Hercules Oetaeus Research Articles

Ovid Met. 15, 838: an apology (of sorts) to Loriano Zurli

In a discussion of passages from Hercules Oetaeus, Euripides’s Heracles, and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, the author rejects Zurli’s doctrine that conjectures should stay as close as possible to the letters transmitted but concedes that it may avail in one of the passages from Metamorphoses.

‘Even Seneca hymselfe to speke in englysh’: John Studley's Hippolytus and Agamemnon

John Studley translated four of Seneca's plays into English: Agamemnon, Medea, Hippolytus (as Phaedra was known in the Renaissance), and Hercules Oetaeus, and these were later included in Thomas Newton's collection Seneca His Tenne Tragedies, 1581. This essay focuses on Studley's Hippolytus, with intersecting discussions of his Agamemnon. It looks at the Latin texts and commentaries Studley may have been using, and shows that his translation incorporates elements of intertextuality and imitation that expand on Seneca's own engagement with Ovid. Tracing how Seneca's and Studley's characters find models and counter-models in other mythological figures, the discussion draws attention to Studley's foregrounding of generational confusion, and his handling of gender.

Reception

With Killing Hercules, Richard Rowland has produced a wide-ranging trans-historical discussion of re-workings of the relationship between the mythical Hercules and Deinaira, from Sophocles’ fifth-century bceTrachiniae to Martin Crimp's 2004 play, Cruel and Tender, and a 2014 staging of Handel's operatic Hercules. Impressive for the breath-taking variety of receptions of the story of Deianira's killing of her husband, the volume devotes as much attention to medieval, post-Reformation, and eighteenth-century versions as to ancient texts (including, as well as Sophoclean tragedy, receptions in Latin – for example, the pseudo-Senecan Hercules Oetaeus and Ovid's Heroides – which lie behind many post-classical re-workings of the story) and contemporary retellings; the study touches on several Italian, French, and German versions as well as those in English. As a scholar who has direct experience of theatre practice, Rowland draws on his involvement in staged versions of both Trachiniae (his own verse translation, which he includes as an appendix) and Cruel and Tender in order to provide fresh insights on both of these texts. The resulting volume, which illustrates the complex and varied reflections on masculinity and sexual identity prompted by the characters of Hercules and Deianira, has at its heart questions relating to the gendered role of violence in retellings of the myth both on a domestic level and in relation to international politics. Hercules has been seen as everything from the epitome of masculine virtue and heroic self-sacrifice to abuser and serial adulterer, ‘sexual deviant and disastrous husband’ (115); in her turn, Deianira – in some versions denied a voice altogether – has been variously portrayed as duplicitous or insane, or as a victim whose killing of her abuser is deserving of sympathy. The chapter on the Middle Ages illustrates well the re-appropriation of the story to serve a range of political, religious, and social agendas – from condemnation of Hercules’ lack of self-control by Augustine to valorization of his sexual violence, as well as the misogynist and misogamist interpretations of Deianira which were marshalled in service of debates on the role of marriage. Elsewhere, Rowland shows how the tale could be used simultaneously on both sides of a single political conflict – during the Civil War period, both regicides and royalists used lines from Seneca's Hercules Furens to insist on the rectitude of their respective stances (153–4). Even those already familiar with the reception of the figure of Hercules will find something new in this rich exploration of the pliability of one mythical story.

Allusion and Ambiguity in ps-Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus

Like her Sophoclean predecessor, ps-Seneca’s Deianira kills her husband by mistake, sending him a robe that poisons him rather than restores his affections. Allusions to the words of vengeful protagonists—particularly Medea and Juno in Seneca’s Medea and Hercules Furens —complicate Deianira’s character with the models of deliberate killers. Deianira’s choice, to pursue anger or desire, is also a choice between the genres of tragedy and elegy, and in this respect ps-Seneca revisits the ironic mode distinctive of Ovid’s Heroides and of the Senecan tragedies that reappropriate their tragic material. Comme l’héroïne sophocléenne avant elle, la Déjanire du pseudo-Sénèque tue son mari par erreur, en lui envoyant une robe qui l’empoisonne au lieu de lui rendre son amour. Des allusions aux discours de protagonistes vengeurs – particulièrement Médée et Junon dans la Médée et l’ Hercule furieux de Sénèque – étoffent le personnage de Déjanire en l’associant à des modèles de tueurs volontaires. Le choix de Déjanire, de poursuivre sa colère ou son désir, est aussi un choix entre les genres tragique et élégiaque et, à cet égard, le pseudo-Sénèque revisite le mode ironique distinctif des Héroïdes d’Ovide et celui des tragédies de Sénèque qui se réapproprient leur matériel tragique.

La suasoria nelle preghiere agli dei: percorso diacronico dalla commedia alla tragedia

Abstract My argument concerns ways of communicating with divinities, by detailed analysis of the suasoria in a diachronic route through Greek and Latin comic and tragic theatrical texts. Particular attention is paid to the Latin palliata and, through the epic filter, to the Senecan tragic corpus. The trait d'union is the prayer of the faithful to the gods who are “orati” for favours received (e.g. as happens in the Plautine corpus), or for favours to be received (as can be seen paradigmatically in the Senecan Hercules Oetaeus). I present an interdisciplinary analysis of the intersection of rhetoric, religion, and theatre, looking into sub specie suasoriae through the linguistic examination of the “text present” to eventually the “text absent,” that is, the epochal social, religious and anthropological dimension linked to the “word.” Study of “linguistic rejects” is of great help, that is, of the rhetorical and stylistic forms that are extremely effective above all in the religio-liturgical context. Through this research that also highlights the captatio benevolentiae connotative of the suasoria, I would like to add to the results relating to the decodification of religious and behavioural codes even through the use of parody.

Bibliografia Senecana del XX Secolo (review)

Reviewed by: Bibliografia Senecana del XX Secolo William M. Calder III Andrea Balbo, Italo Lana, and Ermanno Malaspina . Bibliografia Senecana del XX Secolo. Università degli Studi di Torino Publicazioni del Dipartimento di Filologia Linguistica e Tradizione Classica, 23. Bologna: Pàtron, 2005. Pp. xxxii, 878. €65.00. ISBN 88-555-2831-9. The book began as part of the bimillenary celebration in Italy of the birth of Lucius Annaeus Seneca. It was carried to completion by a dedicated and erudite Kollektiv largely at the University of Torino. We can only be grateful for what they have accomplished. The result is without question one of the most useful and welcome books available on Seneca, and it will be repeatedly consulted by all Senecan scholars. The volume seeks to collect everything published on Seneca in the twentieth century, prose and poetry. Hercules Oetaeus, Octavia, the epigrams, and even the correspondence with St. Paul are included. After all, Saints Augustine and Jerome considered it authentic. Six thousand and six items are listed and summarized. Reviews of books are gathered under the entry for the book, which is the best indication of contemporary reception. Reprints and translations are listed. The growth of interest in Seneca throughout the last century is simply astounding. There are eight entries for 1901 and 193 for 2000! Four most welcome indices close the volume, which make the treasures easily available to specialists. An index auctorum allows one immediately to discover what C. P. Segal wrote about Seneca in the twentieth century. The gold medal goes to Pierre Grimal with seventy-one entries! Silver to William Hardy Alexander with forty-nine. I have a paltry eleven. An index rerum divides the entries into twenty-six categories that include authenticity, biography, textual criticism, chronology of the writings, exegesis, sources, language and style, politics, history, theater, and many others. A delightful index of famous figures from history and fiction (Clytemnestra and Medea) has a huge entry on Nero, but includes also Anouilh, Francis Bacon, Richard Bentley, Dante, Wilhelm Dilthey, T. S. Eliot, Freud, Günter Grass, Karl Marx (once only), Nietzsche, Shakespeare, Richard Wagner, and many, many others. Finally there is an index locorum to all passages in Seneca treated. Try though I may, I cannot find an omission nor a misprint, other than that the reprint of Housman's obscene emendation of NQ 1.16.7 at Hermes 66 (1931) 405–6 (=Classical Papers 3.1178) evades notice. The authors reasonably omit bits on Seneca in general histories of the Roman Empire, of Roman literature, western philosophy, vel sim. If a scholar, writing a book or article on, e.g., Sophocles, illuminates en passant a passage in Seneca, this one cannot fairly expect to find. Wilamowitz's name is missing, [End Page 174] but see R. Scott Smith, "In Speculo Euripidis: Seneca Tragicus and Wilamowitz," in M. Mülke, ed., Wilamowitz und kein Ende: Wissenschaftsgeschichtliches Kolloquium Fondation Hardt, 9. bis 13. September 2002, Spudasmata 93 (Hildesheim 2003) 209–43. Leo accepted seventeen emendations mailed him by Wilamowitz in his text and cited thirteen more in his apparatus. A good deed never goes unpunished. Obviously this detracts in no way from a book for which I have only praise. I hope it begins a genre of volumes devoted to individual authors in the twentieth and perhaps even the nineteenth centuries. Such books speed up enormously the progress of scholarship and discourage unnecessary duplication of effort. I can only congratulate those devoted young scholars who have given us this monumentum aere perennius! Thank you for the best Annaean birthday gift! William M. Calder III Universiy of Illinois at Urbana/Champaign Copyright © 2007 Classical Association of the Atlantic States

The Reception of Sophocles' Representation of Physical Pain

Two of Sophocles' surviving tragedies contain scenes that portray the main character in excruciating pain for a sustained period of time: Philoctetes and Trachiniae. This article discusses three important stages in the reception history of these pain scenes: (1) Hercules Oetaeus, attributed to Seneca, (2) Gotthold Ephraim Lessing's Laocoon treatise, and (3) recent European adaptations. In each case, it analyzes how the later playwrights, directors, and theorists responded to certain complexities inherent in Sophocles' representation of pain. The conclusion considers this reception history overall.

Textual notes on Hercules Oetaeus and on Seneca’s Agamemnon and Thyestes

Textual notes on <i>Hercules Oetaeus</i> and on Seneca’s <i>Agamemnon</i> and <i>Thyestes</i>

Side-notes from Graeco-Roman and Hellenistic-Semitic literature to the notion ‘adopted as God's child’ (YIOθEΣIA)

This article aims at showing that Paul's use of the expression ‘adoption as God's child’ contains connotations of which the background needs to be sought in the Graeco-Roman and Hellenistic-Semitic world. Seneca's tragedies Hercules Furens and Hercules Oetaeus, his satire of the emperor Claudius' deification in his Apocolocyntosis as well as the interpretation of the myths relating to Herakles by Diodorus Siculus are investigated. As far as documents in Latin are concerned, the word adoption appears in particular within the context of ensuring the continuation of the imperial dynasty of the Julius-Claudius family. In Hellenistic-Semitic literature a possible trajectory in the stories about Rachel and Ruth in the Septuagint and Jesus in the New Testament, with reference to Celsus' comparison of Jesus with Dionysos and Herakles, is considered. It is argued that it is not conceivable that converts from heathendom to Christianity would not have been aware of these parallels from Egypt, Greece and Latium.

Dejanira and the Physicians: Aspects of Hysteria in Handel's Hercules

The mad scene for Dejanira in act 3, scene 3 of Hercules constitutes one of the most dramatically riveting moments in all of Handel's works. Having learned that she has unwittingly brought her husband Hercules to his death, Dejanira goes mad in an electrifying scene that thwarts the listener's expectations of normative baroque musical procedures at every turn. My aim is to elucidate this scene within the specific context of Handel's Hercules, as well as within one area of the larger sociocultural realm of early eighteenth-century England: namely, widespread beliefs about the nature of hysteria in women. Indeed, Dejanira's madness cannot be understood solely in relation to the classical sources for the libretto of Hercules; those sources must also be placed within the context of eighteenth-century medical beliefs about the nature of melancholy and mania. The libretto for Hercules, written by Thomas Broughton, acknowledges in its preface a debt to two primary sources: the Trachinae (The Women of Trachis) by Sophocles and book 9 of Ovid's Metamorphoses. 1 Recently Anthony Hicks has suggested a third source for Broughton, Seneca's Hercules Oetaeus.2 All these works tell the story of the demise of Hercules by the hand of his wife Dejanira, who unwittingly gives her husband a poisonous robe from the centaur Nessus in an attempt to revive his expiring love for her, but the differences between the sources are profound. These differences relate to the character Dejanira, who is given a strikingly distinct personality in each case. Broughton's depiction, though it conflates characteristics from each source, differs again from all three. Sophocles presents the most complacent Dejanira. In The Women of Trachis Dejanira is slow to believe the rumor that Hercules sacked the city Oechalia to win Iole until it is confirmed by the messenger Lichas. Her response is remarkably level-headed: I would be altogether mad to blame my husband, because he suffers from this sickness, or that woman. She has been guilty of nothing shameful, and

The "Hercules Oetaeus" and the Picture of the "Sapiens" in Senecan Prose

BOTH THE PROSE WORKS of Seneca and his tragedies are striking for their imagistic or graphic language.' Just as Seneca the philosopher often uses a metaphor, simile, or analogy from everyday life to concretize a philosophical abstraction, so the dramatic characters of his tragedies will often elaborate a description of their emotions, or of what they see going on around them, with metaphor or simile, so that the literal picture is overlaid with a metaphorical one.2 Elsewhere I have shown that if we read the images of the tragedies in the light of the moral connotations they carry in the prose works, then the ecphraseis of the tragedies can be seen as vehicles for didactic authorial comment3 which underlies, and sometimes even counters, the speeches' ostensible message.4 The use of description elaborated by figurative language is one of the many features of the Hercules Oetaeus which give it an air of authenticity when set beside the other tragedies of the Senecan dramatic corpus. In what follows, I would like to draw attention to the way in which descriptions of Hercules by the chorus and a messenger in the Hercules Oetaeus contain many echoes of the imagery with which the sapiens and sapientia are described by Seneca in his prose works, and to the way in which this imagery contributes towards an interpretation of Hercules as a Stoic sapiens. Hercules' behavior, including specific details of his physical appearance, is described in two passages of the Hercules Oetaeus: once, in general terms, by the chorus of Oechalian maidens (143-161), and once in a messenger-speech, by Philoctetes, who describes Hercules' behavior as he burns to death on a pyre on Oeta (1618 ff.). This second picture is preceded by Philoctetes' description of the felling of a grove to make a pyre for Hercules (1618 ff.), with particular emphasis on the resistance of

Macbeth and Hercules: The Hero Bewitched

358 Comparative Drama many a woman named losephine. See Freud's letters to Thomas Mann in Ernest lones, Sigmund FreUd: Life and Work (New York' Basic Books 1954-57) pp 492-93' and to Arnold Zweig in Letters a/Sigmund Fre~d and Arnoid Zweig, 'tr~. Prof: and Mrs. W. D. Robson-5cott, ed. Ernest L. Freud (London: Hogarth Press 1970) pp. 96-97. ' , 47 Joseph and His Brothers, trans. H. T. Lowe-Porter (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948), p. 6. 48 Complete Plays: 1920-1931, p. 528. Macbeth and Hercules: The Hero Bewitched Elizabeth Truax On 27 August 1605, James I was welcomed at the gates of Oxford by three Sibyls who greeted him as the fulfillment of a prophecy made to Banquo long ago and hailed him as King of Scotland, King of England, and King of Ireland.! Four years later, Macbeth, inspired perhaps by the Oxford playlet, was performed before the King at Hampton Court as an entertainment to please and· flatter the monarch. Shakespeare's tragedy also serves to remind an audience of courtiers and commoners that the perils as well as the joys of history are linked to transitory and cyclical patterns of nature. In the course of history, great men rise to power through natural forces, by inheritance or election like James I, and often, like Hercules, they are called upon to make personal choices, whether for good or evil, that will affect generations to come. The witches, like the furies of classical myth, have come to meet with Macbeth, a hero of extraordinary stature like Hercules , and they plan to bewitch him by undermining his deepest moral convictions and bringing about a metamorphosis that will change tIle course of history. The setting, characters, and dramatic concerns of Macbeth belong to Scottish history described in Raphael Holinshed's Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland (1587),2 and the defeat of Macbeth, the general gone awry, prefigures James' triumphant ascent to the throne in 1603. The role played by the witches, however, is charged with ambiquity because they function in response to the imperative of time not only as sibyls who prophesy the future but also as mysterious agents sent from a subterranean hell to find lodgings in the humati ELIZABETH TRUAX is Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Chapman College. She has written essays on Shakespeare and the arts, and has recently completed a book on images of metamorphosis on Shakespeare's stage. 359 360 Comparative Drama heart. In appearance the Weird Sisters, as they call themselves, do not resemble the courtly ladies dressed in Elizabethan finery, depicted in the woodcut in the first edition of The Chronicles (1577), which Dr. Matthew Gwinn used as his model for the Oxford dialogue. Shakespeare's mysterious women, following Holinshed's description in the edition of 1587, are withered and dressed in wild disarray. Even their gender is in doubt, for they wear beards. To effect a wider sweep of history than the English Chronicles , Shakespeare evokes the sinister echoes of an underworld from which the furies, rather than well-meaning sibyls, come to vex a protagonist of extraordinary stature. Macbeth's encounter with the enigmatic witches has curious similarities with the experience of Hercules, described in Seneca's Hercules Furens, who on his return from the conquest of the Hades is met by demonic spirits and transformed into a bloody madman who commits acts of incalculable violence.3 The parallels between Hercules Furens, translated by Jasper Heywood (1561), and Macbeth-and, to a lesser degree, Hercules Oetaeus and Medea-are remarkable.4 Not only does Macbeth agree with Hercules Furensin mood, temper, and rhetoric, but also there are numerous correspondences in language, plot, and characterization as well. For Shakespeare, the past is always mirrored in the events of the present. In Ovid's Metamorphoses, a poem which may have influenced Shakespeare more than any other, Pythagoras explains, "All things are in a state of flux, and everything is brought into being with a changing nature."5 "Nothing retains its own form ... [and] nothing perishes in the whole universe; it does but vary and renew its form" (XV.252-55). History, like nature, follows a...

Dissonant Sympathy: Song, Orpheus, and the Golden Age in Seneca's Tragedies

Orpheus has a prominent place in the choral odes of Seneca's Medea, Hercules Furens, and Hercules Oetaeus (the last, even if not by Seneca, may be considered within the context of Senecan drama). Outside of the tragedies, Seneca has only a passing reference to Orpheus as the figure with whom poetry begins (Ep. 88.39). In the tragedies he treats Orpheus as a magical poet-savior and a civilizing hero. In contrast to Virgil and Ovid, to whose versions of the Orpheus myth he clearly alludes, he deliberately de-emphasizes the brutal death at the hands of the Thracian maenads.Seneca draws on the double focus of the myth in the earlier tradition. On the one hand Orpheus is the consummate poet who knows the mysteries of nature and through his art stands in special sympathy to it. On the other hand as a victim of love and the furor it may bring, he is also a tragic figure who through passion experiences loss, mourning, and death. In this latter aspect the Hercules Oetaeus contrasts his end unfavorably with the future apotheosis of its hero (H.O. 1035); but, as we shall see, Seneca elsewhere takes a more favorable attitude to the poet-hero.

Maxima Virtus in Seneca's Hercules Furens

The Hercules plays (the Hercules Furens and doubtful Hercules Oetaeus) differ signally from Seneca's other dramas and certainly deserve attention by themselves in a special place.' For one thing, Hercules is an honorable hero, one enshrined in Stoic pantheon; he is a demigod who literally experiences apotheosis. Thus, Senecan plays concerned with him do not merely conclude in a blaze of horror and with a spurt of climactic passion. In a special sense that is never for a moment true of Agamemnon or Medea or Phaedra or Oedipus or Atreus, Hercules endures. Indeed, he does more: Hercules transcends and superscribes his action and prevails. And, particularly in Hercules Furens, Herculean triumph is accomplished in human terms; his achievement is realized, not as a god, but as a man. Yet, when we turn to reception and reputation of Hercules Furens, we encounter difficulties among critics in comprehending Seneca's plays because of a chronic tendency to look for analogies and similarities to classic Greek theater and for adherence to doctrines laid down in terms of Aristotelian poetics. Simply put, Hercules' madness appears to a great number of interpreters as being caused by his hamartia or tragic flaw. Thus, R. W. Tobin asserts that the hero's folly is presented as an extension of his ambition and pride, his drive to carve a place for himself among gods.2 We ought, of course, to take exception to Tobin's employment of word folly, for surely Hercules' ravening, rampaging madness constitutes behavior that drastically exceeds foolishness or mere uncomprehending, clownish, idiot imbecility. Nevertheless, Tobin's central thesis is clear: Hercules' aspirations to godhood, to scale skies, constitute an out-and-out case of hubris that gods justifiably punish; from such a perspective, his madness is a piece of appropriate poetic justice.

A Hero for All Seasons: Hercules in French Classical Drama

A Hero For All Seasons: Hercules In French Classical Drama Ronald W. Tobin Hercules is undoubtedly the most widely known of all mythological heroes because his life and feats strike a responsive chord in popular culture as well as in literature.1 He first appears in a half-dozen extant plays by Aristophanes, Euripides, and Sophocles. Long a traditional figure in Sicilian farce, Hercules assumes heroic proportions in Euripides’ Herakles and in the Trachiniae of Sophocles. However, the major source of the treatment of the Hercules myth in modem dramatic literature, especially in France, was Seneca and his two important tragedies Hercules Furens and Hercules Oetaeus. Parallel to this literary tradition has always existed the popular con­ ception of Hercules as, for example, a muscle-bound illiterate, or perhaps the incarnation of heroism. The two traditions, literary and popular, are alive today as we can witness in, for instance, the new play of Archibald MacLeish, Herakles (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1967), on the one hand, and the existence of a perfectly frightening “ children’s” cartoon television program called the Herculoids, in which the abominable creatures who are the title characters are nonetheless the saviors and protectors of humanity— an unusual but not necessarily unique conception of the Hercules myth to which we will again refer near the end of this paper. But to begin really at the beginning, who is this Hercules or Herakles? His name itself is mysterious. Does it mean, Hera-kleos, the “ glory” or “pride” of Hera as the ancients believed? If so, why is Hera always depicted as the lifelong persecutor of Hercules? Perhaps the name Herakles means more simply and more in accordance with our modem conception, the “hero” or the “young hero.” If this be the case, we can better understand how Hercules can resume in himself a veritable summa of myths in which he constantly appears as the invincible warrior. As a matter of fact we do know that the idea of heroism was so closely associated with the figure of Hercules that he is the only pan-Greek mythological personage; that is, all of the separate Greek traditions accept Hercules, whereas Theseus, for example, belongs specifically to the Athenian mythology. Hercules’ particular parentage further explains the extraordinary attractiveness of his myth. Born of a human-divine liaison, he binds 288 Ronald W. Tobin 289 together the cosmos and humanity, a model of perfection for mankind, and in his cosmic aspects, the conscience of the universe. Inevitably, through the typological interpretation of pagan mythology practiced by the Fathers of the Church, Hercules, like other legendary figures, became a type prefiguring episodes and lessons of the life of Christ. In the world of literature, particularly of the Middle Ages and of the Renaissance, therefore, Hercules is often transformed into a Christfigure , and his ascension to this lofty position is due fundamentally to three texts: a Canzone to Hercules thought to be by Dante, the enor­ mous treatise of Coluccio Salutati, De laboribus Herculis, and finally Ronsard’s poem Hercule Chrétien.2 Behind this heroic, exemplary stance of Hercules one often also perceives, in the literary treatment, the tortured image either of the mad Hercules or of Hercules in love. In fact those parts of the Hercules story which concern the hero suffering as a consequence of his folly or of his amorous entanglements were the most attractive to the serious dramatists of the sixteenth^ and seventeenth centuries in France, whereas the purely heroic feats, as found in the three master mythographers of the Renaissance, Cartari, Conti, and Giraldi,4 became the stuff of poetic versions of the myth. If we limit ourselves to the serious dramatic representations which are indebted to Hercules, we might do well to recall very briefly the plots of the two Senecan tragedies which are the source books for this tradition. In Hercules Furens the hero returns home to slay Lycus, the tyrant who had been persecuting his family. Then, seized by a fit of madness, Hercules slays his own wife and children. Upon awakening from the faint that followed his seizure, he contemplates self-destruction but is persuaded to live in exile. Hercules Oetaeus presents the well-known story...

"Hercules Oetaeus" and "King John"

"Hercules Oetaeus" and "King John"

On the Authenticity of the Hercules Oetaeus

On the Authenticity of the Hercules Oetaeus

Notes on the Tragedies of Seneca

The Hercules Oetaeus, whatever be its authorship, is closely related to the other plays, and often has what seem to be reminiscences of them, not always felicitous reminiscences. Often, of course, they are reminiscences of the other Hercules, and may supply a clue to the text of that play. Many of them were pointed out by Leo, but there is room for further investigation.

The Authorship of the Hercules Oetaeus

The Authorship of the Hercules Oetaeus