Hindu Nationalism Research Articles

Modi's India: Hindu nationalism and the rise of ethnic democracy

Modi's India: Hindu nationalism and the rise of ethnic democracy

“How crazy is your maid?” Domestic workers in the “new India”

AbstractIndia is celebrated as one of the largest emerging economies but domestic workers remain a large workforce that is unorganized and exploited. As the figure of the “maid” changes in contemporary popular culture, how do more elite, middle-class employers understand domestic workers in the “new India?” This article draws on inter-textual discussions on social media platforms such as Quora and Twitter where most discussants are urban, class and caste privileged, and display Hindu nationalist identities. It examines representation of recent conflicts at large condominium complexes to argue that new infrastructure projects become a crucial terrain on which class, caste and religion-based struggles are mapped, Second, it focuses on popular narratives of “entrepreneurship” for domestic workers and argues that these narratives worsen structural inequities. Finally, it studies new technology as a means of creating inclusion for domestic workers that serve to further mark them by class, caste and other marginalized identities.

Pilgrimage Space, Hinduization of Space, Hindutva Politics of Space, and the Case of Ayodhyā as a Religious and Religiopolitical Hotspot

Abstract In this article I analyze aspects of religious geography in the mobilization by Hindu nationalists in India in the 1980s and 1990s and how Hindu nationalism and Hindu religious geography were merged in the case of the Ayodhyā conflict. Ayodhyā was consciously changed from a pilgrimage center (tīrtha) of diminishing religious importance into a religiopolitical hotspot by political forces. The potential for a Hindu–Muslim conflict and for mobilizing support for their vision of a Hinduized India was probably what made the place attractive for Hindu nationalists. The article argues that Hindu nationalism exploited the views of territoriality of traditions of pilgrimage and salvific space and merged these with their political nationalist agenda, and that it was this blending of views of space from the pilgrimage traditions, ideas of national territory, and Hindu nationalists’ ideas of a homogeneous Hindu nation with aggressive political agitation that turned Ayodhyā into a religiopolitical hotspot.

Rising Gender Inequities: The Case of Authoritarian Patriarchy

In 2014, India elected a populist government, the Bharatiya Janata Party, headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. In line with other populist leaders, such as the former U.S. President, Donald J. Trump, President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán of Hungary, and President Erdoğan of Turkey, Narendra Modi has brought about a rise in Hindu nationalism that promulgates values steeped in fundamental religious practices promoting the interests of the majority Hindu community at the expense of religious minority groups and marginalized and disenfranchised people of lower castes. A rise in gendered conservative norms deeply embedded in patriarchy and ethnonationalism has created a clear division in gender roles in nation-building. This study will utilize a social equity framework to examine ways in which systems of oppression, inequities, discrimination, and bias are maintained across gender, caste, and religion and perpetuated under the name of authoritarian patriarchy in India.

Modi’s India, Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy

Modi’s India, Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy

Covid-19, communalism, and Islamophobia: India facing the disease

ABSTRACT As threats to human security, epidemics cause fear and anxiety, thus generating conspiracy theories, fake news, and discrimination. In 2020, the most widespread xenophobic reaction to the Covid-19 pandemic was Sinophobia. In comparison, India’s response to the pandemic was both conventional and exceptional. Like other countries, India recorded a surge in Sinophobia; but –remarkably– in Islamophobia too. Turning to both history and theory, this paper investigates how Coronavirus got transformed into a ‘Muslim disease’ and connected to narratives of holy war and Islamization (‘Corona Jihad’). We contextualize the 2020 Covid-related Islamophobic wave within a longer process of demonization of the Muslim that is catalysed by the beliefs and policies of Hindu nationalism. In light of Muslims’ continuing relegation to the fringe of the Indian body-politic, we propose an interpretation of the 2020 disease-induced Islamophobia as scapegoating, based on René Girard’s mimetic theory. In conclusion, the case of Covid-19 in India confirms that in divided societies collective threats like epidemics are likely to exacerbate already existing forms of discrimination rooted in the society’s mainstream memory and norms, and highlights the role of beliefs in mediating between threat and violence. This case study also highlights the deep penetration of communal discourse in India’s everydayness and its far-reaching implications.

ОСНОВНЫЕ НАПРАВЛЕНИЯ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ИНДУССКИХ НАЦИОНАЛИСТИЧЕСКИХ ОРГАНИЗАЦИЙ ЗА ПРЕДЕЛАМИ ИНДИИ

In modern India, the Hindutva ideology, which many researchers call the Hindu nationalism, occupies a leading position. It is actively promoted by such organizations as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has been in power since 2014, not only within India, but also abroad, primarily in countries with a large-size Indian diaspora. The involvement of diaspora plays a crucial role in the consolidation of Indian society along religious lines, which is emphasized by these organizations. The work of spreading of the Hindutva is complex, and this will be discussed in this article. The main attention is paid to the activities and activities of Hindu nationalist organizations abroad, the main reasons for their work being to consolidate the Indian diaspora and involve it in their ideology. The purpose of the article is to show the level of activity of these organizations outside the territory of India and their methods of work abroad. The study used materials from the official websites of these organizations and their foreign branches, as well as allied organizations that are not involved in political activities. They are the main sources of research. Some of these organizations have not yet been studied in Russian historiography. Studying the activities of organizations that promote Hindutva outside of India allows one to gain a deeper understanding of the ideology of Hindu nationalism, the methods of its spreading and the reasons for strengthening its political positions.

Hindu nationalist statecraft, dog-whistle legislation, and the vigilante state in contemporary India

Hindu nationalist statecraft, dog-whistle legislation, and the vigilante state in contemporary India

Индусская националистическая организация «Раштрия сваямсевак сангх»: история и современное состояние

This article examines the Hindu nationalist organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), its history and current state. The relations of the RSS with Sangh Parivar are determined. The main factors of organizational cohesion between all branches of the RSS are identified. The transformation of the ideological and structural components of the Hindu nationalist organization is analyzed. According to the results of the study, the following conclusions are made. Firstly, the cohesion within the Sangh Parivar is due to the sangatan mantri (organizational secretary) system practiced in all branches, as well as the autonomy provided to subsidiaries. Secondly, the rapid comprehensive development of India has made Indian society more complex, which has affected the RSS, both the membership of the organization and the ideological orientation. The evolution of the RSS is manifested in its desire to go ideologically beyond the Hindi-Hindu culture of Northern India. These changes demonstrate the willingness of the organization to change ideologically and organizationally, in order to gain mass support in a changing India.

The ‘Vulnerable’ Hindu Woman, Love-jihad, and the Indian Courts: The Hadiya Case - Commentary on Asokan K.M. v. State of Kerala (2017) 2 KLJ 974

In Asokan K.M. v. State of Kerala (2017) at the behest of a disgruntled Hindu father whose daughter had converted to Islam and married a man of her choice, the Kerala High Court (HC) cast the daughter, Hadiya, as a ‘vulnerable’ woman before annulling her marriage. In this article, I place the infamous Hadiya case within a broader history of love-jihad – an ascendant Hindu nationalist conspiracy in India that asserts that Muslim men wish to convert Hindu women to Islam by feigning love and seducing them, thus posing a threat to all Hindu women, and by extension to the community and the nation itself. I then analyse the public perception and the media discourse around the trial, before turning to the Indian Supreme Court’s (SC) judgment in the case. I argue that by denouncing patriarchy and ostensibly finding in favour of Hadiya, the SC judges portrayed themselves as feminist allies, yet by allowing the National Investigation Agency to continue their ‘terror’ investigation against her husband, they not only insidiously undermined Hadiya’s decisions, but also revealed the shallowness of their feminist stance. In the last section, I appraise the rewritten feminist judgment offered by Urmila Pullat and Sandhya PR who situate themselves as the dissenting judges on the Kerala HC bench.

Between the Temple and the Mosque in Varanasi

The conflict in the Indian city of Varanasi caused by the request of the Hindus to be allowed to enter the territory of Gyanvapi mosque to perform their rituals is in the center of the author’s attention. The mosque was constructed in 1669 on the site of the demolished Hindu temple. In 2021 a stone cylinder, which is supposed to be the symbol of Shiva, was found in the water tank used by the Muslims to wash themselves before the Namaz. Nevertheless, the representatives of the mosque think the object is the basement of the fountain. The case of Gyanvapi mosque received a wide public response and caused a surge of legal proceedings in the courts of the country. Radically concerned Hindu nationalists threaten to demolish the Gyanvapi mosque, as it happened in 1992 with Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. The Prime Minister Narendra Modi has repeatedly received delegations of Muslim communal leaders. He promised support for the protection of mosques and madrasas’ property and government assistance in educational programs for the Muslim youth. Nonetheless, Modi cannot stop people from applying to courts.

An analysis of the abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status

In 1949, Article 370 was inserted into the Indian Constitution. J&K is covered under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which has been in effect for more than 60 years. On January 26, 1950, the constitution went into effect, bringing with it special provisions. This paper discusses the effects of the current Bharatiya Janata Party government's deletion of Article 370 regarding J&K. (Aug5, 2019) Yet, some Muslims in Kashmir believe that this action has had a more detrimental effect on their lives. It has created psychological and emotional barriers between Kashmir's residents and the rest of India. As stated in the Constitution Order 2019, repealing Article 370 will also enable the centre to declare an emergency in the state, with the exception of times of war. By making the provisions of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution inoperative, the Hindu nationalist BJP revoked the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir's semi-autonomous status on August 5, 2019. Article 35A, which gave the state government the authority to identify the state subjects and prohibited non-state subjects from acquiring real estate in the state, was likewise repealed through a presidential proclamation. BJP has, to its credit, fulfilled both a historic promise to its electorate and an ideological commitment, despite the fact that many in India have criticised this choice as being undemocratic and against the constitution. Yet, what does this decision represent for the Kashmiri tehreek, or movement for self-determination?Objective1.Understanding the fundamental idea behind Article 370 in India is one of the goals. 2.Examine the national law-implementation procedure. 3.To emphasise the Bharatiya Janata Party's contribution and political advantages. 4.To evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of repealing Article 370. 5.To draw attention to how the Kashmiri people would be affected by this choice.Research Methodology: The information used to construct this research was primarily based on textual sources, including books by renowned scholars, essays, and papers published in a variety of national and international journals. Hence, this research was written using secondary data.Historic Background: Following the partition of India, British rule ceases. Following a Pakistani army onslaught at that time, Hari Singh signed the J&K accession document, starting the India-Pakistan conflict. Hari Singh was persuaded by Mountbatten to choose between Pakistan or India. But Hari Singh chose to maintain Kashmir's independence until August 15th, 1947 [1]. however, when Pakistan attacked Kashmir in October 1947. Hari Singh agreed to join India's dominion at that time since he had no other choice, which resulted in the loss of its sovereignty. He then signed the Instrument of Accession. The Muslim leader Mr. Jinnah lost authority. Sheikh Abdullah and three other associates joined the India Constituent Assembly in 1949, when they negotiated the J&K's unique status, resulting in the passage of the article

The Islamization and Saffronization of Education: A Threat to the Dialogue of Civilizations?

The article analyzes the contemporary processes of creeping Islamization of the education sphere in Islamic countries and its saffronization (Hinduization) in India. The prerequisites have been the rise of localcultures in Asia and Africa since the late XX century as a reaction to globalization and particularly the rise of the religious factor as an answer to the inefficiency of secular nationalism. Using the material of Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Pakistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia, the author shows how Islamists redesign humanities curricula for their own purposes. Using the Indian material, the same is shown regarding the adherents of Hindu nationalism, i.e., Hindutva. Main attention is paid to the process of the dismantling the secular state in Turkey, Pakistan and India in the XXI century as exemplified by the education system. The fading of the laicism principle, the search for an identity through the image of an enemy, and the indoctrination of the youth in the spirit of intolerance hamper the capacity of societies for dialogue. It increases the risks of conflicts between ethnoreligious communities both within and between states.

Christianity in India: From the Apostle Thomas to the Present

The first Christians appeared in southwestern India during Antiquity; they belonged to Nestorianism and were fully incorporated into Indian society. The descendants of the Christian settlers and the descendants of the converts formed different castes. In the mid-16th century a Catholic diocese was established in the Portuguese possession of Goa, and most of the local Christians were converted to Catholicism. Protestantism began to spread in the early 18th century in the Danish colony of Trakenbar on the southeast coast. The East India Company did not permit missionary activity on its lands. The evangelical revival movement in the late 18th century led to the establishment of missionary societies focused on the Christianization of new lands, and they sought permission to establish missions in British possessions. Subsequently, the British administration did not provide much support for missionaries, using the confessional controversy to consolidate the power of the empire. Preaching was most effective among tribal and Dalit peoples. Missionaryism among Dalits caused serious discontent in society and contributed to the emergence of reform movements in Hinduism. In independent India, several states enacted "anti-forced conversion" laws to limit conversions to Christianity and Islam. The rise of Hindu nationalism, which viewed Christianity as an alien religion, proved to be a deterrent to the spread of Christianity. In the second half of the 20th century new trends in Christianity developed most rapidly: Pentecostal and non-denominational Protestant churches, as well as Catholic charismatic movements. The share of Christians in India's population has not changed much in the last 70 years. Conversions to Christianity have been offset by lower birth rates in Christian families. Christians now constitute about 2.6% of the country's population; Christianity has spread most widely in the states of the Northeast, where Christian denominations have actually been able to replace tribal religions and in Kerala, where Christianity took hold almost two thousand years ago.

The goal of political satire in Indian media

Our perception of humour has been altered by political satire. It would be true to claim that genuine journalism is less visible on successful news channels—also referred to as the fourth pillar of democracy—and more prevalent in stand-up comedians. With all of the needless yelling, screaming, and meaningless/baseless arguments, journalism has become a joke. Memes, stand-up comedies, and sitcoms have found a home on digital platforms. These content types have not only provided audiences with visual entertainment but have also had an impact on the daily lives of individuals from diverse backgrounds. The rise of political comedy on the internet has altered public perception of politics. The political satire of today disproves this notion through the use of memes, stand-up comedy, and situational comedy. This essay defines "enterprise Hindutva" as a mediation version of Hindu nationalism that has been influenced by social media's capabilities and the cultural norms that surround it in metropolitan India. Business Hindutva is able to reason, freely choose experiences, and collaborate with inconsistencies. It resides in the spectrum that is intended to be the ideological project.

Debating nationalism: Bihari intelligentsia and the Swadeshi movement of Bengal

During the Swadeshi movement in Bengal, the bhadralok advocated an idea of Indian nationalism that freely used Hindu myths, symbols and imagery and hence tended to exclude several multi-ethnic religious communities from its reach. A section of intellectual and political elites in Bihar saw this as a narrow projection of the idea of Indian nationalism. They challenged it as a form of Hindu nationalism and argued that a true idea of nationality could evolve in India only when backward regions like Bihar achieved a certain level of progress and development, as well as a separate sub-national political identity. They also rejected the revolutionary militant, nationalism that was gaining popularity among the youth. Exploring the tensions that played out between the bhadralok political elites and the intelligentsia in Bihar over the question of Indian nationalism during the Swadeshi movement of Bengal, this article argues for an emphasis on the sub-regional and secular aspects of nationalism and that the non-violent freedom struggle against colonialism was a critical dimension for understanding the rise of nationalism in early twentieth-century India.

India’s Relations with Muslim Countries during the Implementation of CAA/NRC

In 2005, Imtiaz Ahmad wrote an article on the relations between India and the Muslim World. Ahmad argued that the ties between India and the Muslim World would be determined mainly by two factors: (1) the diverse and multiple identities of Indian Muslims and (2) the “relative moderation” driven by the Indian model of secularism. In the wake of the current Indian government led by the Hindu nationalist BJP, it is essential to review Ahmad’s argument. Although BJP is known as a party that strives to strengthen the Hindu nationalists’ agenda in Indian polity, it is vital to note that BJP maintains good relations with most Muslim countries. As BJP furthers its plan to scrap the special status of Kashmir and amend the Citizenship Act, there are worries that India’s stature in the Muslim World will worsen. This article would like to investigate whether the Hindu nationalist outlook in contemporary Indian politics and the standing of the current government towards Indian Muslims will eventually affect India’s relations with the Muslim World, especially in the case of India-Indonesia and India-Malaysia Relations.

Hindutva 2.0: How a Conference on Hindu Nationalism Launches a Change in Strategy for North American Hindutva Organizations

Journal Article Roundtable on Hindutva Harassment of Academics in North America: Hindutva 2.0: How a Conference on Hindu Nationalism Launches a Change in Strategy for North American Hindutva Organizations Get access Dheepa Sundaram Dheepa Sundaram Department of Religious Studies, University of Denver, 2000 E. Asbury Avenue, Denver CO 80208, USA Email: dheepa.sundaram@du.edu Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of the American Academy of Religion, lfad028, https://doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfad028 Published: 23 June 2023

Persepsi Narendra Modi Dalam Kebijakan India Menarik Diri Dari Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Tahun 2019

The Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi introduced the Act East Policy (AEP) which was presented at the ASEAN Summit in Myanmar, November 2014. The AEP policy is a reflection of the long-term economy and takes advantage of its strategic position to create closer relations with countries in the Asian region. Pacific. One of the ways to achieve India's economic growth is to establish various frameworks of economic cooperation. However, in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement in the negotiation stage, Modi withdrawal India from RCEP. This research aims to analyze The perception of Modi in formulating India policy of withdraw from the 2019 RCEP. This research has its urgency because India's political dynamics have initially participated in negotiations since 2012 during Modi's leadership period, then decided to withdraw from the RCEP.. This shows that Narendra Modi has his own perception of RCEP. To see Modi's perception, this research uses a framework of thinking about the relationship between perception and decision making according to Ole R. Holsti. This study uses a qualitative research method with a descriptive analytical approach using secondary data. Furthermore, based on a framework related to Holsti's perception, this study finds that Modi's belief system and image are not in line with RCEP because it is not in accordance with the belief system that influenced Modi, namely the rejection of domestic actors, the trade balance deficit, the rejection of the Three Tier Approach proposal, Hindu nationalist and Gandhiji Talisman and not in accordance with the image that should have happened according to Modi, namely realizing Make in India and India First.

‘Willing’ ethnic-nationalists, diffusion, and resentment in India: A micro-foundational account

AbstractUsing evidence regarding the consolidation of Hindu nationalism in India we put forward new ethnographic data about the variety of popular support for a Hindutva project and a new framework that proposes an interactive theory of social identity. This framework helps us understand how Hindu nationalism becomes embedded in society. We assert that Hindu nationalism in India could be fruitfully analysed by focusing on the processes through which ideas of exclusive nationalism spread among ordinary middle-class people and are expressed in micro-level psychological changes at the individual level. The consolidation of Hindu nationalism in India is being authored not only by parties or the state, but also by societal actors, specifically, ordinary middle-class Indians. Hindu nationalism has been spreading in micro-public spheres in a time of apparent peace and between elections, and with the participation of willing supporters. Building on our fieldwork and research in psychology and history, our conversations have also helped us to identify profiles of different types of nationalists, which we categorize as willing ethnic-nationalists, hardliners, bystanders, and moderates. Further, we suggest the need to focus on inter-linked micro-level mechanisms such as diffusion and emulation of Hindu-centric beliefs and ideas, mobilization by hardliners and organizations, and impunity resulting from protection by state agencies, which helps to create willing ethnic-nationalists and sustains Hindu nationalism. Evidence regarding social interactions from a variety of survey organizations concurs with our findings and our ethnographic material allows us to delve deeper into varieties of Hindu nationalist support across diverse ordinary people.