Jamila Bargach. Orphans of Islam: Family, Abandonment, and Secret Adoption In Morocco. Rowman & Littlefield, 2002. pp. 304 Ethnography, writes Jamila Bargach in her introduction to Orphans of tlslam becomes...the art of evocation (p. 13). And indeed, ethnography that follows in this often beautifully written book does evoke, to great effect and at many levels. Most poignantly, Bargach summons voices and experiences of illegitimate children, adoptive parents, state social workers, and others whose lives circulate in and around social processes of child abandonment and in Morocco. We are made privy to ethnographer's excursions to court offices and hospital wards, her interviews with those abandoned as children, and her visits to homes of adopting families. Whatever analytical merits of this book and there are many Bargach remains true to her claim that voices, stories and narratives she recounts are not mere illustrations for ideas or arguments but rather the very essence of this work (p. 12). Orphans of Islam is full of both human pathos, representing tortured lives of those stigmatized as bastards in Morocco, and unapologetic politics insofar as that representation is at once a call for recognition of hidden reality and a charge to redress it. The idea of ethnography as evocation, as deployed by Bargach, appears to be aimed at two related issues. First is matter of ethnographic closure which author wishes to complicate and which topic cannot abide. As Bargach demonstrates, Moroccan phenomena under investigation betray heterogeneity scarcely captured in English notion of adoption as a relatively monolithic process. Rather, a variety of social and legal relationships, each with attendant cultural and linguistic signifiers, can be mobilized when in Morocco care of a child is undertaken by adults other than biological parents. What Bargach calls customary adoption, for example, refers to arrangements by which a child is considered a gift from one family to another. This informal transaction neither alters child's lineal identity nor necessitates a complete social break from family of origin. Bargach is primarily concerned with two other general kinds of adoption-extralegal or secret and legal guardianship (kafala) of a minor-both implicated more formally in state and Islamic law. The heterogeneity of actors, institutions, and places with which Bargach deals further complicates singularity implied by rhetorical strategies of ethnographic closure. There is neither a single place nor an insular community represented in this book, and minimal attention devoted by Moroccan state to child abandonment and is insufficient to create a singular national-bureaucratic space in which these phenomena operate. Moreover, Bargach shows that abandonment and are situated in globalized spheres of missionary work, NGOs, and economic development. What we learn from voices and cases which Bargach evoke is not that each represents abandonment and in Morocco writ small but rather that a nexus of intersecting kinship ideologies, textual traditions, state institutions, and committed (inter)national actors constrain and construct conditions of possibility in which abandonment and unfold. Second, particular cases of abandonment and are further meant to evoke insofar as they throw chaos in established and accepted paradigms(13). The normative paradigms under scrutiny here are those emerging from within both theoretical terrain of academic anthropology and cultural terrain of Moroccan society. In first instance, Bargach forces us to reconsider Orientalist notions that, by virtue of orthodox Sunni prohibitions against practice, is absent in Islamic society. In debunking this claim with a rigorous ethnography of practical within and beyond scope of Moroccan/Islamic law, Bargach renders important service of filling a gap in anthropological representations of Morocco. …
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