Hegemonic Competition Research Articles

Conceptualizing National Security in an Era of Great Power Rivalry: Implications for International Economic Law

AbstractUntil recently, the national security exception in investment and trade was understood in terms of defense against military invasion or attack and possibly extendable to economic collapse. However, national security is increasingly understood far beyond the classical contours of territorial integrity. Driven primarily by the China-U.S. hegemonic competition, the new conceptualization is exemplified in a dramatic expansion in U.S. investment and trade measures based upon conceptualizing national security as encompassing threats to a fusion of interrelated spheres of national strength including economic, technological, and ideological power. Moreover, the U.S. now understands security as the retention of superiority in an array of power spheres and encompasses denying China access to emerging technologies. China has similarly expanded her definition of security which is often referenced as “national interests” and embraces political stability (Party dominance), social stability, ideological security, and the defense of Chinese overseas interests, all of which lie far outside the classical definition of security. The untethered expansion in both the U.S. and Chinese conceptualization of security raises significant ramifications for the international economic architecture. As the guardrails of security are abandoned in pursuit of policy goals, a potentially overly broad and excessive notion of security risks deepening several overlapping perils to the current international legal landscape. The focus of this article is on the expansion of the national security exception in investment and trade and potential implications arising from an unfettered expansion.

Dakwah Salafi di Tanah Pakpak: Analisis Konflik dan Transformasi Sosial Keagamaan di Desa Silima Kuta, Pakpak Barat, Sumatera Utara

This article discusses how the conflict between the Pakpak community and Salafi groups has led to changes in social and religious practices in Desa Silima Kuta. The research is a qualitative-descriptive study where data were collected through field research using in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation. The data were then analyzed descriptively, using conflict and social change theories as the analytical framework. The study finds two main points: First, conflicts based on ideological differences have driven social and religious changes through two factors: (1) the hegemonic competition between Salafi groups and local religious leaders, with both vying for influence in the community; (2) a sense of threat among the Pakpak people, who fear that Salafi teachings might alter their religious traditions, thereby increasing the community’s enthusiasm and participation in religious activities in Desa Silima Kuta. Second, the forms of social and religious changes observed include: changes in practices of dhikr (remembrance of Allah), communal prayers after congregational prayers, tahlilan (commemorative prayers for the deceased), yasinan (recitation of Surah Yasin), changes in attire during worship, and decreased participation in major Islamic celebrations such as Maulid and Isra' Mi'raj.

Foreign Director Exit in the Midst of Deteriorating Bilateral Political Relations

Amid global geopolitical realism pushing for a race of hegemonic rivalry nowadays, an outflow of global human talents is a pressing organizational concern. Our study draws attention to the underexamined phenomenon of the exit of foreign directors from their host countries during geopolitical tensions. Theorizing from a sensemaking logic, we posit that the deterioration of bilateral political relations serves as an unexpected event that activates foreign directors’ schemas for dual identity conflict, propelling them to react behaviorally to such identity threats by exiting the board in the host country. In addition, we further posit that the sensemaking process is contingent on how the foreign director draws cues from the embedded social context, including organizational identification, socialization and homophily effect, and socioemotional climate. Our empirical analyses from a sample of 1,014 foreign directors in China from 1999 to 2018 provide strong and robust support for the hypotheses. This study instills important theoretical insights into the transcending impacts of international relations and geopolitics, international governance and foreign directors, and the situated cognitive process of sensemaking regarding the intertwining effects of cognitive schema and social contexts.

The outlook of global power from an energy policy perspective

AbstractPower is one of the key concepts for understanding world politics and great power's competition in international relations. In this regard, the main question of this paper is what will be the outlook of global power from an energy perspective in the 21st century? Based on the qualitative method and the comparative approach, the hypothesis of the paper is that the hegemonic power's ability to control and secure energy as a strategic commodity will be one of the main components of global power in the future. Considering the changes that have taken place in the 21st century, especially their impact on energy policy, the aim of the article is to examine the perspective of global power. Research findings show that in competition for achieving superiority in world politics, the European Union's dependence on energy constantly makes its position in the global arena more vulnerable. Russia, following the war in Ukraine and the use of energy as a political tool, faces a structural limitation of power in the short term. Moreover, China's position as the largest energy consumer in the hegemonic competition is affected by its energy security concerns. Also, the United States, as a producer and exporter of energy, will try to stabilise its hegemonic position in the competition with competing players, including China and Russia, by shaping new energy geopolitics and controlling the global energy markets.

U.S.-China Hegemonic Competition and Power Transitions: Focusing on the Role of Allies

The U.S.-China hegemonic competition is clearly underway, as the Biden administration acknowledges China as the only challenger to the existing global hegemony. This recognition has initiated a power struggle between the two, despite neither possessing absolute national power for complete dominance. This article goes beyond the traditional debate of whether China will eventually surpass the U.S. and focuses on deriving pertinent implications. The role of allies in shaping the U.S.-China competition is gaining significance. The U.S. is restructuring the global supply chain to exclude China, creating overlapping mini-lateral cooperative networks with traditional allies and friendly nations. Conversely, China is expanding its influence through traditional multilateral cooperation, aligning with alliance transition theory. Furthermore, mid-sized countries, especially pivotal ones are assuming a more critical role. This situation has implications for ROK government's foreign policy, which aims to play an active role as a Global Pivotal State emphasizing liberal democratic values and common interests.

Chinese investments as part of infrastructure-led development: multi-scalar contestations around Georgia’s flagship infrastructure projects

ABSTRACT Drawing on an analysis of major infrastructure projects in Georgia, we propose a reconceptualization of infrastructure-led development as constituted by multi-scalar contestations. We illustrate that actors associated with different great powers more often pursue similar rather than significantly different strategies and tend to collaborate when financing and developing particular infrastructure projects. We find that hegemonic rivalry is either similarly important or at points even less significant than contestations at other scales in defining the fate of infrastructure projects. We suggest that environmental and class struggles should be considered as integral to the analysis and theorization of infrastructure-led development.

Regulating inbound foreign direct investment in a world of hegemonic rivalry: the evolution and diffusion of US policy

AbstractWe employ insights from the international relations literature to offer a novel perspective on the regulation of inbound foreign direct investment (FDI). We argue that in a world of hegemonic rivalry, the incumbent, when it perceives a threat, tends to employ both internal and external policy mechanisms to maintain the balance of power. Specifically, in response to China’s rise, the US expanded its internal national security review regulations, moving from a primary focus on FDI by state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to including Chinese investments in a broad set of strategic industries, regardless of ownership. External mechanisms include the diffusion of those internal regulations to allied countries, and we focus on a specific Alliance, the Five Eye (FVEY) intelligence alliance. Empirically, we combine natural language processing of keywords with close reading of selected documents to analyze FDI regulations in the US and FVEY allies. The results suggest that the US is an early adopter of both SOE and broader FDI regulations targeting strategic sectors for national security considerations. While SOE regulations exhibit relatively limited evidence of convergence, we find a more significant and recent convergence between the US and its alliance partners on the national security reviews of FDI in strategic sectors.

Arab Sunni-Wahhâbism and Shia Iran: From Sectarian Conflict, to the Domination of the Gulf Region

Discussions regarding the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the Middle East have always been framed as a sectarian conflict between Sunni-Wahhābism and Shia. The study data presented in this article provide a distinct, exhaustive empirical picture. This study aims to present a conceptual framework for the relationship between religious theology in Islam (Sunni Wahhābi and Shia-ism) and the competitive conflict in the Gulf region, the struggle for dominance in the Middle East region, as a variable for the protracted conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and to predict the future of relations between the two countries following the foreign policy of Muhammad bin Salman. A review of the discussion employing an inductive library research methodology. To generalize a deviation from purely accidental phenomena. In order to analyze this topic in greater depth, the author borrows theory from Max Weber regarding the protestant ethic and spirit of capitalism by placing religion as a belief system and state conflict as a structure of social group action. This study's findings assume that the issue of Sunni-Shia sectarianism is religious propaganda used to win the hegemonic competition in the struggle for territory and dominance in the Gulf region of the Middle East. Before the reign of Muhammad bin Salman, this condition had not changed substantially. In Weber's framework, there has been a distinction known as "ethical inter-minism" between two ethics. On the one hand, the structure of moral ethics is founded on the moral values of Sunni and Shia Islam. But on the political side, moral responsibility confronts the obligation to maintain the disintegration of the nation and state, which is a means to wage war.

Shades of Red

Shades of Red

Shifted paradigm in technonationalism in the 21st century: The influence of global value chain (GVC) and US-China competition on international politics and global commerce —A case study of Japan's semiconductor industry

Because of escalating technological conflicts, the US-China technology war, and hegemonic competition since the late 2010s, “technonationalism,” has become a critical topic in the international political economy, and this study contributes to the ongoing discussion proposing two mediating variables, the global value chain (GVC) and the US-China competition in the 2010s. First, we propose a shift in the technonationalist paradigm, from focusing on a single-state approach with an industrial policy oriented toward development to a multistate focus approach with a geoeconomic strategy oriented toward security. It also highlights the integration of business interests into the national strategic agenda as a critical criterion. Second, the study examines investment in Japan by Elpida Memory, Kioxia, and Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company. Based on Japan as a case study, the findings show a shift to technonationalism, as the government responds to changes in international political conditions, rather than to domestic demands for supporting a specific segment of the semiconductor industry.

공세적 수정주의적 행태가 핵확산 과정에 끼치는 영향

In this research, the desire to overthrow the status quo is assumed to be a potentially primary driving force behind nuclear development. This assumption is verified by theoretical considerations and case studies. Based on existing IR theories the concepts of revisionism and the status quo are discussed. Following that, an alternate definition of revisionism, ‘offensive revisionism,' is introduced. Through the cases of DPRK, Indonesia, and South Africa, whose offensive revisionist behavior was prominent among other nuclear proliferation countries, the process by which revisionist countries gave up nuclear weapons is explained based on the balance of interests and power. In the cases of South Africa and Indonesia, the external environment deteriorated due to aggressive revisionist behavior in the process of nuclear proliferation contributed to the failure of external balancing, ultimately resulting in nuclear rollback. DPRK was, on the other hand, able to maintain external balance by strengthening its strategic position in the process of hegemonic competition between China and Russia against the US.

Hegemony, Hegemon, and the Global Hegemonic Order: The Dynamics of US-China Hegemonic Competition

Hegemony, Hegemon, and the Global Hegemonic Order: The Dynamics of US-China Hegemonic Competition

The Catholic church and regional governance in west Africa

Abstract ‘Catholic regionalism’ in west Africa exemplifies the capacity of theological claims and theologically informed actors to influence regional governance and international affairs. It is driven by four mutually reinforcing factors: interfaith competition for policy influence and followership, shrinking domestic political space for civil society organizations (CSOs), and de-secularization/counter-secularization pressures (all of which have substantially diminished the church's erstwhile influence); as well as Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) reforms granting ‘access’ to CSOs in regional policy. Through a strategy of ‘fateful compromise’ with regional states, the church has, more than its counterparts, developed substantial capacity to influence how regional integration organizations frame and implement policy in Africa. The empirical evidence is derived from fieldwork interviews on the activities of church leaders, namely the bishops represented by the Regional Catholic Episcopal Conference of West Africa (RECOWA); the Catholic bishops’ conferences in Ghana and Nigeria, where interfaith hegemonic competition is most intense; and ECOWAS Commission bureaucrats. The article enriches the ‘new regionalism’ framework with a template to better understand the regional governance activities of Africa's faith-based actors; and contributes to the literature by introducing the concept of ‘fateful compromise’ suggesting multiple trajectories in church-state relations, contrary to the presumption of inevitable ‘elite cooptation’ of social forces as the only option for inclusive or collaborative governance in societies experiencing regression in democracy.

A ‘fateful compromise’? Transnational religious organizations and regional governance in Africa

ABSTRACT This article uses the activities of the Catholic and mainline Protestant churches in West Africa to explore how transnational theologically inspired actors are co-constructing a ‘new regionalism’ in Africa. It contends that through a strategy of ‘fateful compromise’ with states, rather than co-optation, mainline churches have evolved well-developed institutional platforms and coordination mechanisms capable of ‘re-scaling’ the governance of transboundary ‘peace–democracy–development nexus’ issues to the regional level. The empirical evidence is derived from the activities of the Regional Catholic Episcopal Conference of West Africa (RECOWA) and the Fellowship of Christian Councils and Churches in West Africa (FECCCIWA). Pivoting to regional spaces is a strategic response to inter-religious hegemonic competition, especially with Pentecostalism and revivalist Islam; shrinking domestic space for civil society organizations (CSOs); and de-secularization that diminished the historic churches’ erstwhile political influence in national policy. Furthermore, limited access to regional policy process granted to selected CSOs, particularly in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), turned regional spaces into complementary or alternative sites of citizenship. The West African experience enriches the ‘new regionalism’ scholarship by introducing the concept of ‘fateful compromise’, which suggests multiple trajectories in church–state relations rather than presumption of ‘elite co-optation’ as the only option for inclusive or collaborative governance in regressive democracies in Africa.

The Political Economy of Indonesia’s Development Strategy under China-USA Power Rivalry and Hegemonic Competition: A Middle Power with Its Hedging Strategy

In the new century, a growing power rivalry and contest between China and USA has significantly impacted the Asia-Pacific region. In turn, Indonesia has tried to avoid being caught in the middle between these two great powers. Among unanswered questions are how to respond to influences affecting politics and security and how to interact concerning economic cooperation and market integration. This article will explore how Indonesia tried to protect its own national interests amid this great-power competition by making strategic and timely policy choices from 2016 to 2022. We offer a new argument and interpretation for how a middle-sized power like Indonesia can flexibly and efficiently operate a hedging strategy toward US and China to promote its own security and development. Neoclassic realism will be applied to interpret a strategic triangle. As such, we explore Indonesia’s state leadership, domestic politics, political culture, and economic entity within the context of US-China power rivalry, closely in related to facing China’s Belt-and-Road initiative (BRI) as well as US’s Indo-Pacific Strategy with Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF).

The Political Economy of the Philippines and Its Development Strategy under China-USA Power Rivalry and Hegemonic Competition: Hedge with Balance

The competition between the United States and China has intensified since the Trump administration, and the two sides have clashed in the areas such as the economy, military, politics, technology, and human rights. This conflict presents countries in the Indo-Pacific region with the challenge of navigating foreign policy with these two hegemonic powers. The Philippines is one such country facing the challenge of maintaining a balanced relationship with the two countries as a major concern for a strategic triangle. The incumbent Philippine president must calculate the benefits and risks before formulating policies. Facing such a dilemma, former President Aquino chose to file a lawsuit with the International Arbitration Court and strengthen cooperation with the United States to defend the sovereignty of the Philippines in the SCS, whereas former President Duterte chose to shelve the sovereignty of the SCS and to cooperate with China under the framework of the BRI. However, President Duterte quickly changed his anti-United States stance in the climate of the ongoing conflict between the Philippines and China over islands and reefs in the SCS and then cooperated with the United States to reinstate the military cooperation agreement that he had suspended. Current President Marcos Jr. has adopted a more subtle approach. He declared that he would maintain economic cooperation with China and, at the same time, would strengthen bilateral cooperation with the United States, thereby attempting to maintain a balanced relationship with the two countries. In sum, the Philippines has adopted a dynamic balancing strategy to defend its national interests in the face of the strategic competition between the United States and China in the Indo-Pacific region.

The Political Economy of Vietnam and Its Development Strategy under China–USA Power Rivalry and Hegemonic Competition: Hedging for Survival

The US–China confrontation has been undertaking a great change ever since the end of the Cold War. The two superpowers are embarking in a comprehensive confrontation in various spheres: trade, investment, technology, security, ideology, and so on. In order to avoid being a political pawn in the game of great powers, Vietnam consistently conducts the policy of non-taking side and hedging strategy between China and the US, economically and politically. This strategy is a successful integrated combination of bandwagoning and balancing policies comprehensively. It has so far helped Vietnam to take advantages of its geo-politics for better economic development and at the same time to reduce negative influences and pressures from both powers on its national autonomy and independence.

The Political Economy of India and Its Strategic Choice under USA–China Power Rivalry and Hegemonic Competition: A Defensive Hedging Policy

This paper explores hedging in a theoretical thinking and applies it to the foreign policy of India in an era of growing USA–China power rivalry. In this regard, hedging is defined as insurance seeking strategy under situations with high uncertainty, where rational actors (both middle and small states) will try to avoid taking sides and to pursue room for autonomy in decision-making. While Washington and Beijing dislike middle and small countries’ hedging, they both overlook that it is the uncertainties stemming from their own behaviors that push middle and small states to hedge. As uncertainties deepen, most countries in Indo-Pacific region will prefer to use hedging policies to reduce their possible losses. For India, unless USA–China rivalry escalates into a direct military conflict, or unless Washington retreats its commitment to regional security in Indo-Pacific, then India will stop hedging and moving to bandwagoning with China; or if Beijing’s actions directly undermine India’s vital interests in security, then India’s hedging will be replaced by balancing against China. In short, hedging is a passive response, not an active choice; India’s hedging strategy is very likely to persist on making ambiguities in the USA–China–India strategic triangle and entanglement.

Digital currencies and great power rivalry: China as a disseminator in the digital age

ABSTRACT The United States reign as global hegemon has been empowered by massive structural power over key international economic, technological and ideological networks. As chief disseminator during the era of emerging computer technology and communications, the U.S. became a rules-maker, empowered to shape international governance in its favour. However, a new era of digitalized assets, transactions and networks will provide an opportunity for Central Bank Digital Currencies (‘CBDCs’) to constitute the technological-financial-business bones of the developing digitalized global economy. CBDCs will exert massive influence on the international economic, technological and ideological orders. Moreover, all of these impacts are inextricably connected to the hegemonic rivalry between the United States and China. Astutely, China has been developing the digital Yuan and is the first major economy to distribute a CBDC. If China's CBDC successfully migrates to external usage, and depending upon the degree of crucial Chinese domestic reforms, the digital Yuan may offer an opportunity for China to be a disseminator in the digital age. Chinese influence over global networks and governance frameworks would vest China with advantageous structural power in the economic, technological and ideological spheres – the fulcrums of the U.S.-China hegemonic rivalry.

The Weaponization of Human Rights in US-China Trade Policy: Impacts and Risks

The hegemonic rivalry between the United States and China has generated tectonic geoeconomic shifts with massive implications for global trade. Global trade, inextricably linked with national prosperity, international politics and global governance, is increasingly driven less by economic realities and more by great power rivalry. Demonstrating both the dynamic nature of US-China trade tensions and the impact of and international political relations, are allegations of Chinese human rights violations being injected by the US as part of trade policy. Invoking human rights in the trade context has already caused multi-dimensional complexities impacting businesses; supply-chains; coalition building; and spurring counter measures. Linking human rights to trade policies might also lead to increasing economic nationalism, regionalism, protectionism, and further counter-measures. Significantly, given economic and trade realism, whether the current Western concern over human rights is sustainable longer-term is an open question. Accordingly, weaponizing human rights in trade relations constitutes an omnipresent risk not only to China, but also to the US since economic practicalities and trade pragmatism could potentially precipitate a more Chinacentric international trade governance. Regardless of the outcome, connecting trade to human rights will likely lead to a re-shaping of the existing trade architecture. global trade, hegemonic rivalry, human rights, national security