Historic Peace Research Articles

From forgiveness and reconciliation to social capital and psychosocial well‐being: An evaluation of a multisite intervention in Colombia

AbstractIn 2016, the Colombian government signed a historic peace accord with the FARC‐EP after 50 years of armed conflict. Still, widespread obstacles to forgiveness and reconciliation remained. The current study explores the potential of reconciliation centres (RC) in Medellin to help counteract a return to violence. These seven RCs included three branches of programming about forgiveness and reconciliation to support community well‐being and social capital. A between‐group analysis, as part of a quasi‐experimental design, demonstrated no significant growth in participants’ understanding that restoration is different from reparation or awareness that reconciliation involves approaching the other to rebuild. There was enhanced acceptance that forgiveness is not forgetting and is a personal decision. While social capital increased, the perception that the community likes to help others and that community work benefits others decreased. The findings demonstrate the complicated relationships between reconciliation, community well‐being and social capital, especially for community‐level interventions in violent contexts.

Dhammapada: A Sacred Path toward Liberation from Harm Cycles

abstract: This project began as an interreligious exercise during Lent, a Christian season of increased spiritual practice. What resulted, in part, is this work, a translation and commentary on the Dhammapada (included here: the introduction and translations of three chapters with chapter commentaries). Like the Sermon on the Mount to Christians and the Bhagavad Gita to Hindus, the Dhammapada is considered the heart of Buddhist teaching. Ultimately, this work is a secondary translation or popular interpretation, akin to Thomas Merton's translations of Chuang Tzu and Coleman Bark's translations of Rumi's poetry. And rather than a scholarly translation, this work is a spiritual and devotional interpretation. Among the choices I have made in this translation include gender-inclusive and affirming language, often opting for they/ them pronouns. In chapter intros, I have included resources, brief commentary, and cultural and academic notes that have helped to shape this translation. Such influencers of this translation include Ella Baker, Kendrick Lamar, Bessel van der Kolk, Lama Rod Owens, and others. The next choice I have made, instead of translating the words dukkha and samsara to sorrow/suffering and reincarnation , respectively, I have often translated these terms to harm cycles and generational suffering . My hope is that these terms capture the original meanings while also creating expansive language to hold possibilities for new understandings within Gautama Buddha's teaching. As the translator of this text, it is important to name my twenty-first-century context, influences, and identity as a person raised mostly in the Upper Midwest of the United States and who has lived in Brooklyn, New York, for the past twenty years. This translation is filtered through the lenses of my lived experience, education, social-familial position, economic status, ethnic-cultural and gender identity (as a cis male of Scandinavian-Hutterite descent, who is identified as white ), and multiple other influences. My sources include peace studies, trauma/resilience studies, liberation theology, and more than fifteen years of experience as a spiritual teacher and minister in the Anabaptist tradition (i.e., the historic peace church) of Christianity. It is through these lived experiences that this translation emerges. And, specifically, what has emerged, at least in part, is a trauma aware, liberationist interpretation of the Dhammapada.

Issue Notes

The paper presented by Lucille Marr, “Ontario’s Conference of Historic Peace Church Families and the ‘Joy of Service,’” may be found in the Mennonite Quarterly Review(forthcoming). A revised version of the paper presented by Douglas H. Shantz, “The Master Work of a Minor Prophet: The Literary Career of German Court Pietist Court Preacher Conrad Bröske,” may be found in the Festschrift für Prof. Dr. Hans Schneider, to be published and presented to him in July 2001. The volume will appear in the series “Quellen und Studien zur hessischen Kirchengeschichte.” The papers by Elsie Watts (“From YMCA to University 101: Secularization and the University of South Carolina after 1945”) and Thomas W. Evans (“British Religious Experiences in Nineteenth-Century New Brunswick”) were not made available for publication.

Queering Mennonite Literature: Archives, Activism, and the Search for Community

Queering Mennonite Literature: Archives, Activism, and the Search for Community

Review: Verde, by Federico Rios Escobar

Review: <i>Verde</i>, by Federico Rios Escobar

Peace Treaty versus Democratic Peace as a Peace Building Measure in Northeast Asia

This paper compares and reviews the dissolution of wartime alliances and the promotion of democracy as a measure to build peace in Northeast Asia. First, since the Korean War remains in armistice without an official ending, a peace treaty to dismantle wartime alliances has been argued to establish a peace regime. Yet peace treaty is a doubleedged sword; although the treaty sometimes contributes to peace, it sometimes breaks down the deterrent of war and goes against peace. Second, democratic peace is a measure to establish a peace regime through the spread of democracy. Democratic peace, however, does not work in a simple manner. In order to pursue peace, democracy needs to be accompanied by the measure of historical peace that past affairs must be reconciled for peace. Shared values such as democracy and collective security will contribute to peace in Northeast Asia.

Promoting Internal Armed Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding: The Case of the U.S.-Colombia Relations (Part II)

In the present paper the author continues the study of the challenges faced by Colombia in its struggle to overcome the internal armed conflict, as well as the role of the United States in this process. By 2010 the confrontation between the government forces and the armed rebels had reached a breaking point opening the way to a successful conclusion of the Government of Colombia–FARC peace negotiations and the beginning of the country’s post-conflict reconstruction. The paper thoroughly examines the negotiations process, identifies the key disputed issues and the measures outlined for their resolution, including mechanisms of transitional justice, agrarian reform, programmes for demobilization and reintegration of the former combatants. The results of these talks laid the foundation for the historic Peace Accord of September 26, 2016. However, against all hopes and expectations, the agreement failed to bring an end to the long-standing internal conflict in Colombia. The failure of the national referendum, which was designed to approve the agreement, not only revealed deep divisions in the society, but forced the government to make serious concessions to the opponents of the negotiations with FARC. The author emphasizes the growing erosion of the hard-won consensus in the Colombian society, accompanied by the consolidation of the right-wing conservative camp. In this context the role of external sponsors of the peaceful agreement in general and the United States in particular becomes crucial. The paper presents a comparative analysis of approaches to providing aid to Colombia demonstrated by the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The author concludes that despite substantial differences, for both administrations the ultimate objective was national security of the United States. That was clearly demonstrated by the fact that the US foreign aid to Colombia focused primarily on the fight against the illegal production of and trafficking in drugs, while the issues of peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction received less attention. Assessing Colombia’s experience in overcoming the internal conflict and the role of the United States in that process, the author concludes that although prioritization of security issues may have a considerable organizing potential, at the same time it may be detrimental to the process of post-conflict reconstruction in general.

SUDAN: Historic Peace Deal

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 57, Issue 10 p. 22919B-22921B National Security SUDAN: Historic Peace Deal First published: 24 November 2020 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2020.09723.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume57, Issue10November 2020Pages 22919B-22921B RelatedInformation

The Afghan Peace Agreement: Repercussions for South Asia

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; A historic peace deal was reached between the Afghan Taliban and the U.S. government in the hope of ending the decades-old war in Afghanistan. America’s protracted war in Afghanistan is expected to come to an end with the life loss of millions of civilians, thousands of American troops, and billions of dollars. This peace deal is significant in a way that never in history, has a sitting government negotiated with a violent non-state actor, let alone reaching a peace deal with them. This would act as a precedent for such agreements in the future with other non-state actors to restore peace and stability around the globe. However, whether this deal is good enough to sustain peace will be apparent in the future. How the Afghan peace deal will play out in the future is yet to be seen, but the fact that two conflicting parties made it work after years of negotiations is an effort that needs to be acknowledged. The legitimacy of this deal would be derived from the indigenous support from domestic stakeholders and regional powers. The people of Afghanistan have suffered the most in a tug of war between the Taliban and the U.S. government. They deserve a homeland where they can live and work freely without any fear. Thousands of Afghans have been displaced as a result of this war, and this new deal will provide opportunities for the rehabilitation of Afghan refugees. It is high time that Afghanistan closes its woeful war-stricken chapter and embarks upon a road towards development. The Afghan peace deal has the potential to provide stability to an already turbulent South Asian region. With one less threat to deal with, the countries in the region can focus on mitigating other prospective threats to peace and security in South Asia.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

The Historical Context of “A Westphalia for the Middle East?”

Abstract This article considers the fit of the “Westphalia for the Middle East” project with the historical Peace of Westphalia. It takes as its point of departure Proudhon’s distinction between the “judgment” and “reasons” of a treaty. The “reasons” behind the Peace of Westphalia include broad participation of interested parties, religious compromise, involvement of external powers in Imperial government, and ending a war. Of these, the involvement of external powers in another state’s government presents the greatest problem mapping to the Middle East, chiefly because the project proposes to treat the Middle East as a whole like the Holy Roman Empire in the Peace of Westphalia.

평화 주체로서의 교회 이해와 실천 과제 재설정

Church is an active moral agent for making peace in social relations. To do so, the moral characteristic of church should be reexamined. Church is not only a social institution, but also a movement of transformation. Church has the vision of God’s radicality as peace and inner moral power to be against social evils. Historic peace churches have emphasized mutual relations based on the union with Christ and refused the co-existence with unjust, violent social structures. They have moved toward a more just society by following Jesus’ way of life, a specific way of peace. In the society, church as an active peace-agent should be a field for a peace-education and movement. Finally, new focal points of ethic of risk, remaking connections, and solidarity are needed for peace-movement of the church.

Pacifism and the Question of Responsibility

ABSTRACTThis article explores the relationship between pacifism and responsibility through conversations with four white U.S. women formed in historic peace church traditions. The conversations resist the dominant tendency to present pacifism and responsibility as dichotomies. For these women, responsibility is not an absolute criterion to which a pacifist position must answer; nor is it a worldly commitment shunned by faithful adherence to the gospel. Rather, responsibility is a crucial yet highly contextual consideration in the pacifist life one cannot but live. This article concludes that it is a mistake to utilize responsibility as an external criterion by which to judge pacifism and a mistake to deny the importance of responsibility in a pacifist life. Both of these dichotomous arrangements mischaracterize the lived experience and moral reflection of the interviewees. The question of responsibility is not whether one should be a pacifist, but how to live nonviolently in a violent world.

Militarized peace: understanding post-conflict violence in the wake of the peace deal in Colombia

ABSTRACT After more than 50 years of war, in 2016, the Colombian government signed a historic peace accord with the country’s largest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Although the cessation of hostilities between the rebel group and the government is a monumental step, violence remains rife in the country. By drawing attention to the correlation between neoliberal economic development in the country and militarism, this paper sheds light on several structural issues that have been left potentially unresolved by the peace negotiations, each with the potential to ignite further violence. We introduce the concept of militaristic neoliberalism to argue that there is a fundamental link between Colombia’s neoliberal development and a culture of militarism, which relies on gendered and racialized constructions of ‘self’ and ‘other’, that exacerbate structural inequalities and severely hampers prospects for achieving peace for many of Colombia’s citizens post-conflict.

Peace of Cake? Comparative Analysis of Northern Irish and Korean Peace Processes

This article investigates and defines the essential variables in the historical peace processes in Northern Ireland and Korea and sets essential preconditions for future peace negotiations on the Korean Peninsula. To do so, we conduct a rigorous examination of all Northern Irish agreements to indicate why past Korean peace processes have failed and to offer alternative policy suggestions. Crucial ingredients for a successful peace process are the structure of each negotiation framework, the inclusion of and concessions by key actors in each negotiation, the respect of core interests of each party, and tangible reduction of tensions.

Narrativas Históricas sobre el Conflicto Armado Colombiano y sus Actores. Estudio a Partir del Análisis de Textos Escolares.

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“A Greater Danger than a Division of the German Army”: Bible Students and Opposition to War in World War I America

In June 1918, seven leaders of the International Bible Students Association (IBSA), a small but high profile Christian community, were convicted under the United States Espionage Act and sentenced to twenty years in prison. The conviction stemmed from the unique position on Christianity and war propagated by Charles Taze Russell, the Bible Students’ fountainhead. The refusal of the IBSA leaders to countenance the hypernationalism which accompanied America's entry into World War I in April 1917 but instead to circulate widely antiwar literature made them a target for governmental authorities intent on silencing those opposed to America's involvement, particularly communities invoking the Bible to condemn militarism and conflict. This article argues that the fundamental differences between the IBSA's antiwar position and those of the historic peace churches made them a particular challenge to the American political and religious establishment, which regarded Bible Student theology as explicitly political and cast their literature as a potent weapon against America's prosecution of the war. It ultimately aims to write the IBSA into the history of opposition to war not in spite of but because of their unusual position on Christianity and armed conflict. By doing so, the article also reveals the origins of conscientious objection for Jehovah's Witnesses, as the Bible Students are now called, known worldwide for their refusal to perform military service.

From demonisation to rapprochement: Abiy Ahmed’s early reforms and implications of the coming together of Ethiopia and Eritrea

ABSTRACTIn July 2018, the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a historic peace agreement. The emergence of new leadership in Ethiopia was key to the unprecedented coming together between the two countries. This piece briefly discusses Ethiopia-Eritrea relations, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali’s ascent to power and the reconciliation between the two counties. It contends that the agreement is likely to affect the domestic political landscape in each country, while also affecting inter-state relations in the Horn of Africa.

I. The Nonviolence–Just War Nexus

Gerald Schlabach wrote that a key test of progress for Catholicism in its dialogue with the historic peace churches on nonviolence and the use of force would be that the church's teaching on nonviolence would become “church wide and parish deep.” While modern Catholic social teaching has recognized nonviolence since the time of the Second Vatican Council, and Pope Saint John Paul II gave nonviolence strong, formal endorsement in his 1991 encyclical Centesimus Annus, the church's teaching on nonviolence is hardly known in the pews. If they are familiar at all with Catholic teaching on peace and war, most Catholics would know the just-war tradition, especially through the US bishops’ 1983 pastoral letter, The Challenge of Peace. But the newer and still relatively slight teaching on nonviolence is hardly known at all. Only by rare exception do Catholic preachers address issues of peace and war.

The Historic Peace Churches and the Reformations

This contribution considers the broad historical and theological category of Reformation and Reformations in relation to the Historic Peace Churches before turning to a more detailed consideration of recent and contemporary meaning of Reformation(s) in selected settings and needs: Mennonites in Taiwan; Friends in East Africa, especially Tanzania; and the Church of the Brethren in Nigeria. Reformation insights of the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries continue to inform, inspire, and sustain Mennonite, Quaker, and Brethren communities in contexts quite different from those in which our communities arose and from one another.

An Appraisal of the Colombia DDR Process in Light of the Revised Peace Agreement between the Government and the FARC

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; After more than four years of negotiations the Colombian Government and the FARC have reached a historical peace agreement, signed on 26 September 2016 and, in a shocking turn of events, ultimately rejected in an up-or-down referendum held on 2 October 2016. Only 41 days after the plebiscite the two parties have revised the original deal and submitted a new version to the Congress, which approved it on 30 November 2016. The deal, upon which relies the possibility to finally achieve a stable and lasting peace, covers several crucial issues, including what will happen to the FARC rebels once the armed conflict is officially over.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; The establishment of an effective DDR process is an essential step to ensure that FARC members will meaningfully transition into civilian life and it represents one of the most controversial aspects of the peace agreement. Moving from the assumption that DDR programmes are not stand alone mechanisms, but fall within a broader framework that covers a number of important and intimately entwined aspects, like the issue of accountability and the rights of victims, the present article, after looking at Colombia’s past attempts to reintegrate former combatants, aims at discussing the DDR process envisaged in the current peace deal, highlighting its main strengths and shortcoming.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;