Hegemonic Process Research Articles

Dialogical Masculinities: Diverse Youth Resisting Dominant Masculinity

The meaning of the construct “masculinity” differs culturally and changes over time. Although cultural constructions of the phenomenon change, at any given time hegemonic pressures promote participants’ compliance to masculinity norms. This hegemonic process often results in the underlying assumptions that masculinity is an essentialized unitary phenomenon and that conforming to cultural requisites is adaptive and healthy. In the field of psychology, past research investigating resistance to this hegemony and diverse constructions of masculinities categorized resistance as pathological and problematic. More recently, researchers have turned their attention to ways in which conforming to dominant hegemonic masculinity norms can be problematic and maladaptive, allowing for an understanding of the adaptive qualities that come with resisting and negotiating with hegemony. Specifically, there has been an interest in understanding diverse discourse constructions as sources of resistance to hegemonic masculinity. This project was focused on understanding the ways in which hegemonic-resistant masculinities were constructed with a group of young men who work on a youth team to prevent domestic violence. Using the constructivist framework of the dialogical self, we gleaned four distinct I-positions of masculinity that help to support a fluid and diverse process of negotiating a hegemonic-resistant and adaptive form of masculinity.

Privatization as a Hegemonic Process in Turkey

This paper explores the privatization of state owned enterprises in Turkey as a function of an alliance of diverse social forces composed of market-oriented capital groups, mainstream media, national bureaucracies, and government officials. It highlights that these actors emerged in the post-1980 period because of dramatic transformations in Turkish society and the economy initiated by the process of neo-liberal globalization. The unification of diverse identities and interests around the strategy of further integrating with the global economy were crucial in the recent acceleration of the privatization process in Turkey. The paper also shows that market-oriented social forces sidelined resistant groups through a discourse that emphasized that privatization would bring material and other benefits to all and that the alternatives were worse. Such a communicative process played a crucial role in generating consent/hegemony for privatization in the 2000s.

Culture and postcolonial resistance: Antigua in Kincaid’s A Small Place

This paper uses postcolonial theory to analyze Jamaica Kincaid’s quasi-autobiographical book, A Small Place. Kincaid’s critique of tourism in Antigua reverses traditional travel writing trends in which First World perceptions of the Third World dominate. She discursively dismantles the imaginative geographies of empire that cement binary oppositions, such as tourist/native and black/white. She collapses these binaries to illustrate the intricate ways in which the global neocolonial ethos created by economic dependencies manifest. Arguing that tourism is implicated in this hegemonic process, she utilizes the metaphor of a guided tour to redirect the imperial gaze. Kincaid argues that legacies of colonial oppression can change once tourist and host value the same things in the shared space of the contact zone.

The Bologna Process as a hegemonic tool of Normative Power Europe (NPE): the case of Chilean and Mexican higher education

The scenario of Latin America in the higher education area, especially in Chile and Mexico, appears to be significantly affected by some European influences. We can see this by examining the implementation of two ‘hegemonic tools’: the Bologna Process and the Tuning Project. This paper argues that if we analyse the European influences as a normative power (NPE) on the construction of a common space in higher education in Chile and Mexico, the hegemonic process may, perhaps, prove to be focused on an ‘alternative imperialism’, based on Eurocentric discourse, which could also be called a ‘post‐colonialist’ strategy. This article will seek to show that European influences, exercised by the EU operating as a normative power, are only the ‘tip of the iceberg’ of the hegemonic process. The paper is divided into five parts: following the introduction, a general overview of the Bologna Process opens the discussion of questions of American or European hegemony. After that, I analyse NPE and the ‘ontological quality’ of the EU as a hegemonic power. The empirical cases of European influences, on Chilean and Mexican HE, are analysed in detail in order to show the most significant impacts on their public and university policies. Finally, I offer a view of the Bologna Process as a ‘European hegemonic instrument’ of NPE.

The Making of a Hemispheric Intellectual-Statesman: Leo S. Rowe in Argentina (1906–1919)

Leo S. Rowe, before becoming director of the Pan-American Union, came to Argentina to gather information, connect with local intellectuals, and disseminate the basic ideas of an emerging inter-American system of cultural and intellectual cooperation that would be the backbone of Pan-Americanism. This paper deals with the interaction and communication between the Hemispheric Intellectual-Statesman and its local counterparts, focusing on the dynamic of the imperial hegemonic process. Argentine intellectuals failed to accept Rowe’s progressive ideas about modern corporations, government by public opinion, and social reform. But they were quite ready to entertain ideas of inter-American cooperation with the powerful Northern Neighbor, vindicating at the same time their affinity with and belonging to “European culture.”

The Scientific and Hygienic Housewife-and-Mother: Education, Consumption and the Discourse of Domesticity

This article examines the development of a discourse on modern domesticity in colonial Burma that not only emphasized the role of a woman in safeguarding the health and welfare of her family and nation, but also associated housewifery and motherhood with “domestic science,” medicine, and hygienic behavior. The article shows that two cultural and didactic institutions, one formal and the other informal, served to disseminate this discourse on modern domesticity: “secular” government-funded co-educational schools and the popular press. It reveals that the emergence of the ideal of the scientific and hygienic housewife-and-mother was not simply an effect of a unilateral and hegemonic process of imperialism. Rather, it is best understood as a phenomenon informed simultaneously and conjointly by “Western” and cosmopolitan notions of scientific progress, bodily discipline and hygiene, bourgeois femininity, and health technologies, and the rise of consumer culture, aided by the spread of illustrated printed material, especially advertisements.

MUSICAL MODERNITY AND CONTESTED COMMEMORATION AT THE FESTIVAL OF REMEMBRANCE, 1923–1927

ABSTRACTThis article makes the case for incorporating music into the history of war commemoration in 1920s Britain by examining John Foulds's A World Requiem, performed at the British Legion's first Festivals of Remembrance at the Royal Albert Hall between 1923 and 1926. A simultaneously modernist and spiritual work, Foulds's Requiem challenges Jay Winter's conclusion that modernism was unconcerned with public grief. The controversy which the Requiem caused also reveals the contested nature of public memory, particularly where music and religion were concerned. The Requiem's axing in 1927 points to a hegemonic process which, although it had yet fully to take shape, found no room on Armistice Night for Foulds's progressive ideals.

Not so revolutionary after all: the role of reinforcing frames in US magazine discourse about microcomputers

This study investigates the role of media discourse in the hegemonic process by which the microcomputer became a common and trusted appliance in the USA during the early years of the technology's adoption: the 1980s to 1990s. A critical discourse analysis combined with framing analysis of four cases from consumer magazines — two advertisements and two editorial feature stories — reveals that a device heralded as 'revolutionary' was presented in fact using rhetoric that incorporated and legitimized traditional values, roles and practices such as capitalism. Any frames that potentially challenged existing social structures and power relationships were secondary and 'super-framed' by the reinforcing frames.

A Reprodutibilidade Digital da Folkcomunicação: A Construção de Novas Linguagens ou o Fim do Popular

Com a ampliação das formas e dos conteúdos de comunicação nas novas mídias, os grupos marginalizados dos processos hegemônicos vislumbraram possibilidades de posicionamento e divulgação de seus processos. Muitas manifestações populares – antigas ou recente – se reestruturam para se adequar às novas linguagens.

Gramsci y el proceso hegemónico educativo

El presente ensayo es una aproximación hermenéutica a uno de los núcleos centrales del pensamiento de Antonio Gramsci: la construcción del proceso hegemónico educativo y se destacan la actualidad y vigencia de su pensamiento. Para realizar esta tarea de analizar sus aportaciones, en un primer momento se hace una exploración de la interrelación del concepto de sociedad civil y su interacción dialéctica con el Estado (sociedad política). En un segundo momento se exploran las complejas, poderosas y sutiles formas que asume la hegemonía política y cultural promovida por la clase dirigente, desde el Estado, para consolidar un consenso ideológico en torno a su proyecto hegemónico. En un tercer momento, se exploran algunas dimensiones relativas a la participación directa del Estado en la educación, desde la perspectiva de los procesos que explican la vinculación histórica de lo político y lo educativo. Para comprender este proceso, se retoma el planteamiento gramsciano relativo a la hegemonía que se instaura en la sociedad civil en el marco de la construcción de una unidad social-cultural, analizando el concepto de intelectual orgánico y su papel en la configuración de la hegemonía social. La cuarta parte comprende un análisis de la vinculación histórica Estado-educación, desde la óptica de la articulación orgánica entre la base estructural y la superestructura ideológica, y, por ende, de la construcción de un sistema ideológico. Finalmente, se realiza una aproximación a la visión gramsciana de la vinculación educación-hegemonía, se destaca su significación y su vigencia para el análisis del papel de la política educativa como proceso hegemónico en la sociedad civil.

Aspects of the insertion of Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus into televised media: technologies of discourse serving hegemonic practice

This article analyses some aspects of the insertion of Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God) into the media. It started with the television program Pare de Sofrer, broadcast daily by Rede Record.My presupposition is that this new preaching space helps to marketize the discourse due to its intersemiotic aspect. The interface between some conceptions of critical discourse analysis and marketing theories may explain some aspects of discourse technologies used to intensify institutional ideologies and guarantee a consistent argumentation capable of helping unleash a persuasive and hegemonic process for the religious institution.

NEO‐LIBERALISM, CULTURE AND POLICY

This article looks at the hegemonic process of neo‐liberal globalisation and its implications for culture in general and cultural policy in particular from a critical perspective. A consideration of its ideological features is a necessary supplement to the economic analysis of neo‐liberal globalisation. Ideology mediates economics and culture. As it is used here, the concept of “ideology” refers to how dominant power relations and inequalities are legitimised by distorted representations of reality at various levels. While these include abstract theory and professional expertise, it is argued that everyday language and “common sense” exemplify the operations of ideology most profoundly in securing consent to prevailing and otherwise questionable arrangements. Culture is now saturated with a market‐oriented mentality that closes out alternative ways of thinking and imagining. The general argument is illustrated with several examples drawn from across the range of lived experience and institutionalised structures, especially in the arts and broadcasting. The logic of the annual European Capital of Culture competition is also discussed with reference to the neo‐liberal framework for urban regeneration. Specifically, the experience of Glasgow 1990 and the plans for Liverpool 2008 are addressed in this regard.

Buying Time to Start Spanish-Language Radio in San Antonio: Manuel Davila and the Beginning of Tejano Programming

This article reveals how Spanish-language radio started in San Antonio, Texas—as blocks of time bought by Hispanics interested in providing music to San Antonio's Spanish-speaking residents. In particular, this study recognizes the contributions of San Antonio radio pioneer Manuel Davila and his role in starting Spanish-language radio and the Tejano format, drawing from a combination of on-site observation at Davila's station, personal interviews, and the collection of historical data. The article also lays a foundation for critically analyzing the political economy and hegemonic process of maintenance of economic and cultural power possible in the early days of radio broadcasting to compare it to the current corporately dominated marketplace.

'Adorned with the Mix of Faith and Profanity that Intoxicates the People': The Festival of the Senhor do Bonfim in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, 1930-19541

This essay looks at a formative period in the history of the festival of the Senhor do Bonfim, one of Salvador's most important religious festivals. The essay focuses on the public ritual washing of the Church of Bonfim and the tensions between the Catholic Church, who periodically banned the washing from the larger festival, and a variety of historical actors including politicians, journalists, authors and working-class Salvadorans whose efforts eventually contributed to the lifting of the prohibition once and for all in 1953. The author suggests that the defence of the washing both reflected and contributed to a larger hegemonic process taking place in Salvador after 1930, as actors within Salvador's dominant class accepted and even praised Afro-Bahian cultural practices, including them as integral parts of a larger Bahian identity.

“There Is an Istanbul That Belongs to Me”: Citizenship, Space, and Identity in the City

The citizenship ideal of the Turkish republic has taken shape through the logics of alterity, defined by and through both a paradoxical understanding of Turkishness and the rise of Kurdish identity politics. Citizenship in Turkey represents an uneasy marriage between ethnic and civic conceptions of national identity and belonging. This article develops an analysis of citizenship and everyday spatial practice in Istanbul through the narratives produced in focus group discussions with Kurdish-identified, migrant women. Their stories explore how citizenship, as a hegemonic process that assembles identities, fixes power relations, and disciplines space, is encountered and contested through the spatial practices of everyday life, through what Michel de Certeau calls the tactics of “making do.” Viewing dominant discourses and practices of citizenship as techniques of spatial organization (“strategies,” in de Certeau's terms), this study focuses on how participants narrate their own spatial stories of resistance to and appropriation of dominant codings of “the citizen” and “the stranger” in the Turkish context. This analysis brings to the fore the ways in which focus group participants encounter discourses and practices that position them as strangers and citizens, their use of tactics of anonymity and strategies of identity as they traverse city spaces, and the moments in which they situate themselves as political subjects in schools, neighborhoods, and workplaces in Istanbul, through the spatial enactment of the strategies of citizenship and the tactics of everyday life.

Liberation

France in The London Review ofBooks come at this issue in wonderful ways, catching the (for me) near impossibility of finding an adequate theoretical basis for my belief, for example, that it is perfectly all right, indeed neces­ sary in the interests of inclusiveness, oftoleration (there is condescension in that word, but I still take comfort in E.M. Forster’ s observation that while it may not be much, it may keep a splintered world functioning) to allow the headscarf (kirpan, yarmulka, cross, turban; choose your own religious object) in the secular space of the state educational institution. Where/who is the individual in this conflict? In the young girl who by wearing the scarfis indivisible from her religious group but divided from the secular institution? Anderson doesn’t write specifically of this conflict, rather of the delusion in attempting the sophistical enterprise of constructing an elegiac national narrative “in which the divisions and discords of French society would melt away in the fond rituals of postmodern remembrance’’ (10). But they won’t melt away; “If singular agents will not associate freely to shape or alter their condition, what is the pneuma that can unexpectedly transform them, from one day to the next, into a collective force capable of shaking society to its roots?” (15). “Individuals are, essentiallypowerless,”Hal Niedziecki asserts in the recent HelloI’ m Special: HowIndividualityBecame theNew Conformity. “Only com­ munities can truly effect change in society.” But that begs the question that Anderson asks. Of course, one can take some comfort from the man who changed his name to They, reminding us that “the sum of all of us is greater than the individual.”Yet in a world where non-conformity is a mass marketed commodity, where everyone wearing the same Gap Jeans is expressing her individuality, the word may have returned ironically to its point of origin as undifferentiated and indivisible. One can only hope not. Or then again ... Judith Scherer Herz Concordia University Liberation It would be difficult to think of a more “key” word in late twentieth-cen­ tury culture than Liberation. In a discussion of any group’ s freedom to do something the “L” word was usually lurking behind. Yet when Keywords was published in 1976, the word was not there. It is difficult to see what other entry in Williams might have served its purpose but the possibilities seem to be Imperialism or Revolution. The former is a brief look at English Retro Keywords | 37 Terry Goldie is author of Fear and Temptation: the Image ofthe Indigene in Canadian, Australian and New Zealand Literatures (McGillQueen ’s, 1989) and Pink Snow: Homotextual Possibilities in Canadian Fiction (Broadview 2003). He is editor of In a Queer Country: Gay and Lesbian Studies in the Canadian Context (Arsenal Pulp 2001) and co-editor, with Daniel David Moses, ofAw Anthology of Canadian Native Literature in English (Oxford 2005) At present he is writing a book tentatively titled Lifewright: A Lheoretical Sexual Autobiography. colonialism. In contrast, Revolution is four and a half closely argued pages, from the fourteenth century to the present. Williams first demonstrates the circular meaning of early uses of revolution and thus how the political use is based on Fortune’s wheel. While Imperialism suggests the hegemonic process that necessitates liberation, Revolution conceptualizes how it might be brought about. In the 1983 edition, liberation is first specifically English, linked to church disestablishment, but by the bottom of the page Williams men­ tions its use by “the women’ s movement” in the 1960s “by association with the political movements from 1940” (182). Williams’ s attention to history is of particular interest here: The common earlier word had been emancipation, in English from C17, at first following the sense from emancipo, L, which in Roman law meant to release (usually a child but sometimes a wife) from the patria potestas, the legal powers of the pater familias; the person thus emancipated could act sui juris—in his/her own right. (182) Williams suggests liberation became the choice because of assumptions of “self-determination.” In other words, it was no longer a release from a natural law that normally should be obeyed but rather an opportunity to be...

A touch of class

This paper describes how political discourse, as manifested in the policy statements of two Flemish political parties which assign to themselves the epithet ‘social’, contributes to the erasion of group-based or class- related forms of social inequality. A brief comparison with the academic defense of ‘Third Way’ politics (in the work of Anthony Giddens) leads to the suggestion that we are witnessing a hegemonic process.

国民国家の解体とエスニシティ

Since the end of 19th century, it was politically imperative for Ethiopia to build a modern state with a unified nation. However, after three decades of civil war, Ethiopia was transformed into a “federation of ethnic groups” in an attempt to establish a democratic political framework.Ethnicity in Africa is often understood as something essentially related to the autonomy of peoples and their cultures. Ironically, the new order in Ethiopia gave rise to “politicized ethnicity” as all the ethnic groups (or the “nations, nationalities and peoples” according to the official term) must be recognized by and work with the ruling party.This paper tries to explain the ambiguous relationship between the state system and ethnicity in contemporary Ethiopia through a study of the history of Silte people. Traditionally, the Silte are a Muslim people sharing perceived genealogical ties. They are the descendants of a Muslim leader who participated in the historic military expedition against Christian Abyssinia in the 16th century. However, after the political and economic incorporation of the Silte into the modern Ethiopian state in the late 19th century, they have emerged as part of the Gurage people, who were recognized as the most industrious “ethnic group” among the Ethiopian nationals. Finally, under the federal state system, the ruling party recognized the Silte as a “nationality” totally distinct from the Gurage.The Gurage were often seen as an ethnic group with strong solidarity, but their emergence was closely related to the state ideology of the 20th century Ethiopia. In other words, the Gurage were “created” as the bearer of the national economy of modern Ethiopia. On the other hand, the formation of contemporary Silte identity was not totally dictated by the state authority. Rather, it was a sort of hegemonic process in which the state ideology interplays with people's activities, resulting in the formation of a new “nationality”.

Biomedicine and Alternative Healing Systems in America: Issues of Class, Race, Ethnicity, and Gender

A fascinating history could be written about the pursuit of “alternative,” so-called holistic healing in America over the last third of the twentieth century. Interpretatively, it might echo those historians of the British working class who have perceived the take-up of “physical puritanism” among radicals after the defeat of Chartism as an individualistic means to retaining political face. Possibly, for the WASPish survivors of the 1960s and 1970s counterculture, patronage of alternative medicine has provided something similar—the disposal of surplus income on non-establishment healers, granting the survivors a sense of continued faith with social and political values and aspirations marginalized in the 1980s and 1990s. The medical sociologist Hans A. Baer offers some evidence to support such a view, but the real strength of his study lies in revealing its limits. Different types of alternative medicine, he shows, have come to appeal to different, if often fragmented, groupings for a wide variety of social, occupational, religious, ethnic, and gendered reasons. Moreover, the respective constituencies for practices such as chiropractic, naturopathy, acupuncture, and faith healing have changed over time in relation to the degree to which their spokespersons and institutions have sought either to distance or accommodate themselves to biomedicine. Above all, Baer is concerned with assessing the alternativeness of these healing “systems” in relation to biomedicine, rather than with how historical sense might be made of them individually or collectively. Cast within a familiar 1970s critique of orthodox medicine's professional monopoly (perceived as a product of person-reductive, state-supported corporate capitalism), Biomedicine and Alternative Healing Systems in America posits essentially a hierarchy of impurity and tensions: from the most to the least biomedically polluted healing practices. Within this schema, professionalization and its rhetoric is seen as a co-opting (even “ideological”) force in itself—“a subtle but highly effective hegemonic process by which alternative practitioners internalize some … of the philosophical premises, therapeutic approaches, and organizational structures of biomedicine.” Thus osteopathy, organized as a medical system parallel to biomedicine and supported by social elites, stands at the head of this morally inverted hierarchy. Nearer the bottom are domesticated versions of African, Haitian, and other types of folk healing, many of them barely institutionalized or professionalized and often providing cultural identity and pride to poor non-WASP communities (although, as Baer insists, few of those practices are entirely free from biomedical capitalist influence, acquired wittingly or unwittingly). Predictably, Baer concludes with a plea for “an authentically holistic and pluralistic medical system” that would offer health to all, transcend the evils of capitalism, and align with democratic eco-socialism.

The Arts Of Deception: Verbal Performances By The Ra¯ute Of Nepal

A small population of Tibeto‐Burman‐speaking hunter‐gatherers, the Ra¯ute avoid intercultural communication with surrounding Nepa¯li‐speaking agriculturalists except during barter sessions. During these intercultural interactions, Ra¯ute often charm their trading partners with Nepa¯li verbal art, including recitation of rhymes, songs, and blessings. In this article I suggest that Ra¯ute perform verbal art in order to draw attention away from their radically different lifestyle and as a way of resisting the hegemonic process of Hinduization. The article details Ra¯ute oral performance as a strategy of verbal indirection, focusing on the context and framing of rhyming proverbs as a means of camouflaging Ra¯ute people’s actual cultural practices. ba¯darko sa¯pet.o Ra¯uteko dha¯mi la¯i, kheti cha¯ina pa¯ti cha¯ina, ke kha¯nu ha¯mi la¯i? ‘The monkey’s thigh is the shaman’s meat,Having no farmland, what shall we eat?’Gogane Ra¯ute