies, thanks to the large-scale declassification of formerly top-secret documents. However, his article is an extremely important contribution to the business history of communism and a delightful point of departure for many kinds of future research in this field.

The Three Seas Initiative: geographical determinants, geopolitical foundations, and prospective challenges

The Three Seas (Baltic-Adriatic-Black) Initiative was originally rationalised as a geopolitical alliance of NATO/EU member states of “New Europe”, from Estonia to Croatia, connecting the Baltic and Adriatic Seas. The member states, with the exception of Austria, share certain common denominators, such as communist history and NATO membership, prior to EU membership. The idea resembles the geopolitical idea of Intermarium, which was envisioned as a federation of independent Central and Eastern European states, based mostly on the ethnic principle. At present day, the Initiative is also intended to contain the influence of Russia and pull the states between EU/NATO and Russia out of the Russian sphere of influence. The post-communist NATO/EU member states are bandwagoning towards the U.S. and perceive NATO as the guarantor of their security. The Three Seas Initiative represents a geopolitical wedge between EU/Bruxelles and Moscow or, in geopolitical and historical terms, between Germany and Russia.

United States Communist History Bibliography 2017 – and Selective International Communist History Bibliography (with a special section on the Russian Revolution)

The principal subject of this annual bibliography is the English language scholarly literature of United States Communism (supplemented by some articles from serious journals of opinion, obituaries...

History of Science During the Cold War Under the Microscope

The general post-communist perspective of historiography on the Cold War era is that the world was divided into two blocs, so different and isolated from one another that there was no interaction between them whatsoever. As revisionist literature is expanding, the uncovered data indicates a far more complex reality, with a dynamic East-West exchange of goods, money, information, human resources, and technology, be it formal or informal, official or underground, institutional or personal. The current volume History of Communism in Europe: Breaking the Wall: National and Transnational Perspectives on East-European Science tries to confer more detail to this perspec­tive, by bringing together research papers that focus on the history of science during the Cold War. The articles cover a wide range of subjects, from biology to philosophy and from espionage to medical practices, all sharing an ideological context that continuously impacted and molded the professional relations among scholars from both sides of the Iron Curtain.

Reenacting the Past: Romanian Art since 1989

In July 2007, a few months after Romania joined the European Union, on January 1, 2007, the archives of communism housed by the National Archives of Romania opened to the public. The following year, as a result of an agreement between the National Archives of Romania and the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes in Romania, the online communism photo collection, containing photographs from 1945 to 1989 and from 1921 to 1944, became available on the Internet. Also in 2008, artists Ciprian Mureșan and Adrian Ghenie, in a conceptual response to this sudden presence of photographs documenting the communist history of Romania, started to paint Nicolae Ceaușescu as a mixture of personal and public snapshots of the communist leader’s life (fig. 1). “It was Ciprian’s idea,” Adrian stated in an interview with curator Magda Radu. “We wanted to find out if, given the imposed iconography [on communist artists back then and on ourselves now], it was still possible to make an aesthetically passable work.”[1] Their project brings up a daring question, which I argue still standardizes today’s studies of art produced under dictatorships in Romania and elsewhere. Could these portraits function as inspirational art/propaganda and as visual signs open to varied interpretations? Or, in art critic Boris Groys’s words, “Can you have a good portrait of a bad dictator?”[2] Ghenie explains, “My generation, we were all losers historically, economically. There was no culture of winning. Winning under a dictatorship is to make a deal with the power, which is a moral dead end. A black hole.”[3] Therefore, painting a successful portrait of a dictator must be a postmortem portrait realized outside the dictatorship, after 1989. The dictator’s portrait, once an imposed subject under the nationally-implemented aesthetic of socialist realism in Romania, suddenly became a choice within the realm of artistic interest. This way, for Ghenie and Mureșan, such an intentional return to the dictator’s portrait becomes an aesthetic quest to discover how to paint a dictator’s portrait in the wake of censorship.[4] The portrait, as a propagandistic format once imposed and ubiquitous, is now open to the possibility to fail aesthetically or to be rejected or abandoned by the artist. To learn about the past, therefore, often means repainting Ceaușescu as a father figure and a national hero, shrinking the dictator’s former palace to a small cardboard cake (Irina Botea Bucan, 2003), using documents and photographs and reconstructing images of monuments and cities (Calin Dan and Iosif Kiraly, 1995–1996), or replacing the old labels from socialist realist sculptures with new ones (Ileana Faur, 2012). Artists deconstruct historical artifacts and their symbolic meaning by dislocating historical facts from their inert official narrative and relocating them in the artist’s current personal instance. By actualizing these symbols, artists also point to the former dictatorship’s lingering ideological specter in today’s society.

Thoughts on the “Cult of Personality” in Communist History

Thoughts on the “Cult of Personality” in Communist HistoryJohn P. PittmanJohn P. PittmanDepartment of Philosophy, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 524 W. 59th Street, New York, NY 10019. [email protected]Search for more papers by this authorPublished Online:September 2017https://doi.org/10.1521/siso.2017.81.4.533PDFPDF PLUS ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations About Previous article Next article FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Cited byCited by1. Personality Cults from a Communicative StandpointOnline publication date: 6 July 2022. Go to citation Crossref Google Scholar Volume 81Issue 4Oct 2017 Information© 2017 by S & S Quarterly, Inc.PDF download

United States Communist History Bibliography 2016, and a Selective Bibliography of Non-U.S. Communism and Communism-Related Theory

The principal subject of this annual bibliography is the English language scholarly literature of American Communism (supplemented by the occasional article from serious journals of opinion, obitua...

Europe at the crossroads of three worlds: alternative histories and connections of European solidarity with the Third World, 1950s–80s

Over the past few years, there has been growing interdisciplinary interest in the history of European solidarity movements that mobilized on behalf of the ‘Third World’ in the wake of the post-war decolonization process. Focusing on European campaigns against the Vietnam War and Pinochet’s Chile, this article aims at positioning these international solidarity movements in the broader history of North–South and East–West exchanges and connections in Europe during the Cold War. It explores some key ideas, actors and alternative networks that have remained little studied in mainstream accounts and public memories, but which are key to understanding the development of transnational activism in Europe and its relevance to broader fields of research, such as the history of Communism, decolonization, human rights, the Cold War and European identity. It delves into the impact of East–West networks and the Communist ‘First World’ in the discovery of the Third World in Western Europe, analyses the role of Third World diplomacy in this process, and argues how East–West and North–South networks invested international solidarity campaigns on ‘global’ issues with ideas about Europe’s past and present. Together, these networks turned resistance against the Vietnam War, human-rights violations in Pinochet’s Chile, and other causes in the Third World into themes for détente and pan-European cooperation across the borders of the Iron Curtain, and made them a symbol to build a common identity between the decolonized world and Europe. What emerges from this analysis is both a critique of West-centred narratives, which are focused on anti-totalitarianism, as well as an invitation to take North–South and East–West contacts, as well as the role of European identities, more seriously in the international history of human rights and international solidarity.

Colonialism and imperialism in Communist thinking in Palestine/Israel, 1919–1965

ABSTRACTThe history of Communism in Palestine/Israel can be seen as an attempt to effect an Arab-Jewish anti-imperialist struggle. This article – which is informed by the literature about settler colonialism and Palestinian nationalism – portrays the way in which local Communists viewed nationalism, Zionism and imperialism. It argues that Palestinian and Jewish Communists did not fully comprehend Zionist settler colonialism and Palestinian nationalism.

Editorial

Editorial Kristin Stapleton With this issue, Twentieth-Century China is pleased to be working with a new publishing partner, the Johns Hopkins University Press, which has a distinguished record of scholarly publishing and journal management. Among its lists of outstanding journals is Late Imperial China. We look forward to a long and productive relationship with our friends at JHU Press. We also welcome Dr. Kelly Hammond of the University of Arkansas as the new book review editor. The TCC editorial board is grateful to the outgoing book review editor, Dr. Susan Fernsebner, for her years of service to the journal. All of the articles in this issue address the circulation of ideas and practices among Chinese closely connected to communities outside China, including religious, business, and scholarly communities, in the first half of the twentieth century. Analyzing the history of an early Sino-Japanese joint venture, Craig Smith argues that the Chinese and Japanese elites who at the turn of the twentieth century set up “Datong” schools for Chinese students in Tokyo and Yokohama combined Confucian learning with nationalism and “Asianism” in an effort to counter Western imperialism. Through the schools, they produced a cadre of activist students, such as Feng Ziyou and Su Manshu, who contributed to an ongoing critique of Western culture and Western aggression even as Chinese-Japanese relations deteriorated in later years. Melissa Inouye’s article explores a different stream of cultural influence over the same decades. Her study of the Chinese Christian Intelligencer, founded in 1905, demonstrates that news of the latest scientific discoveries in the world’s laboratories shared space with news about miraculous events brought about by faith in the Holy Spirit. Charismatic Protestantism offered Chinese communities a vision of modern life that included science as well as a direct relationship between and God and believers. The expansion of print culture, she shows, spread this vision across China, despite the disdain with which such intellectuals as Chen Duxiu regarded it. Chen Duxiu’s own role in shaping how “modern China” has been understood is the topic of Ya-pei Kuo’s article. In it, she examines how Chen Duxiu and other theorists of the early 1920s shaped the dominant historical narrative about the May Fourth period by formulating and circulating the idea that a coherent New Culture Movement emerged in the second half of the 1910s. Kuo argues that this handy historical formulation has obscured the heterogeneity of thought that characterized the period and has created a foundation upon which subsequent Communist history has built. The introduction to China of a liberal, capitalist-friendly practice of philanthropy is the topic of an article by John Fitzgerald and Mei-fen Kuo, who explore the career of William Yinson [End Page 1] Lee, an Australian-born businessman who introduced a range of charitable practices to Shanghai. Lee and other such returned émigrés, the authors argue, were well positioned to take upon themselves the task of regaining China’s “welfare sovereignty”—control over the sort of charitable work that foreign benevolent societies had been carrying out in China for decades amid much fanfare. Brian Moloughney’s article explores the friendship and intellectual collaboration between two scholars—Gu Jiegang, whose work laid some of the foundations of the twentieth-century reevaluation of imperial China’s cultural legacy, and Arthur W. Hummel, a missionary whose work with Gu, Moloughney argues, helped establish the modern field of China studies outside of China. The issue presents four book reviews: Faith Skiles and Helen M. Schneider review Daughter of Good Fortune by Huiqin Chen with Shehong Chen, Xin Zhang reviews Stephen Halsey’s study of the evolution of Chinese statecraft in the era of European imperialism, Di Luo reviews Mette Halskov Hansen’s work on rural boarding schools in contemporary China, and Hongmei Sun reviews Selina Lai-Henderson’s Mark Twain in China. Book reviews appear online at Project Muse (muse.jhu.edu/journal/390). [End Page 2] Copyright © 2017 Twentieth Century China Journal, Inc.

Understanding and Nourishing Christian Vocation to Higher Education in a Postcommunist Society

ABSTRACTTo understand the concept of Christian vocation within the context of higher education in a postcommunist society, reflection on its communist and postcommunist history is necessary. Thus, the authors first present an analysis of Eastern Europe's Marxist past, specifically focusing on the external and internal impact of that past on attitudes toward higher education of people living in a postcommunist society. Marxist statism, or the total dominance of the state over an individual, remains an external influence more than a quarter of a century since Eastern Europe's 1989 democratic revolution that reshaped much of the continent. In considering the topic of vocation within the context of Eastern Europe, the ethos that works inwardly on members of postcommunist societies must be noted: suspicion leading to self-doubt, passivity kept alive by bureaucratization, and strict compartmentalization of knowledge into science versus religion. In the second part of the article, the authors describe the concept of Christian vocation in a postcommunist society, as understood by contemporary younger and older generations based on data from two recent qualitative investigations. These studies allowed for comparison between the generational views and documented important attitudinal changes. The third section concludes by providing examples of good practices for nurturing an understanding of Christian vocation in higher education in a postcommunist context. Although the effectiveness of some of these practices has been documented over time, most are still in their infancy. Despite the new democratic political system, Christians need to reconsider the former dichotomies (i.e., state–church, public–private, scientific–religious) and become more actively involved in previously inaccessible and challenging areas of influential work such as teaching and managerial positions in higher education institutions. It should be noted that the term vocation, as used in languages of postcommunist European countries has several meanings such as invitation, calling, occupation, or profession; accordingly, the authors use the terms vocation and calling interchangeably in this article.

Revisionist histories, ‘future memories’: far-right memorialization practices in Hungary

ABSTRACTUsing two case studies under the Christian-conservative Orbán government, this essay explores how ‘future memories’ are being constructed and sustained by revisionist history writing about the history of communism, especially in instrumentalist memories using pedagogical instruments: the secondary literature curriculum and the Museum of Trianon. It argues that canonization revised by counter canonization is necessarily opening space for revisionism.

The ‘final bell!’ performing everyday memories of communism in the Czech lands

ABSTRACTThis contribution explores the importance of performativity in the collective memory of communism at a Czech high school in Pacov, where teachers and students re-enacted a ‘typical’ communist day as part of an end-of-school ‘happening’ in 2006. ‘Happenings’, originally employed by alternative artistic groups to challenge the totalitarian public sphere, have increasingly been appropriated by young people to stage their own narratives of the history of communism. The analysis utilizes ethnographic and interview material to explore the impact of everyday (i.e. social), rather than political, memories of communism, as well as humorous and ironic genres (as opposed to epic or moralistic versions) on young people’s engagement with the past.

The Royal Indian Navy Mutiny of 1946: Nationalist Competition and Civil-Military Relations in Postwar India

ABSTRACTThis article argues for the importance of the Royal Indian Navy mutiny of 1946 in two key aspects of the transition towards Indian independence: civilian control over the Indian military, and a competition for power between Congress and communists that undermined Indian workers and their student allies. The article begins with an investigation of the mutiny drawing on three sources: a first-person account from a lead mutineer, a communist history of the mutiny, and the papers published in the Towards Freedom collection. In 1946 a handful of low-ranking sailors sparked a naval mutiny that ultimately involved upwards of 20,000 sailors, and then crashed into the streets of Bombay with revolutionary fervour. The Communist Party in Bombay seized upon the mutiny as an opportunity to rally the working class against the British raj, with the hope of ending British rule through revolution rather than negotiation. Yet the mutiny proved less of a harbinger of what was ending and more of a bellwether for what was to come. Congress, sensing the danger of the moment, snuffed out support for the mutiny, and insisted on a negotiated transfer of power. Congress’s action thereby set a precedent for civilian dominance over the military in post-independence India. At the same time, however, Congress betrayed the effectiveness of some of organised labour’s strongest advocates, namely the Communist Party, Bombay students and Bombay labour, thereby undermining their costly mass protest, and hobbling them in future conflicts against Indian capitalists.

Normalizing Bribes as a Solution to Romania’s Deteriorating Health System

Normalizing Bribes as a Solution to Romania’s Deteriorating Health System

Smith, Stephen A. (ed) The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism (review)

SEER, 94, 4, October 2016 756 in literature, propaganda, and on the battlefield. Chapter six, ‘Return to Soviet Russia: Edwin Erich Dwinger and the Narratives of Barbarossa’, by Peter Fritzsche, examines a central figure in early German reporting on the Eastern Front and shows the spectrum of ideas surrounding the Nazi occupation in the east, from the ‘rational’ imperialism of German Ostforscher to the exterminationist fantasies of the radical core of the Nazi leadership. Chapter seven, ‘“The Diaries of Fritzes and the Letters of Gretchens”: Personal Writings from the German-Soviet War and Their Readers’, by Jochen Hellbeck, and chapter eight, ‘Ehrenburg and Grossman: Two Cosmopolitan Jewish Writers Reflect on Nazi Germany at War’, by Katerina Clark, call attention to Soviet and German preoccupations with civilization and barbarism, particularly with the socialist humanist belief in the civilizing function of culture, either in cosmopolitan writers’ impassioned propaganda or in ordinary soldiers’ personal letters. The final body chapter, chapter nine, ‘The Intelligentsia Meets the Enemy: Educated Soviet Officers in Defeated Germany, 1945’, by Oleg Budnitskii, discusses the moral ambiguity experienced by educated Soviet officers crossing into Germany in the spring of 1945 during the period of the Red Army’s harshest revenge against the German civilian population. Despite variations in approach, the contributions to Fascination and Enmity serve as an outstanding primer to the new historiography of ‘entangled history’. Collectively, the chapters provide an insightful introduction to the study of continuities and divergences between the world wars and in moments of the extended German-Soviet encounter during the short twentieth century’s ‘age of extremes’. History Department Nicole Eaton Boston College Smith, Stephen A. (ed). The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism. Oxford Handbooks in History. Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York, 2014. xiii + 658 pp. Tables. Notes. Select bibliographies. Index.£95.00. With the interest that is now so evident in transnational history, the need and opportunity for a global history of Communism has been met in one of two principal ways. For those, like many general readers, who prefer a singleauthored narrative, several accounts are now available by distinguished practitioners in the field. For those who as students and researchers have more specialist lines of enquiry, there are also a number of collective projects drawing on some larger body of expertise. Of these, the Oxford Handbook is in this reviewer’s judgment the most successful yet available in English. REVIEWS 757 The format adopted is that of thirty-five self-contained essays organized into sections on ideology, global moments, global Communism, Communist polities, social relations and culture. It is invidious in a short review to single out individual contributions. The authors nevertheless include a number of the leading authorities within their respective fields and a consistently high standard is maintained across the volume as a whole. Two other features serve to recommend the collection. The first is its inclusiveness of coverage both geographically and thematically. Given the particular expertise of the editor Stephen Smith, it is perhaps not surprising that the wider significance of the Chinese revolution is more fully recognized here than in some other general Communist histories. However, this is only one aspect of what might be described as the volume’s polycentric approach. This extends to chapters specificallyonEasternEurope(byPavelKolář),SouthEastAsia,LatinAmerica, Africa and the Islamic World, as well as attempts to connect these stories up, notably in the section on global moments. Only the USSR does not get its own essay, for the obvious reason that its presence is pervasive. However, it is in the Soviet case that the collection most of all reflects the conceptual breadth of current historiography, with social, political and cultural approaches all fully represented. The second impressive feature is the intellectual coherence that is achieved despite this breadth of approach. Each essay is designed to be self-standing and accessible individually online. As Smith nevertheless explains in his introduction, authors were also urged to range beyond particular cases and incorporate a comparative and transnational perspective within each contribution, and not just across the volume as a whole. It is true that some of them have entered more wholeheartedly into this than others. Among the essays clearly illustrating the benefits of...

Destivelle, Hyacinthe, O. P. Michael Plekon and Vitaly Permiakov Jerry Ryan (review)

SEER, 94, 4, October 2016 758 modernization (Mark Harrison) or social structure (Donald Filtzer), this has obvious justification in terms of their subject matter. On the other hand, ‘religion under Communism’, capably handled by Richard Madsen, might also have benefited from a more expansive treatment; while Soviet-focused discussions of ideology, culture and the intelligentsia do more or less exclude such major figures as Gramsci, Neruda, Lukács, Picasso, Brecht, Năzim Hikmet and even Trotskii. But it is obviously beyond the scope of a single volume to meet the personal preferences of every researcher. It is also in the nature of things that such a projectwillreflectwhatatthisstageisstillacollectiveworkinprogressonatruly transnational Communist history. Very aptly Smith entitles his introduction ‘Towards a Global History of Communism’, and both the helpful overview he provides and the collection as a whole will provide an important stimulus to a further broadening of horizons and cross-fertilization between different fields of research. Communism, as Smith reminds us, was a continuously evolving project exhibiting generic similarities which cannot however be collapsed into some ‘single essence of communist rule’. To register this complexity through a multi-themed approach while avoiding excessive repetition and overlap is some achievement. The Handbook can thus be thoroughly recommended, both for teaching purposes and as a valuable compendium for the specialist. School of Social Sciences Kevin Morgan University of Manchester Destivelle, Hyacinthe, O. P. The Moscow Council (1917–1918): The Creation of the Conciliar Institutions of the Russian Orthodox Church. Edited by Michael Plekon and Vitaly Permiakov. Translated by Jerry Ryan. University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame, IN, 2015. xviii + 447 pp. Appendices. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $36.00 (paperback). More than a quarter of a century since the fall of the Soviet Union, it remains a matter for astonishment that the local (as opposed to ecumenical) Church Council held in Moscow between 15/28 August 1917 and 7/20 September 1918 should still be all but invisible in most general accounts of the Russian Revolution. ‘What history will certainly remember from this council’, declares Father Hyacinthe Destivelle, ‘is the restoration of the patriarchate’ (p. 188). In fact, many scholars have ignored that, too, along with most of the other subjects he discusses in this excellent book. As he points out, the council was not convened to restore the patriarchate, for which majority support only gradually emerged, and ‘this restoration would not have taken place so quickly REVIEWS 759 were it not for the pressure of an outside threat that made a visible authority necessary’ (p. 189). So, while paying due attention to the question of leadership, Destivelle also treats a wide range of other topics including the Church’s relationship to the state and to other denominations, the relationship between clergy and laity (not least but not only in parochial administration), the role of women in the Church, and the Church’s role in elementary education. Scholars have no excuse for ignoring the Moscow Council since the first edition of this study was published in Italian as long ago as 2003. Reissued in French three years later, it was translated into Russian in 2008. The eventual appearance of this English-language edition, apparently based on the French version, is wholly to be welcomed even at such a lengthy interval. The notes have been updated (presumably by the editors, whose contribution remains unspecified) to incorporate references to subsequent English-language research. This is usefully listed, along with Destivelle’s outstanding 2010 French-language thesis on the Orthodox theological academies, in an addendum (pp. 352–53) to the original bibliography (pp. 423–32). Nevertheless, the book survives on the lasting strengths of the text itself. Roughly half of it is taken up with a clear translation, succinctly annotated by Destivelle, of the Council’s published Statute, Definitions and Decrees. These documents are prefaced by five analytical chapters. The first, having exposed widespread dissatisfaction with the Synodal regime at the beginning of the twentieth century, highlights Slavophile ideas of sobornost´ and concludes that it was not the crisis in the Russian Orthodox Churchbutratheritsongoingrenewalthatpermittedittocontemplateacouncil in 1905. The second chapter outlines the political and ecclesiastical debates that delayed the convocation of such a council between the revolution of 1905...