Background and Problem Stephen K. Bailey once characterized the American campus-state relationship as embodying a persistent human paradox-the simultaneous need for structure and for anti-structure, for dependence and for autonomy, for involvement and for privacy (1975, p.1). Because neither complete accountability of the campus to the state, nor absolute autonomy of the campus from the state is feasible, the crucial question confronting policymakers is where the line between campus and state should be drawn. The inevitable tension between these dual demands for freedom and control has vexed state policymakers for higher education throughout U.S. history, especially in the last half of the twentieth century. Prior to the Second World War, most states exercised relatively little formal regulatory control of higher education. However, during the dynamic postwar growth era of the 1950s and 1960s, the balance of authority dramatically shifted from campuses to state governments. The rapid expansion of state control was the result of a convergence of social and political forces both internal and external to higher education, including a historic surge in college enrollments, increasing sprawl in state systems of higher education, trenchant interinstitutional rivalries, and the growing regulatory capability of state governments. Although the centralization movement met with intense criticism from numerous national study commissions (Carnegie Commission, 1973; Carnegie Foundation, 1976, 1982), by the mid-1970s the pendulum had decidedly swung toward greater governmental control. The authors of one such national commission lamented: Guerilla warfare now goes on all across the nation over what belongs to the institution and what belongs to the state. Independence erodes yearly in the face of the greater forces in the hands of the state, and frustration on both sides grows daily (Carnegie Foundation, 1976, p. 18). Glenny and Bowen (1977) astutely observed that state intervention into higher education has taken place in almost infinite ways. Yet, the institutionalized control of public campuses was achieved mainly through the creation and subsequent strengthening of statewide coordinating boards (1) and consolidated governing boards. Through the mechanism of coordination, states superimposed upon campus governance structures a new entity whose responsibility was to make central academic and fiscal recommendations or decisions for an entire state. In consolidated governing boards, states achieved a highly centralized form of campus governance, whereby a single board was empowered to make all day-to-day management decisions for institutions within a particular system or state (McGuinness, 1998). The proliferation of these agents of centralized control was rapid; in 1950, state coordinating and governing boards existed in just 17 of 48 states, but by 1974 only three of 50 states were without them (Berdahl, 1971, 1975). In contrast with the universal trend toward centralized control of higher education in earlier decades, the 1980s and 1990s witnessed a diverse array of higher education reorganization and restructuring initiatives in the states (McGuinness, 1998; MacTaggart, 1996). One important development that arose during this turbulent period in state coordination and governance of higher education was a countertrend toward decentralization (2) of decision authority from the state to more local levels of campus control (MacTaggart, 1998; Marcus, 1997; McLendon, forthcoming). Marcus (1997) documented as many governance decentralization proposals (eleven) in the states between 1989 and 1994 as there were proposals to centralize higher education governance at the state level. In fact, from 1981-2000, at least 16 states enacted legislation decentralizing authority from the state to the campus level (McLendon, forthcoming). Although the precise dimensions of the decentralization countertrend prove challenging to limn, four primary forms may be delineated. …
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